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A longitudinal investigation of peer sexual harassment victimization in adolescence
Journal of Adolescence
Abstract
The current study describes longitudinal trends in sexual harassment by adolescent peers and highlights gender, pubertal status, attractiveness, and power as predictors of harassment victimization. At the end of 5th, 7th, and 9th grades, 242 adolescents completed questionnaires about sexual harassment victimization, pubertal status, and perceived power. Results indicate an increase in sexual harassment from 5th to 9th grade, with boys more likely to report harassment than girls in each grade. An analysis of harassment type indicated no gender difference in 9th grade cross-gender harassment, but boys received more same-gender harassment than girls. Pubertal status predicted concurrent sexual harassment victimization in each grade. Boys and girls with advanced pubertal status at all grades were more likely to be victims of 9th grade same-gender harassment. Adolescents with greater power at all grades were more likely to be victims of 9th grade cross-gender sexual harassment.
... These developmental changes entail many potential benefits for early adolescents' development and well-being (e.g., friendship, love, sexual exploration, and body pride), but also potential challenges. For example, peer sexual harassment, that is, unwanted sexual attention from peers, becomes more frequent (Bolduc et al., 2023;Petersen & Hyde, 2009) and more accepted in the peer group (Horn & Poteat, 2023) with the progression of early adolescence, with approximately 50% of mid-adolescents report having been subjected to it during the last year (Hill & Kearl, 2011). Experiencing peer sexual harassment is linked to an increase of emotional problems, especially among girls (Li & Craig, 2020;Skoog & Kapetanovic, 2023). ...
... Also, during times of more exposure to peer sexual harassment than usual, early adolescents may potentially also receive sexual attention that is wanted (i.e., not peer sexual harassment) that may further boost their confidence. Previous research, although not investigating within-person effects specifically, has found that being exposed to peer sexual harassment may be related to higher self-perceived attractiveness (Cunningham et al., 2010), higher self-esteem (Apell et al., 2019), and higher self-perceived power in the peer group (Petersen & Hyde, 2009). In addition, Koval et al. (2019), who did examine within-person effects, found that among adult women higher self-objectification was linked not only to negative emotions but also to positive emotions within individuals over time. ...
... It is possible that the adverse within-person effects of peer sexual harassment as proposed by the model (i.e., lower appearance esteem and more emotional problems) have not yet have been established in this young sample of early adolescents. Although sexual objectification, at least of girls, begins already in childhood (Brown et al., 2020), exposure to peer sexual harassment increases consistently between the ages 10-16 years (Petersen & Hyde, 2009). The participants in this study (ages 10-12 years) are merely in the beginning of the dramatic physical, social, and emotional changes associated with early adolescence (e.g., having their first experiences of peer sexual harassment) so the accumulated experiences of sexual objectification, as suggested by Objectification theory (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997) may not have fully appeared yet. ...
This study used a longitudinal sample of early adolescent boys and girls (ages 10–12; N = 1113) to test a theoretically and empirically informed model suggesting that exposure to peer sexual harassment (age 10) predicts more emotional problems (age 12), and that lower appearance esteem (age 11) mediates this relation. On the within‐person level, which is the level on which the processes theoretically should play out, we found no support for the proposed mediation model for boys or for girls. Unexpectedly, we found that following times of more exposure to peer sexual harassment than usual, early adolescents instead experienced higher appearance esteem and fewer emotional problems than usual. More research is needed to replicate and understand these unexpected findings.
... The remaining studies were conducted in Canada (n = 3), Israel (n = 1), Finland (n = 4), Sweden (n = 3), and Taiwan (n = 1). Five studies were longitudinal (Dahlqvist et al., 2016;Goldstein et al., 2007;Petersen & Hyde, 2009;Schnoll et al., 2015;Tillyer et al., 2010), and examined whether correlates measured earlier predict later SH. The remaining studies (n = 15) used cross-sectional designs. ...
... Four articles also conceptualized SH as a multifaceted construct, and presented results separately according to the following subtypes: sexual coercion, name calling, and gendered harassment (Kaltiala-Heino et al., 2016a. Two other articles also divided their result based on if the SH was same-gender or cross-gender victimization (Petersen & Hyde, 2009;Schnoll et al., 2015). ...
... In terms of the measures used, one study employed a single item (i.e., whether the respondent received unwelcome sexual remarks from someone during the current school year while at school; Tillyer et al., 2010), while the remainder measured SH using between two and 14 items. Twelve studies (from nine samples) measured SH experienced from any perpetrator (Clear et al., 2014;Fineran & Bennett, 1999;Fineran & Bolen, 2006;Goldstein et al., 2007;Kaltiala-Heino et al., 2016aMitchell et al., 2014;Skoog & Bayram Özdemir, 2016aTillyer et al., 2010), while eight measured SH from at least one peer in the school setting (Attar-Schwartz, 2009;Buchanan & McDougall, 2017;Cunningham et al., 2010;Dahlqvist et al., 2016;Petersen & Hyde, 2009;Schnoll et al., 2015;Wei & Chen, 2012;Williams et al., 2009). One study used the term "sexual bullying" which specifically focused on peer-perpetrated SH (Cunningham et al., 2010). ...
Sexual harassment (SH) is an important public health problem among adolescents and is associated with negative outcomes. Using a theory‐based, developmentally‐informed approach, this scoping review focuses on SH victimization among adolescents (number of studies included = 20) and aims to (1) examine how the extant literature on correlates of SH defined and measured SH, and (2) identify correlates associated with SH victimization among adolescents, focusing particularly on differences between boys and girls. For the first objective, results showed variations in the definition of SH used, with very few studies employing validated measures of SH. For the second objective, the most frequently examined and supported correlates were those stemming from transactional models. Important gender differences in correlates emerged between boys and girls. Among girls' previous victimization experiences emerged as the most consistent correlates of SH, while among boys, adherence to gender role norms and beliefs and higher perception of personal power were most consistently associated with higher SH victimization. Prevention of SH needs to include youth, teachers, and parents as the results show the influence of all these social contexts in SH victimization. These prevention efforts should target groups at higher risk of SH, such as sexual and gender minority youth.
... Although there are some exceptions (e.g. [26]), these and similar studies of adolescents generally find higher rates of victimization among girls and of perpetration among boys. Victimization and, some studies also find, perpetration, are also higher among young people whose sexual orientation is not heterosexual and who are not cis-gender [15,[27][28][29]. ...
... Victimization and, some studies also find, perpetration, are also higher among young people whose sexual orientation is not heterosexual and who are not cis-gender [15,[27][28][29]. Rates also vary by age/grade, most studies finding highest levels around 9 th grade (age [14][15] [17,26,30]. There is also evidence of an association between sexual harassment victimization and perpetration in adolescence [23,31]. ...
... A previous study of adolescents which also did not find higher rates of victimization among girls actually found higher rates among boys, in particular that boys received more same-gender harassment than girls, with no difference in cross-gender harassment; we did not ask whether harassment was same or cross-gender. The authors of that study highlight the importance of not ignoring young men or assuming sexual harassment is solely a women's problem [26]. Our results in respect of gender differences in perpetration were as expected, with markedly higher rates among boys in respect of all 17 behaviors. ...
Background
Adolescence is characterized by identity formation, exploration and initiation of intimate relationships. Much of this occurs at school, making schools key sites of sexual harassment. Schools often lack awareness and understanding of the issue, and UK research on the topic is scarce. We explored prevalence and perceptions of sexual harassment in a school-based mixed-methods study of 13–17 year-old Scottish adolescents.
Methods
A student survey (N = 638) assessed past 3-months school-based victimization and perpetration prevalence via 17 behavioral items based on the most commonly used school-based sexual harassment measure (‘Hostile Hallways’). Eighteen focus groups (N = 119 students) explored which of 10 behaviors were perceived as harassing/unacceptable and why.
Results
Two-thirds reported any victimization: 64.7% ‘visual/verbal’ (e.g. sexual jokes) and 34.3% ‘contact/personally-invasive’ behaviors (e.g. sexual touching; most of whom also reported experiencing visual/verbal types) in the past 3-months. Data suggested a gateway effect, such that contact/personally-invasive behaviors are more likely to be reported by those also reporting more common visual/verbal behaviors. Some survey participants reported being unsure about whether they had experienced certain behaviors; and in focus groups, participants expressed uncertainty regarding the acceptability of most behaviors. Ambiguities centered on behavioral context and enactment including: degree of pressure, persistence and physicality; degree of familiarity between the instigator-recipient; and perception of the instigator’s intent. In attempting to resolve ambiguities, students applied normative schemas underpinned by rights (to dignity, respect and equality) and ‘knowingness’, usually engendered by friendship.
Conclusions
Our study confirms school-based sexual harassment is common but also finds significant nuance in the ways in which students distinguish between acceptable and harassing. School-based strategies to tackle sexual harassment must engage with this complexity.
... (Received 4 November 2019; revised 2 March 2020; accepted 16 April 2020) Adolescent sexual harassment, defined broadly as "unwanted sexual attention" (McMaster, Connolly, Pepler, & Craig, 2002, p. 92), includes sexual comments, grabbing, and touching. It becomes increasingly common in early adolescence after the onset of puberty (Petersen & Hyde, 2009). Peer sexual harassment is clearly distressing (Hill & Kearl, 2011) and many researchers have studied and identified links between sexual harassment victimization and psychological health problems, including depressive symptoms and self-harm (Dahlqvist, Landstedt, Young, & Gådin, 2016;Marshall, Faaborg-Andersen, Tilton-Weaver, & Stattin, 2013;Petersen & Hyde, 2013;Skoog, Bayram Özdemir, & Stattin, 2016). ...
... Sexual harassment is a common form of peer victimization in adolescence. Half or more of adolescents in Europe and the USA report having been the target of sexual harassment (Petersen & Hyde, 2009;Vega-Gea, Ortega-Ruiz, & Sánchez, 2016;Young, Grey, & Boyd, 2009). In a nationally representative sample of adolescents in seventh to twelfth grade in the USA, 48% reported having been the victims of sexual harassment during the course of one school year, with verbal harassment being the most common form (Hill & Kearl, 2011). ...
... Therefore, the current study focused on peer sexual harassment victimization that occurs in the school context. The development period in focus was early adolescence because the prevalence of sexual harassment increases markedly with puberty (Petersen & Hyde, 2009;Skoog & Bayram Özdemir, 2016a, 2016b. In fact, sexual harassment can be seen as part of, or rather a consequence of, the bio-psychosocial contexts of early adolescence due to the developmental tasks of this period such as the formation of sexual identity, sexual orientation, and emerging romantic relationships. ...
The links between sexual harassment victimization and aspects of psychopathology are well-established in adolescent research, but whether sexual harassment victimization undermines positive aspects of psychological health and the moderating role of relational support in the link between sexual harassment victimization and psychological ill-health remains unknown. Using a cross-lagged model, we examined: (1) the bidirectional and longitudinal links between sexual harassment victimization and adolescent psychological health (emotional problems and well-being); and (2) the moderating role of relational support from parents, teachers, and peers (best friends and classmates) in the link between sexual harassment victimization and adolescent psychological health. We used two waves of self-reported data (separated by one year) from 676 Swedish adolescents (50% girls; Mage=13.85 years at point of first data collection). Controlling for the effect of gender and SES, the cross-lagged model revealed that sexual harassment predicted emotional problems positively and well-being negatively. Moreover, well-being predicted sexual harassment negatively. Relational support from classmates moderated the link in the direction from sexual harassment victimization to emotional problems. Relational support did not moderate the link to well-being. The findings provide new and important insights into the role of sexual harassment victimization in adolescent psychological adjustment and potential approaches to intervention.
... This measure has since become the most widely used instrument for assessing adolescent SH. In the 26 years since, several other prevalence studies, mostly based on samples in the U.S. (e.g., Petersen & Hyde, 2009), but also including other countries, such as Canada, Israel, Sweden, the Netherland, Finland and Brazil (Attar-Schwartz, 2009;Dahlqvist, Landstedt, Young, & Gadin, 2016;DeSouza & Ribeiro, 2005;Duffy, Wareham, & Walsh, 2004;Kaltiala-Heino, Frojd, & Marttunen, 2016;Timmerman, 2005) have emerged. Prevalence rates vary considerably across studies, ranging from about 20% in Israel, the Netherlands and Taiwan (e.g., Attar-Schwartz, 2009;Timmerman, 2005;Wei & Chen, 2012) to as high as 90% in the U.S. (e.g., Lichty & Campbell, 2012;Ormerod & Perry, 2008). ...
... However, for the majority of the studies investigating SH in adolescents, AAUW based measures were used. Five studies used middle school samples (two Canadian, McMaster, Connolly, Pepler, & Craig, 2002;Chiodo, Wolfe, Crooks, Hughes, & Jaffe, 2009;three American, Espelage, Hong, Rinehart, & Doshi, 2016;Petersen & Hyde, 2009;Ashbaughm & Cornell, 2008), and four of them (except for Petersen & Hyde, 2009) found no significant difference in overall prevalence between genders, although girls and boys were more likely to experience different specific SH behaviors. According to these four studies, middle school boys were more likely to experience the following behaviors: sexual messages or graffiti written about them; same-sex slurs; having clothing pulled off or down; being given sexual pictures and notes. ...
... However, for the majority of the studies investigating SH in adolescents, AAUW based measures were used. Five studies used middle school samples (two Canadian, McMaster, Connolly, Pepler, & Craig, 2002;Chiodo, Wolfe, Crooks, Hughes, & Jaffe, 2009;three American, Espelage, Hong, Rinehart, & Doshi, 2016;Petersen & Hyde, 2009;Ashbaughm & Cornell, 2008), and four of them (except for Petersen & Hyde, 2009) found no significant difference in overall prevalence between genders, although girls and boys were more likely to experience different specific SH behaviors. According to these four studies, middle school boys were more likely to experience the following behaviors: sexual messages or graffiti written about them; same-sex slurs; having clothing pulled off or down; being given sexual pictures and notes. ...
The aims of the current study were to provide the first Australian prevalence estimates of sexual harassment in adolescents, explore gender differences in form and frequency of harassment, and investigate demographic and weight status correlates. A total of 4098 adolescents (47.3% boys), aged 11 to 19 years from government and non-government secondary schools completed demographic questions, self-reported weight and height, and a modified Association of American University Women Sexual Harassment Survey. Overall, 42.5% of boys and 40.0% of girls reported some forms of sexual harassment in the previous school term. A significant gender difference was found in overall frequency of sexual harassment but not in prevalence. Six of the nine forms of sexual harassment were more likely and more frequently to have been experienced by boys compared to girls. In conclusion, sexual harassment is a pervasive problem in Australian high schools and needs to be acknowledged and dealt with specifically.
... Whether between adults or adolescents, sexual harassment is a gendered form of violence disproportionately perpetrated by men and boys against women and girls (Brown et al., 2020). Women and girls report higher rates of sexual harassment than men and boys and are also more likely to report sexual harassment by their opposite-gender peers (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2017; Espelage et al., 2016;Petersen & Hyde, 2009). By contrast, boys are more likely to report sexual harassment by same-gendered peers (Clear et al., 2014;Lichty & Campbell, 2012). ...
... We also found that a disproportionately high number of women and gender and sexuality-diverse people experienced sexual harassment by their peers during childhood. This is consistent with previous research that has shown peer sexual harassment during childhood was a gendered issue (Brown et al., 2020;Espelage et al., 2016;Fineran & Bolen, 2006;Petersen & Hyde, 2009). Peer sexual harassment was most commonly inflicted by male children and adolescents, particularly those known to the participant. ...
Sexual harassment inflicted by adolescents on their peers is a major public health issue, but its prevalence across childhood is not known. We provide the first nationally representative data on the prevalence of peer sexual harassment across childhood, using cross-sectional data from the Australian Child Maltreatment Study (ACMS). The ACMS surveyed 8,503 people aged 16 and over about their experiences of child maltreatment and associated health outcomes. The prevalence of peer sexual harassment was assessed using the Juvenile Victimization Questionnaire (JVQ)-R2 Adapted Version (ACMS), with survey data weighted to reflect characteristics of the Australian population. Overall, 1 in 10 (10.4% (95% Confidence Intervals (CI) [9.7, 11.3])) Australians experienced peer sexual harassment during childhood. Peer sexual harassment is an issue disproportionately affecting gender-diverse individuals (24.0%, 95% CI [15.5, 35.2]) and women (15.3%, 95% CI [14.0, 16.7%]), compared to men (5.0%, 95% CI [4.3, 5.9]). Rates of peer sexual harassment were also very high among sexuality diverse participants (prevalence estimates ranging between 14.2% and 29.8%). Peer sexual harassment was predominately inflicted by male peers (9.6%, 95% CI [8.9, 10.4]), compared to 1.8% (95% CI [1.5, 2.2]) reporting harassment from female peers. These findings have implications for understanding and reducing attitudes supporting peer sexual harassment in childhood, particularly against girls and gender and sexuality diverse youth, and associations with other gendered violence both in childhood and later life.
... If this is the case, it follows that adolescents sexually interested and eager to socialize in mixed-gender groups would also be most likely to become victims of peer sexual harassment, regardless of gender expression [6]. Reporting subjection to sexual harassment has been associated with the early onset of puberty and advanced pubertal maturation [40,41], early and frequent dating, romantic and erotic relationships, a greater number of partners for sex [2,5,6,9,40,42,43], and greater attractiveness and perceived personal power [41]. This seems to highlight the role of emerging sexual desires in sexually harassing behaviours and to influence who become targets of these: unwelcome attention may be attracted by appearance and behaviours signalling sexuality. ...
... If this is the case, it follows that adolescents sexually interested and eager to socialize in mixed-gender groups would also be most likely to become victims of peer sexual harassment, regardless of gender expression [6]. Reporting subjection to sexual harassment has been associated with the early onset of puberty and advanced pubertal maturation [40,41], early and frequent dating, romantic and erotic relationships, a greater number of partners for sex [2,5,6,9,40,42,43], and greater attractiveness and perceived personal power [41]. This seems to highlight the role of emerging sexual desires in sexually harassing behaviours and to influence who become targets of these: unwelcome attention may be attracted by appearance and behaviours signalling sexuality. ...
Subjection to sexual harassment (SH) has been reported more commonly by girls than by boys, by sexual and gender minority youth more than by mainstream youth, and by sexually active youth more than by those not yet experienced in romantic and erotic encounters. However, the research so far has not addressed these correlates simultaneously. This study aimed to explore independent associations between experiencing SH and these aspects of sex, gender and sexuality—considering all of them concurrently. A cross sectional survey with data from Finland was used, with an analyzable sample of 71,964 adolescents aged 14 to 16-years- of age, collected in 2017. The data were analysed using cross-tabulations with chi-square statistics and logistic regression analyses. The types of SH studied were gender harassment, unwelcome sexual attention, and sexual coercion. Girls, sexual and gender minority youth, and youth engaging in romantic and erotic encounters had experienced all three types of SH more commonly than boys, mainstream youth and those not sexually active. Associations between minority status and experiences of sexual harassment were stronger among boys, and being sexually active had stronger associations with subjection to sexual harassment in girls. The findings appear to support the assumption that sexual harassment serves both as a means of perpetuating heteronormativity and the sexual double standard.
... Definitions of sexual harassment vary, but broadly include any unwelcome conduct of a sexual nature that takes place in person or electronically (see e.g., Hill & Kearl, 2011, p. 20036). The majority of US-based studies conclude that between one-and two-thirds of adolescents report in-person sexual harassment experiences (Chiodo, Wolfe, Crooks, Hughes, & Jaffe, 2009;Gruber & Fineran, 2008;McMaster, Connolly, Pepler, & Craig, 2002;Taylor et al., 2019). 1 Sexual harassment is more common among older adolescents (Petersen & Hyde, 2009), while youth from two-parent families, and from families with greater resources, are at less risk of experiencing sexual harassment (Kaltiala-Heino, Frojd, & Marttunen, 2016). Exposure to sexual harassment is highly gendered, such that girls are equally or more likely to experience cross-gender harassment, while boys are more likely to experience same-gender harassment (Chiodo et al., 2009;Petersen & Hyde, 2009;Schnoll, Connolly, Josephson, Pepler, & Simkins-Strong, 2015). ...
... The majority of US-based studies conclude that between one-and two-thirds of adolescents report in-person sexual harassment experiences (Chiodo, Wolfe, Crooks, Hughes, & Jaffe, 2009;Gruber & Fineran, 2008;McMaster, Connolly, Pepler, & Craig, 2002;Taylor et al., 2019). 1 Sexual harassment is more common among older adolescents (Petersen & Hyde, 2009), while youth from two-parent families, and from families with greater resources, are at less risk of experiencing sexual harassment (Kaltiala-Heino, Frojd, & Marttunen, 2016). Exposure to sexual harassment is highly gendered, such that girls are equally or more likely to experience cross-gender harassment, while boys are more likely to experience same-gender harassment (Chiodo et al., 2009;Petersen & Hyde, 2009;Schnoll, Connolly, Josephson, Pepler, & Simkins-Strong, 2015). Girls also experience forms of sexual harassment that are qualitatively more severe, physically intrusive, and intimidating than their male peers (Hand & Sanchez, 2000). ...
Introduction
There are burgeoning bodies of research on cyberbullying and online sexual harassment. Yet existing work often fails to distinguish between these two unique forms of online victimization, is largely cross sectional, and based on convenience or specialized samples. We examined the prevalence, predictors, and mental health and behavioral consequences of cyberbullying and online sexual harassment using a large, representative sample of adolescents. We also considered the potential compounding effects of multiple forms of victimization, as well as gender differences in the effects of online victimization.
Methods
We used nationally representative, longitudinal data from the National Survey on Teen Relationships and Intimate Violence (STRiV) (n = 1,152), a US‐based sample of adolescents 10‐18 years old.
Results
Approximately 37% of participants reported being victims of cyberbullying, and nearly 15% reported online sexual harassment experiences. Despite cyberbullying being relatively more common, the risk factors for these two forms of online victimization were similar. In addition, cyberbullying and online sexual harassment victimization were independently associated with the full range of mental health and behavioral problems examined in this investigation. Nevertheless, our findings also provided some evidence of conditional effects, such that female adolescents, and adolescents who experienced both forms of online victimization, suffered greater deleterious outcomes.
Conclusions
Online sexual harassment and cyberbullying victimization have similar risk profiles, and both contribute to heightened risk of mental health and behavioral problems. Yet the prevalence and gendered nature of these experiences underscore the importance of making distinctions. We provide recommendations for future research and programmatic efforts.
... Sexual harassment is reported at significantly higher rates among individuals identifying as sexual minorities for either gender (Katz-Wise & Hyde, 2012), and extends beyond the traditional dichotomous gender identities, with individuals identifying as other than male or female experiencing elevated exposure to sexual harassment (Norris & Orchowski, 2020). Sexual harassment is experienced across the lifespan as well, from elementary age (Petersen & Hyde, 2009) through older adulthood (Eom et al., 2015;Raj et al., 2019). It is not limited by location, and has occurred in primary and secondary schools between students (Eom et al., 2015;Petersen & Hyde, 2009); in colleges between students, faculty, and staff (Henning et al., 2017;Marsh et al., 2009;Rosenthal et al., 2016;Wood et al., 2018); in hospitals and clinics (Jagsi et al., 2016); between patients and doctors (Phillips & Schneider, 1993); in the military (Barth et al., 2016); and in public places (Mellgren et al., 2018). ...
... Sexual harassment is experienced across the lifespan as well, from elementary age (Petersen & Hyde, 2009) through older adulthood (Eom et al., 2015;Raj et al., 2019). It is not limited by location, and has occurred in primary and secondary schools between students (Eom et al., 2015;Petersen & Hyde, 2009); in colleges between students, faculty, and staff (Henning et al., 2017;Marsh et al., 2009;Rosenthal et al., 2016;Wood et al., 2018); in hospitals and clinics (Jagsi et al., 2016); between patients and doctors (Phillips & Schneider, 1993); in the military (Barth et al., 2016); and in public places (Mellgren et al., 2018). ...
The objectives of the present study are to assess health impacts of the #metoo campaign by gender and assess health impacts of different levels of sexual harassment exposure. Faculty, staff and students at a mid-sized university in the United States were invited to participate in an online survey focused on experiences with and perceptions of #metoo. Differences were found by gender for the number of days experiencing physical and emotional health benefits/concerns. Sexual harassment exposure levels impacted health outcomes as well. The present data highlight gender disparities related to physical and mental health concerns that have emerged since #metoo.
... Similarly, studies of robberies have shown that younger female victims are more likely than the older ones to be raped by the robber (Felson & Cundiff, 2012;Felson & Krohn, 1990). Direct evidence on the consequences of physical appearance for sexual victimization is limited to two studies of middle school students demonstrating a positive association between attractiveness and sexual harassment (Cunningham et al., 2010;Petersen & Hyde, 2009). ...
... Thus far, prior research has considered such individual characteristics as age, gender, mental health, physical impairment, and sexual orientation as indicators of vulnerability, gratifiability, or antagonism (e.g., Elvey & McNeeley, 2018;Finkelhor & Asdigian, 1996;Waldner & Berg, 2008). Also, while there have been prior studies linking physical attractiveness to sexual harassment and indirect (verbal) aggression, these contributions have not been embedded within the target congruence theoretical framework (e.g., Petersen & Hyde, 2009;Vaillancourt, 2013). The present study appears to the first one to examine physical attractiveness as an antecedent of multiple kinds of criminal victimization, ranging from theft and robbery to physical assault and sexual abuse. ...
Objectives
This research considered physical attractiveness as a potentially victimogenic individual characteristic. Based on target congruence, the theoretical model predicts direct effects of physical attractiveness on violent victimization and, based on routine activities theory, indirect effects on both violent and non-violent victimization.
Method
Using data from the 2013 wave of the Finnish Youth Victimization Survey (n = 5095) we estimated a structural equation model to examine the hypothesized associations. Physical attractiveness was measured using a novel self-report instrument asking respondents to report how other people react to their physical appearance.
Results
We found consistent support for the theoretically expected pathways. The direct and indirect associations of physical attractiveness on sexual victimization were particularly strong. For example, highly attractive boys were five times more likely than other boys to have experienced child sexual abuse.
Conclusions
Scholars and practitioners should consider physical attractiveness as an individual characteristic that may substantially increase the risk of interpersonal victimization, both directly and through its impact on routine activities. More research is needed to understand the mechanisms producing the observed associations.
... Within this framework, intrapersonal factors (e.g., adolescent demographic characteristics) bidirectionally interact with the environment (e.g., institutional, community, and societal context) to influence risks for victimization (Bolduc et al., 2023). For example, relative to adolescent boys, adolescent girls are generally found to experience more sexual harassment (Copp et al., 2021;Clear et al., 2014;Hill & Kearl, 2011), though this is not consistently the case (e.g., Chiodo et al., 2009;Petersen & Hyde, 2009). Further, 50-95% of adolescents identifying as sexual or gender minorities (SGM) report sexual harassment (Scheer et al., 2021;Smith et al., 2022), which is substantially higher than their heterosexual (Hequembourg et al., 2020;Valido et al., 2022) and cisgender (Mitchell et al., 2014) counterparts. ...
Despite the potential for negative health consequences, scant recent literature has focused on sexual harassment among older adolescent populations. In assessing the prevalence, predictors, and outcomes of this persistent public health problem, we begin to address this gap in knowledge. As part of an ongoing longitudinal study, we administered the Sexual Experiences Questionnaire to 1,124 older adolescents (17 and 18) and conducted multilevel logistic regression analyses to examine the link between demographic, environmental, and health factors and sexual harassment. 20% of older adolescents reported being sexually harassed in the past year. Girls were twice as likely and bisexual/pansexual participants were three times as likely to experience harassment, relative to males and heterosexual participants, respectively. Sexual harassment was associated with multiple health problems (PTSD, anxiety, and depression) and frequency of alcohol use. It was inversely related to positive school peer climate. Findings underscore the health consequences of sexual harassment, especially for female and gender and sexual minority adolescents, who are at higher risk. Interventions focused on improving mental wellbeing should include sexual harassment prevention and vice versa. Given our finding that positive school climate is associated with less sexual harassment, school-based interventions should be employed to promote a harassment-free environment.
... Although cyber sexual harassment is often gendered, meaning females are more likely to experience multiple forms of cyber sexual harassment compared to males [16,17], prior literature has shown that there are no gender differences in the development of anxiety and depressive symptoms following cyber sexual harassment among adolescents [18]. Despite these associations, unfortunately, the homotypic and heterotypic continuity of anxiety and depressive symptoms often persist during the adolescent developmental period, and prior studies have failed to explain the reasons for the high comorbidity rates [19]. ...
Prior literature has suggested that the comorbidity of anxiety and depressive symptoms is often high and common among adolescents and has indicated low, moderate, and high developmental classes. However, there are measurement and theoretical limitations in the literature. Thus, the purpose of the current study is to utilize the correlated liability model of psychopathology to address these limitations: (1) estimating longitudinal classes of the co-occurrence of anxiety and depressive symptoms; (2) exploring whether baseline experience of cyber sexual harassment predicts each class (n = 3064). Group-based trajectory modeling (GBTM) results identified four longitudinal classes of the comorbidity of anxiety and depressive symptoms (e.g., Declining, Low, Moderate, and High Chronic). Multinominal logistic regression results indicated that experiencing cyber sexual harassment at baseline was associated with a lower risk of assignment to the Moderate and Low groups relative to the High Chronic group. These results suggest that adolescents who were sexually harassed online were more likely to report high and chronic comorbidity of anxiety and depressive symptoms over time. Practical and theoretical implications are discussed.
... In the present study, the young people's understanding reflects the idea of a personality-trait explanation regarding 'the sleazy guy', who would send unwanted dick pics just because he is 'sleazy' and possibly the 'sick guy', which may be interpreted as someone with a distorted personality trait. Individual behaviour problems or a lack of social skills are sometimes interpreted as immature interactions with the opposite sex, mostly within the developmental and educational psychology fields (McMaster et al., 2002;Petersen & Hyde, 2009). This is also in line with (Gillander Gådin, 2012), who in study of Swedish students in elementary school showed that boys' sexual harassment behaviours at that age were perceived by teachers as unchallengeable, because it was out of boys' control due to their youth and/or that they were just being boys. ...
The prevalence of sexting and dissemination of explicit sexual images (ESI) among teenagers has risen with mobile technology. Social media platforms amplify these practices, perpetuating problematic usage patterns. This study explores the understanding of how young people perceive the senders and receivers of unsolicited dick pics, focusing on gender construction. Ten semi-structured group interviews with cisgendered girls and boys aged 12–16 were conducted and analysed thematically. The findings show that boys are the primary senders of dick pics, while girls are primarily on the receiving end, with boys and girls interpreting unsolicited dick pics differently. Girls more often viewed such behaviour as romantic, while only boys recognized it as harassment. This disparity emphasizes the need for internet safety education and interventions to challenge mainstream constructions of gender norms. By addressing these issues, educators and caregivers can better support adolescents in navigating the complexities of online interactions and promoting healthy relationships.
... Still, many questions remain. One important gap of knowledge is that most research has focused on peer sexual harassment and its consequences among youth in their mid-adolescent years and older, despite scholars highlighting the importance of studying these issues earlier in development when sexual harassing behaviors first start appearing (Petersen & Hyde, 2009;Tener & Katz, 2021). Sexual harassing behaviors are assumed to occur in late childhood (i.e., from age 10 years and upwards), when peer dynamics start to change with more cross-gender relationships, together with the onset of puberty for some students, and increasing sexual awareness and urges (James et al., 2012;Schulz & Sisk, 2016). ...
This is the first study examining peer sexual harassment among 10‐year‐olds ( N = 985), studying how being a victim, perpetrator, or witness relates to emotional problems, and how these associations are moderated by gender and class occurrence of sexual harassment. Results showed that 45% of the participants reported victimization, 17% perpetration, and 60% witnessing sexual harassment, with vast overlaps between roles. Victimization and witnessing were related to more emotional problems. Victimized girls reported more emotional problems than boys, but girls who perpetrated reported fewer emotional problems than boys. Associations between peer sexual harassment and emotional problems varied across classrooms. Our findings highlight the occurrence of peer sexual harassment in younger ages, emphasizing an ecological perspective when addressing it in school.
... Psychosocial theories propose that the social consequences of puberty explain more of the variance in adolescent depression than biological changes (Brooks-Gunn and Warren, 1989). It may be that physical development of a girl's body from the onset of puberty increases the risk of unwanted sexual attention from peers, which in turn, could lead to feelings of body shame (Lindberg et al., 2007;Petersen and Hyde, 2009). One study has found that a more advanced breast development stage at age 14 is associated with increased depressive symptoms later in adolescence irrespective of the timing of puberty (Lewis et al., 2018). ...
Aims
Girls who experience an earlier onset of menarche than their peers are at increased risk of depressive symptoms in mid-adolescence, but it is unclear if this association persists into adulthood. This study examines whether longitudinal patterns of depressive symptoms from adolescence to adulthood vary according to timing of menarche.
Methods
About 4,864 female participants in the UK Avon Longitudinal Study of Parents and Children provided data on age at onset of menarche (assessed in repeated questionnaires from 8 to 17 years) and depressive symptoms across nine time points (13 to 26 years) using the Short Mood and Feelings Questionnaire. We compared patterns of depressive symptoms in girls with ‘early’ (<11.5 years), ‘normative’ (11.5 to 13.5 years) and ‘late’ (≥13.5 years) menarche using a linear spline multilevel growth curve model adjusted for indicators of socioeconomic position, father absence and body mass index.
Results
Early, compared with normative, menarche was associated with higher levels of depressive symptoms at age 14 (imputed adjusted estimated difference = 0.94, 95% confidence interval [CI] = 0.44, 1.45), but the association attenuated at 24 years (0.24 [−0.72, 1.19]). Late menarche, compared with normative, was associated with a lower level of depressive symptoms at age 14 (−0.69 [−1.10, −0.29]), but this association also attenuated at 24 years (−0.15 [−0.92, 0.62]).
Conclusions
This study did not find a persistent effect of early menarche, compared to normative, on depressive symptoms. However, our findings are consistent with the level of depressive symptoms increasing at the onset of menarche irrespective of timing. The late onset girls ‘catch up’ with their peers who experience menarche earlier in terms of depressive symptoms. Future studies should continue to assess the impact of timing of menarche further into adulthood.
... The goal of this study was to develop a measure of slutshaming among adolescent girls ages 14-17, a period where decreases in general peer victimization (Troop-Gordon, 2017) intersect with increases in sexual harassment victimization (Petersen & Hyde, 2009). Despite the salience of slut-shaming from multiple existing theoretical perspectives (Attwood, 2007;Bay-Cheng, 2015;Reynolds, 2022), and a limited empirical literature linking slut-shaming to mental health outcomes (Goblet & Glowacz, 2021), to date, no quantitative measure has been developed to assess this construct. ...
Despite social awareness of the problem of slut-shaming for adolescent girls, no existing measure captures this construct. Using data from a sample of 202 girls from Québec, Canada (ages 14-17; 68% White), preliminary validation is provided for the Slut-Shaming Instrument, a seven-item measure of negative peer experiences related to being perceived as too sexually active, sexualized, or flirtatious. The measure showed strong psychometric properties including good reliability and factor structure, expected associations with daily experiences of slut-related victimization and sexual harassment, and links with number of sexual partners and other forms of peer victimization. Slut-shaming was associated with distress accounting for these other forms of victimization (including sexual harassment), suggesting the pertinence of addressing this type of gender-based victimization.
... Many researchers reported frequent sexual harassment experiences among women during their adolescence and young adulthood (e.g., Eom et al., 2015;Romito et al., 2019;Romito et al., 2017). Compared with university students, high school students are more tolerant of sexual harassment (Bogart et al., 1992;Foulis & McCabe, 1997) and experience an increase in sexual harassment as they develop physically and begin to initiate romantic and sexual interactions (Petersen & Hyde, 2009). As they age, high school students become more sensitive to and less tolerant of sexual harassment (Foulis & McCabe, 1997). ...
While many researchers have identified harmful consequences of the sexualization of women, still little is known about voluntary self-sexualization and its potential effects on women who engage in the practice. Although the idea that self-sexualization is self-fulfilling remains contentious, women who self-sexualize are naturally expected to receive sexualized attention, including unwanted attention. This study starts with the question of whether self-sexualizing women, including those who use self-sexualization as a source of power, experience sexually objectifying encounters, measured by nonphysical sexual harassment, and its negative consequence, measured by body shame. Furthermore, we investigate how age moderates the relationship. An online questionnaire was created and a total of 308 women completed the questionnaire. Structural equation modeling was conducted to test the hypothesized causal relationships from self-sexualization (self-empowering sexualization and non-power self-sexualization) to nonphysical sexual harassment, which can lead to body shame. The results showed that the effects of self-sexualization were dependent on the intent for self-sexualization as well as the self-sexualizer’s age. While self-sexualization without intent to gain power led to increased sexual harassment incidents and body shame, mature women’s self-sexualization as a source of power did not lead to increased sexual harassment experiences nor increased body shame. However, unlike the mature women’s self-empowering sexualization, the young women’s self-sexualization, with or without intent to gain power, led to more sexual harassment experiences. The findings of this study indicate the need to uncover the various intentions for self-sexualization as well as their different effects.
... Sexual abuse happens as a form of dominance in the hierarchy. The strong individual feeds on the weaker children -frequently found in 5th-grade children (Petersen & Hyde, 2009). Puberty and sexual curiosity can also trigger an increase in sexual harassment. ...
There are still few studies on sexual harassment toward boys. In society, there is still a lot of skepticism and stigma about whether boys can be perpetrators or victims of sexual harassment. The purpose of this study was to explore the occurrence of sexual violence towards boys, such as the dynamics of the perpetrators and victims, the motivation of the perpetrators to commit sexual violence, and the impact of sexual violence on victims. This study used a descriptive qualitative method, with 17 subjects aged 0–18. The data collection used a study of documents collected from trial facts in the Directory of Supreme Court Decisions. The data were analyzed by the N-Vivo application for data processing, management, ideas, queries, visualization, and reporting. This study found that imitation was the main trigger for perpetrators to commit sexual harassment. From the victim's side, the impact the victim feels is a feeling of trauma, depression, and sensitivity. The role of the environment and online media needs attention in preventing and handling sexual violence against children.
... Hence, the school, which serves several functions, such as socialization, personality development of students, the transmission of cultural norms and values to a new generation in our society beyond transmitting academic knowledge and skills, should be adolescent-friendly, healthy, and have a conducive environment for students for their overall development. Unfortunately, such an ideal learning environment might not happen in all schools and sexual harassment has been reported at the school level from elementary school to high school (Pepler, Craig, Connolly, Yuile & Ziang, 2006;Petersen & Hyde, 2009). Such harassment might bring many obstacles to learning experiences at and outside the school. ...
The study aimed to analyze the effects of sexual harassment on the learning experience on the girl students in Nepal. Concurrent mixed-method was used for study among 371 girl students who were studying at community and institutional schools of the Lalitpur district, Nepal . The sample size for the quantitative study has been calculated at a 95% confidence level with a 5 confidence interval. Five focus group discussions (FGD) and three in-depth interviews (IDI) were conducted to collect qualitative data. IBM SPSS 20 was used for quantitative data analysis and a thematic approach was used for qualitative data analysis. Learning motivation, interaction with a teacher, self-learning, and class discussion activities among girl students were found significantly affected by sexual harassment and sexual harassment was found as one of the causal factors behind poor learning activitys and achievement on the girl students in Lalitpur, Nepal.
... Twelve-month prevalence is important to examine to increase knowledge about SHA victimization at arenas where athletes are currently active. Moreover, there is conflicting evidence in prospective studies among young nonathletes, with a time frame of up to 1 yr, whether they experience an increase in SH victimization (26), a slight decrease (27), or stable prevalence rates (28). To our knowledge, there are no prospective prevalence studies among athletes. ...
Purpose:
To examine the 12-months prevalence and 12-months prospective change in reported sexual harassment and abuse (SHA)-victimization among young elite athletes, recreational athletes, and reference students in three different social settings and identify the perpetrators.
Methods:
In total, 919 adolescents responded to an online questionnaire in 12th grade (T1) and 13th grade (T2). The sample consisted of elite athletes (n = 482) and recreational athletes (n = 233) attending Norwegian elite sport high schools (n = 26), and reference students (n = 200) attending ordinary high schools with no sport specialization (n = 6). Data were analyzed using Independent sample t-test, Pearson Chi-Square for independence/Fisher's Exact test, McNemar test and logistic regression analysis.
Results:
The total 12-months prevalence of SHA was 38.6% at T1 and 35.1% at T2. Most of the participants (74.6-85.0%) reported no change in SHA from T1 to T2. The prevalence of SHA was higher for girls compared to boys, and elite athletes reported less SHA than recreational athletes and reference students, respectively. SHA occurred most often in a free time setting. Verbal SH, non-verbal SH, and physical SHA were reported by 24.6%, 27.0%, and 14.0%, respectively. Peers were reported as perpetrators by 83.1%, trainer/teacher/health personnel by 20.1%, and "other" perpetrators by 56.4%.
Conclusions:
As one in three elite athletes and nearly one in two recreational athletes and reference students, respectively, reported SHA-victimization within a 12-months period, well-targeted preventive measures are needed for both young athletes and non-athletes.
... al. 2019;Gyawali, 2010;Malla, 2005;Thapa & Rana, 1994). Along with working and professional woman, sexual harassment to the schoolgirls was also found severe throughout the world and it has been reported at the school level and was found in late elementary school, peaks in early adolescence, and tapers off in high school (Pepleret et.al., 2006;Petersen & Hyde, 2009). The USA again revealed that 83% of girl students in the 8-11 grades were sexually harassed and 38 percent of them were sexually harassed by teachers or school employees in America (Hill & Silva, 2005). ...
Objectives: The aim of the study was to explore the situation of sexual harassment among the adolescent girl students in Rupandehi district of Nepal. Method:
Concurrent mix method was applied in the study. Total 402 adolescent school girls were selected for quantitative study. Five focus group discussion (FGD), four
key informant information (KII) and seven in-depth interviews (IDI) were carried out for qualitative study. The quantitative data were analyzed in IBM SPSS 20.
The qualitative data were transcribed manually and triangulated with quantitate data. Results: Higher prevalence (89%) of sexual harassment have been found
in the studied group. The verbal types of harassments were most common (68.5%) among the victim. Conclusion: Sexual harassment was a common on the
girl students at Rupandehi district and they were suffering from different types of sexual harassment. Among the different level of sexual harassment, less
severe types of sexual harassments were more common than moderate severe level and most severe types of sexual harassments
... Indeed, research on adolescent peer relationships acknowledges that puberty, which signifies sexual maturation to the outer world, provides new motivations and reasons to embarrass and harass one another [9,10]. Early puberty is identified as a risk for peer victimization [11,12], especially sexual and social harassment [9,[13][14][15] in early adolescence [16], but the evidence is somewhat mixed for boys with some studies identifying late maturers at heightened risk of becoming victims of peer harassment [17]. To date, there are no studies on how pubertal asynchrony affects peer victimization. ...
Pubertal synchrony is defined as the degree of coherence to which puberty-related body changes (e.g., breast development, growth spurt, voice change, underarm hair growth) are coordinated. During the pubertal transition, youth’s body parts grow asynchronously, making each youth’s physical appearance unique. Physical appearance is a known correlate of youth’s psychosocial functioning during adolescence, but we know little about how pubertal asynchrony plays a role in their peer relationships. Using data from an adoption study (the Early Growth and Development Study; n = 413; 237 boys, 176 girls), this study examined the effect of pubertal asynchrony on peer victimization. Results revealed sex-specific effects of pubertal asynchrony; pubertal asynchrony was associated with a higher risk of peer victimization for girls but a lower risk for boys. Findings highlight the intersection of physical development and social context in understanding youth’s experiences of puberty.
... Girls who engaged in early sexual activities were more likely to have earlier pubertal timing. The greater risk of peer victimization associated with more noticeable physical characteristics of puberty exhibited by early maturing girls (Petersen & Hyde, 2009), the increased levels of adrenal and gonadal hormones at puberty (Ge & Natsuaki, 2009), and the incongruence between their physical maturity and psychological resources among early maturing girls (Ge & Natsuaki, 2009), may interact with the greater social stigma attached to having earlier sexual experiences among girls, which increase their risk of poorer mental health. This finding has both developmental and prevention implications. ...
This study tested adolescent sexual behavior patterns at age 14, their association with mental health at age 17 (psychological well-being, substance use, and self-harm attempts), and the influence of early life adversities upon this association. A British birth cohort (5,593 boys and 5,724 girls from the Millennium Cohort Study) was used. Latent class analysis suggested five subgroups of adolescent sexual behaviors: a "no sexual behavior" (50.74%), a "kisser" (39.92%), a "touching under clothes" (4.71%), a "genital touching" (2.64%), and an "all sexual activities" class (1.99%). Adolescents from the "kisser," "touching under clothes," "genital touching," and "all sexual activities" classes reported significantly more substance use and self-harm attempts compared to adolescents from the "no sexual behavior" group. The associations became weaker after controlling for early life adversities (reducing around 4.38% to 37.35% for boys, and 9.29% to 52.56% for girls), and reduced to a smaller degree after further controlling for mental health variables at 14. The associations between sexual behaviors and psychological well-being became non-significant after controlling for early life adversities. Adolescents who have engaged in low-intensity sexual activities at early age may have poorer reported mental health, a pattern that is stronger for girls and early life adversity may partially explain this association.
... In many cases sexual touching and derogatory comments, as well as general roughness, are intended to be playful and flirtatious, but contrary to their intent, their reception is unwanted or causes harm. Petersen and Hyde (2009) describe this unintentional sexual harassment as a means by which teens develop their sexualities and experiment with expressing their sexual attraction, oftentimes through physical teasing. Cases of sexual harassment seemed to be perceived by participants as more common for older adolescent girls, possibly because they learned that boys should not be able to touch them without their consent. ...
http://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/79472/1/hoylel.pdf
... al. 2019;Gyawali, 2010;Malla, 2005;Thapa & Rana, 1994). Along with working and professional woman, sexual harassment to the schoolgirls was also found severe throughout the world and it has been reported at the school level and was found in late elementary school, peaks in early adolescence, and tapers off in high school (Pepleret et.al., 2006;Petersen & Hyde, 2009). The USA again revealed that 83% of girl students in the 8-11 grades were sexually harassed and 38 percent of them were sexually harassed by teachers or school employees in America (Hill & Silva, 2005). ...
The main aim of this study was to find out the vulnerable places of sexual harassment to
the girl students and the persons involved in such unwanted behaviors. It was a mixed�methods study. Altogether 773 girl respondents were selected for obtaining quantitative
data from Lalitpur and Rupendehi districts in Nepal. Similarly, 10 focus group discussions,
14 Key informant interviews, and eight In-depth interviews were conducted for collecting
qualitative data. The result showed that male peers/ friends, teachers, neighbors/ relatives,
and strangers were involved in sexual harassment. Frequency of verbal/gestural type of
sexual harassment is higher from male peers and touching/pinching and sexual
abuse/assault types of sexual harassment are more common from teachers and relatives.
Sexual harassment frequently happens in public transport. In society, teachers deserve
great respect and trust from parents and students. They have close access to girl students.
However, such trust and closeness transformed into sexual harassment whereby
accelerating sexual harassment. The higher incidence of sexual harassment at public
transports might be due to the proximity and anonymity, which, in turn, results in high
levels of sexual harassment and abuse with very little risk of social or legal consequences.
The awareness program against sexual harassment and strong laws and order are essential
and the judiciary process should be simple and victim-friendly that can reduce sexual
harassment to girl students by various perpetrators at different domains in society.
Keywords: Sexual harassment, perpetrators, adolescent, schoolgirl, sexual offenders
... It is also a developmental phase where sexual attraction arises and youth gain an increased interest in sexuality. Sexual harassment behaviors may increase as a result of this developmental change, combined with the immature ability to express romantic attraction (Pellegrini, 2001;Petersen & Hyde, 2009). Family relationships play a crucial role in the adolescent's life, but as children transition into adolescence, peers become increasingly influential as adolescents endeavor to individuate from their caregivers (Moore et al., 2015). ...
Given widespread recognition of sexual violence as a public health concern, sexual harassment has garnered considerable attention from researchers and the public. Yet research with adolescent samples has typically focused on the experiences of victims rather than perpetrators, and males as perpetrators and females as victims. In the current article, we consider whether risk and protective factors operate similarly within and across sex assigned at birth. A national sample of youth, ages 14 and 15, were recruited via social media and surveyed online (N = 1,981). At the individual level, girls who sexually harassed others, were more likely to have a propensity to respond to stimuli with anger compared to boys who sexually harassed. At the relational level, girls who sexually harassed were more likely to be victims of sexual harassment compared to boys, and having a negative peer environment (have delinquent peers, seen someone get attacked, and know someone who has been sexually assaulted) was of particular importance in understanding why girls harass others. For boys who harass, family relations, having seen or heard about peer physical or sexual assault and bullying perpetration were important for contextualizing boys’ sexual harassment. As empathy increased, the relative odds of sexually harassing decreased for girls. Future research should explore motivations for perpetrating sexual harassment, bystander interventions, and longitudinal frameworks to identify causal patterns to determine which factors inhibit or facilitate sexual harassment.
... body image issues that may contribute to anxiety symptoms, particularly when cognitive and social development is less advanced (Lindberg et al., 2007;Petersen and Hyde, 2009;Skoog et al., 2016). The majority of studies that examine associations between early adversity, puberty timing, and psychopathology include only girls; much less is known about this phenomenon in boys (Ullsperger and Nikolas, 2017;Joos et al., 2018). ...
Recent research has linked early life stress (ELS), such as trauma exposure, with early puberty. Early puberty has also been identified as a risk factor for poor mental health outcomes. However, these two paths have primarily been examined independently. In addition, more studies have examined these associations in girls than boys, and findings for boys remain mixed. We hypothesized that early puberty (relative to peers) would be positively associated with both prior trauma exposure and concurrent anxiety symptoms. We anticipated that these associations might differ by sex. We tested these hypotheses within a cross-sectional sample of 133 8- to 13-year-old Black girls and boys with trauma exposure. The association between trauma and accelerated pubertal timing was sex-specific: it was positive for girls and negative for boys. We stratified subsequent analyses by sex. Regression analyses indicated that early puberty relative to peers predicted more anxiety symptoms for girls but not boys, after accounting for trauma exposure. A statistical mediation analysis indicated that, for girls, the positive association between trauma exposure and anxiety was partially mediated by pubertal timing. These results indicate that trauma exposure may have sex-specific effects on pubertal timing and anxiety risk in Black children. We also found that, for girls, trauma may increase risk for adverse outcomes by prompting earlier puberty, which is linked to higher anxiety. These findings are consistent with cascading effects of trauma across development, and highlight the need for further study of sex-specific mechanisms.
... Finally, scientific literature on the theme of harassment and, more specifically, sexual harassment underlines the importance of being able to determine whether violence occurs between peers of the same or opposite sex in order to identify the gendered dynamics of this process [72]. We did not make this distinction in the present study. ...
Slut shaming is defined as the stigmatization of an individual based on his or her appearance, sexual availability, and actual or perceived sexual behavior. It can take place in physical or virtual spaces. The present study questions the impact of this form of sexism in virtual spaces on girls and interrogates the interaction between the values that girls integrate through their life experiences, especially in the family sphere, and slut shaming victimization. We conducted a paper-pencil questionnaire with 605 girls between the ages of 10 and 18 (average age: 15.18 years). Our data confirm the impact of slut shaming on the physical and psychological well-being of young girls as early as adolescence. Second, mediation analyses provide insights into the revictimization and Poly-victimization processes, from childhood adverse experiences to sexist victimization in virtual spaces and their combined impact on the physical and psychic health of girls. Finally, we address prevention strategies and the involvement of socializing institutions in the deconstruction of gender stereotypes.
... Also in the USA, Petersen & Hyde (2009) reported an increase in sexual harassment victimization as the adolescents grew older: of girls (boys) in 5th grade 35% (55%), in the seventh grade 55% (68%), and in the 9th grade 65% (78%) had experienced any of the elicited nine sexually harassing behaviours during the past year. Similar findings were reported by Espekhage & Holt (2007) in a study among middle and high school students. ...
Sexual harassment (SH) is increasingly reported as an issue of major concern among both students and staff on campuses across the globe, and has been confirmed to have social and psychological consequences on the victim. However, the scale of the menace is underplayed because of under-reporting of cases. As a way to containing and/or regulating the behaviour, it is therefore imperative to obtain credible evidence on the veracity, the different forms, and how they play out to affect student victims with a view to foster an equitable campus climate. Thus, against the magnitude of the anecdotal reports on SH and the absence of empirical evidence on its extent, this study is concerned with obtaining baseline data on the forms and prevalence of campus-based sexual harassment, as well as ascertaining the awareness and knowledge of SH among undergraduates in a Nigeria University (OOU). An exploratory study involving cross-sectional survey of 1420 males and females was undertaken cutting across the faculties and levels in the University. The findings confirmed the existence of sexual harassment in OOU campus, though reported not to be on a rampant scale. Also, the behavior elements that indicate features of a hostile-environment harassment were reported with most likely occurrence on the campus. The policy implications of the findings were highlighted and recommendations made towards the prevention of SH victimization on the University campus.
... al. 2019;Gyawali, 2010;Malla, 2005;Thapa & Rana, 1994). Along with working and professional woman, sexual harassment to the schoolgirls was also found severe throughout the world and it has been reported at the school level and was found in late elementary school, peaks in early adolescence, and tapers off in high school (Pepleret et.al., 2006;Petersen & Hyde, 2009). The USA again revealed that 83% of girl students in the 8-11 grades were sexually harassed and 38 percent of them were sexually harassed by teachers or school employees in America (Hill & Silva, 2005). ...
The main aim of this study was to find out the vulnerable places of sexual harassment to the girl students and the persons involved in such unwanted behaviors. It was a mixed-methods study. Altogether 773 girl respondents were selected for obtaining quantitative data from Lalitpur and Rupendehi districts in Nepal. Similarly, 10 focus group discussions, 14 Key informant interviews, and eight In-depth interviews were conducted for collecting qualitative data. The result showed that male peers/ friends, teachers, neighbors/ relatives, and strangers were involved in sexual harassment. Frequency of verbal/gestural type of sexual harassment is higher from male peers and touching/pinching and sexual abuse/assault types of sexual harassment are more common from teachers and relatives. Sexual harassment frequently happens in public transport. In society, teachers deserve great respect and trust from parents and students. They have close access to girl students. However, such trust and closeness transformed into sexual harassment whereby accelerating sexual harassment. The higher incidence of sexual harassment at public transports might be due to the proximity and anonymity, which, in turn, results in high levels of sexual harassment and abuse with very little risk of social or legal consequences. The awareness program against sexual harassment and strong laws and order are essential and the judiciary process should be simple and victim-friendly that can reduce sexual harassment to girl students by various perpetrators at different domains in society.
... The current prospective study indicated females with ASD experience earlier onset of physical maturation of secondary sexual characteristics. While the consequences for the timing are not yet known, for TD females, early or precocious pubertal development may contribute to increased risk for peer victimization (e.g., relational, reputational or sexual) (Compian, Gowen, & Hayward, 2009;Nadeem & Graham, 2005;Petersen & Hyde, 2009). Also, adolescent females tend to experience increased emotional reactivity and intensity (DeRose & Brooks-Gunn, 2008;Silk et al., 2009). ...
Autism spectrum disorder (ASD) is characterized by impaired social communication and poor adaptation to change; thus, the onset of puberty may be a pivotal transition. This cross‐sectional study measured pubertal timing to examine hypothesized differences for sex (female vs. male) and group (ASD vs. typical development [TD]). Participants included 239 children (137 ASD, 102 TD) between 10 and 13 years. The ASD group included 35 females and 102 males; the TDs included 44 females and 58 males. Pubertal onset measured by genital or pubic stage was investigated with linear regression using main effects of sex and age‐by‐sex interactions in TD and ASD groups and main effects of diagnosis and diagnosis‐by‐age interactions in males and females, controlling for body mass index, socioeconomic status, and race. In TD, examination of main effects for genital (penis/breast) stage showed no difference for male and female children (t = 1.33, P = 0.187, rdf = 92); however, there were significant differences in ASD (t = 2.70, P = 0.008, rdf = 121). For diagnosis modeled separately by sex, there was significantly earlier pubertal development in females with ASD (t = 1.97, P = 0.053, rdf = 70, but not males (t = 1.329, P = 0.186, rdf = 143). In addition, analysis of menses revealed females with ASD had significantly earlier onset than TD (t = −2.56, P = 0.018, rdf = 21). Examination of pubic stage revealed expected sex differences for TD (t = 2,674, P = 0.009, rdf = 91) and ASD (t = 3.482, P = 0.001, rdf = 121). Females with ASD evidence advanced pubertal onset relative to ASD males and TD females. Findings underscore the need for enhanced understanding of pubertal development in ASD, as differences may have significant psychological, social, physiological, and developmental consequences.
Lay Summary
Children with autism spectrum disorder (ASD) have difficulty with social communication and respond poorly to change, which may include the onset and course of puberty. The study measured the timing of puberty in 239 children (137 ASD and 102 typical development [TD]) between 10 and 13 years based on pubertal stage of genital (breast/penis) and pubic hair development. Females with ASD evidence advanced pubertal onset relative to ASD males and TD females. Findings underscore the need for an enhanced understanding of pubertal development in ASD.
... Sexual harassment is extremely damaging to girls' social, emotional, and academic outcomes (Hand & Sanchez, 2000). Girls who have been sexually harassed are at risk for emotional distress, embarrassment, lowered self-esteem, negative body appraisals, depression, disordered eating, substance abuse, externalizing behaviors, and suicidal thoughts (Chiodo et al., 2009;Goldstein et al., 2007;Gruber & Fineran, 2016;Petersen & Hyde, 2009;Sagrestano et al., 2019). They are also at increased risk for academic problems, school absenteeism, and school disengagement, and are more likely to question their potential happiness in longterm relationships (American Association of University Women [AAUW], 2001;Larkin & Popaleni, 1994). ...
In the United States, many adolescent girls experience sexual harassment before they leave high school, and between 20% and 25% of college women are survivors of sexual assault. Despite the many negative consequences associated with these experiences, perpetrating sexual harassment and assault is often viewed as normative. Using Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological theoretical framework, we propose a bioecological theory of the perpetration and tolerance of sexual harassment of girls. We propose children’s proximal and distal contexts contribute to the endorsement of sexualized gender stereotypes, which in turn impacts high rates of both perpetration and acceptance of sexual harassment. We discuss the ways that three important microsystems—parents, peers, and schools—contribute to this acceptance. We also propose that key components of media within the exosystem work to further normalize sexual harassment of girls and women. These contexts inform children’s development, creating a culture that is permissive of sexual harassment, resulting in high rates of sexual harassment and assault in adolescence and emerging adulthood. Implications of our proposed theory for policymakers, teachers, parents, and researchers are discussed.
... A longitudinal study of in-school adolescents reported that the higher the pubertal state of the males, the greater was their risk of sexual assault. [16] Besides, societal attitudes of 'disbelief' to the occurrence of male sexual assault, coupled with the perceived 'shame' experienced by male victims, might have previously resulted in its under-reporting. [17] However, the perpetrators were mostly boyfriends which corresponds with reports that majority of the assailants among adolescents were peers. ...
... A longitudinal study of in-school adolescents reported that the higher the pubertal state of the males, the greater was their risk of sexual assault. [16] Besides, societal attitudes of 'disbelief' to the occurrence of male sexual assault, coupled with the perceived 'shame' experienced by male victims, might have previously resulted in its under-reporting. [17] However, the perpetrators were mostly boyfriends which corresponds with reports that majority of the assailants among adolescents were peers. ...
Study Objective: In Nigeria, sexual assault is now a silent epidemic among adolescents. Accurate data are needed to prevent it. We aimed at estimating the prevalence and predictors of sexual assault among adolescents in Ekiti State, Nigeria. Methods: This was a cross-sectional cohort study involving 192 senior public high students across 16 local government areas in Ekiti State, Nigeria. Self-administered structured questionnaires were used to obtain data from participants during a summer youth camp in August 2019. Data were analysed with SPSS version 20. A p value < 0.05 is taken as statistically significant. Results: Twelve adolescents (6.3%) among the respondents had been sexually assaulted prior to this survey, and both sexes were evenly affected. Route of sexual intercourse (χ2 =69.37, p<0.001), age at sexual debut (χ2 =66.56, p <0.001), prior experience of non-contact sexual violence (χ2=18.06, p=0.002) and having a friend who had procured an abortion (χ2= 7.68, p=0.010) were significantly associated with sexual assault. Experience of sexual assault was predicted by having a friend who had procured abortion (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] 4.23; 95% Confidence Interval [C.I.]: 1.05-17.00, p = 0.042), and having suffered two or more variants of non-contact sexual violence (AOR 8.44; 95% C.I.: 1.92-37.03, p = 0.005). Conclusion: Sexual assault is prevalent among the study population. There is a need to design institutional framework for identifying, reporting, preventing and accessing medical care immediately after non-contact sexual violence and sexual assault in order to ensure prosecution of perpetrators.
... Evidence suggests that sexual harassment can begin as early as elementary school, but the prevalence increases in higher grades as more students enter puberty. 6 A study of middle and high school students in Canada found that SH at school appeared to increase from 6 th grade to 10 th grade, after which it leveled off. 7 Different forms of sexual harassment were faced by participants ranging from making part of sexual jokes, sexual gesture, showing sexual contents, spanking/ touching or grabbing in a sexual manner, pulling someone's clothes off, or intentionally brushing against someone that also complies with the previous study. ...
Background:
Sexual harassment has received global attention and has been recognized as a public health problem with increased physical and mental health risks among the victims. This study attempted to assess understanding, experience, response and effect of sexual harassment among the secondary school female students in Kathmandu, Nepal.
Methods:
It was a mixed method study conducted among 441 secondary level female students. In quantitative component, a structured questionnaire was used to collect information relating to socio-demographic characteristics, and understanding, experience, response and effect of sexual harassment from 441 participants from three clusters (schools) of Tokha Municipality, Kathmandu. For qualitative method, two focused group discussions were conducted to assess the understanding of and response to sexual harassment. Quantitative and qualitative data were analyzed using Chi square test and thematic analysis method respectively.
Results:
Around 76% of the participants had experienced some forms of sexual harassment in their life. Sexual harassment was significantly associated with religion and parental occupation. Majority of participants who faced sexual harassment reported that the perpetrators were strangers and they either ignored it or did nothing at the time of events. School, roads and public places were the most common settings where participants encountered sexual harassment.
Conclusions:
Sexual harassment is prevalent among female secondary students in Kathmandu. However, they lacked a clear understating of and ways to respond to sexual harassment. Raising awareness to recognize and respond to different forms of harassment and to change the victim-blaming attitudes can be a potential strategy for tackling the problem in Nepalese society.
... In turn, these factors are likely to have profound effects on social-emotional mental health. Among girls, the physical changes associated with pubertal development have been shown to alter self-concept (Koff, Rierdan, & Silverstone, 1978), increase self-consciousness (Hyde, Mezulis, & Abramson, 2008), and predict more extensive peer adversity (Petersen & Hyde, 2009). It has been suggested that the physical changes of puberty place girls more at odds with the societally prescribed ideal of beauty characterised by thinness (Blyth, Simmons, & Zakin, 1985;Hyde et al., 2008). ...
The adolescent developmental stage appears to be a sensitive period for the onset of several particular forms of mental disorder that are characterised by heightened emotionality and social sensitivity and are more common in females than males. We refer to these disorders (social anxiety disorder, generalised anxiety disorder, eating disorders, major depression) collectively as the social-emotional disorders. The aim of this paper is to address an important question in the understanding of social-emotional disorders - why do these disorders commonly begin during adolescence? We present a conceptual model that describes some of the key changes that occur during adolescence and that addresses some hypothesised ways in which these changes might increase risk for the development of social-emotional disorders. An overview of the extant empirical literature and some possible directions for future research are suggested. The model points to interesting links between psycho-social risk factors that should highlight potentially fruitful directions for both psychopathology research and early intervention programs.
Although there is a rich literature on parents’ discussion of sexual behavior broadly, little is known regarding how parents communicate to adolescents about pornography and experiences of peer sexual harassment. This knowledge is particularly crucial as parental communication is an important part of adolescents’ sexual socialization. In the current study we sought to investigate adolescents’ perception of parental communication about pornography and sexual harassment, through a mixed methods approach. The current study consisted of recent high school graduates ( N = 247; 78.9% adolescent women, 17.4% adolescent men) currently in their first semester of college ( M age = 19.16, Mode age = 18). Results suggested that viewing pornography and experiencing sexual harassment was common. However, qualitative content analyses suggest that conversations with caregivers about these topics are not common. When these conversations did occur, the content often reflected heteronormative ideals and sexual double standards. Our findings suggest that parents’ messages may be perpetuating gender norms and stereotypes that minimize the harm of sexual violence (including harassment) as well as promote victim blaming and the sexual double standard. Therefore, parents may be a key target that violence prevention groups should consider focusing on when aiming to reduce harmful gender norms predictive of sexual harassment.
Sexual harassment is a serious issue plaguing Nigerian Institutions, particularly in the tertiary institutions such as the Polytechnics, Colleges of Education, Universities, etc. Studies suggest a staggering prevalence, with up to 70% of female graduates reporting experiences of harassment. This paper examines sexual harassment on campuses with particular interest in the Federal College of Education, Obudu, in Cross River State, Nigeria. The study seek inter alia; to obtain baseline data on the forms and prevalence of campus-based sexual harassment in Federal College of Education (FCE), Obudu Campus and to ascertain the level of awareness and knowledge of sexual harassment among undergraduates in the College as it relates to campus-based sexual harassment. Literature review was carried out covering the concept of sexual harassment in Institutions of learning and its consequences. The study adopted a cross-sectional descriptive survey design and a total of 1408 students participated in the Campus Climate Survey on sexual harassment drawn from 8 Departments in the Campus. Data collected with the use of a well-structured Campus Climate Survey questionnaire were subjected to analysis using means and simple percentages descriptive statistics. The findings confirmed the existence of sexual harassment in FCE Obudu campus, though reported not to be on a rampant scale. Also, the behavior elements that indicate features of a hostile-environment harassment were reported with most likely occurrence on the campus. The policy implications of the findings were highlighted and recommendations were made towards the prevention of Sexual Harassment and victimization on the College Campus.
Based on sexual revictimization theory, this study investigates the role of individual characteristics (e.g., depression and subjective well-being) and contextual factors (school and organized activities) in the development of sexual harassment revictimization among Swedish Grade 7 (46% girls; Mage = 14.09) adolescents who were followed over 3 consecutive years. The analytic sample comprises adolescents in the school context (T1 N = 678, T2 N = 563, and T3 N = 471) and in organized free-time activity contexts (T1 n = 443, T2 n = 400, and T3 n = 356). Our findings suggest that adolescents with experiences of sexual harassment victimization in Grade 7 were at an increased risk of being sexually revictimized the following 2 years across the two distinct developmental contexts. Further, our results reveal that adolescents are more sexually harassed by their peers in organized activity contexts both concurrently and over time if they were victims of sexual harassment in the school context and the other way around. The findings underscore the need for sexual harassment prevention interventions to consider different developmental contexts simultaneously and to focus on the history of adolescents’ experiences of victimization.
Objective: The present study examined the independent and joint effects of bullying victimization and sexual harassment victimization on adolescent alcohol use over time within a community sample of adolescents. Method: Adolescents aged 13–15 years old at baseline (N = 800, Mage = 14.42, SD = 0.83; 57.5% female) recruited from Western New York State made five online survey reports of peer victimization and alcohol use over a 2-year period. Latent class growth analysis was used to identify trajectory classes of victimization from bullying and sexual harassment over time, and regression modeling was used to examine the associations with later alcohol use. Results: Three developmental courses were identified for bullying victimization (moderate/decreasing, high/decreasing, never or low) and for sexual harassment victimization (moderate/decreasing, moderate/increasing, never or low). Adolescents in the moderate/decreasing group of bullying victimization subsequently consumed more alcoholic drinks when they drank. Belonging to the moderate/increasing group of sexual harassment was associated with increased later alcohol intoxication and number of drinks. Bullying victimization and sexual harassment victimization were concurrently correlated over time. Adolescents who followed the joint trajectory group of moderately decreasing bullying and increasing sexual harassment were more likely to report increased later alcohol intoxication and number of drinks. Conclusions: Moderate levels of bullying victimization along with increasing sexual harassment victimization are associated prospectively with greater alcohol use in adolescence. Findings highlight the importance of considering the cumulative, joint effects of multiple types of peer victimization on adolescent health outcomes.
The study sought to determine the relationship between social variables and promiscuity among SSS3 students in South-South Geopolitical Zone of Nigeria. Two research questions were raised and two hypotheses were formulated to guide the study. A correlational research design was adopted while population of the study comprised all the 15,222 Senior Secondary One (SSS3) students in the 63 public secondary schools in South-South Geopolitical Zone of Nigeria. A sample size of 375 Senior Secondary One (SSS3) was selected for the study. A simple random sampling technique was used to select a sample size of 25 public secondary schools out of 63 as well as 15 SS1 students from each of the sampled schools for instrument administration. The researcher's developed and validated instrument titled "Assessment of Social Factors among the Secondary School Students Questionnaire were used for data collection. Pearson Product Moment Correlation (PPMC) was used to answer the research questions and testing of hypotheses, all at the degree of freedom of 373 and at .05 significant levels. The findings further showed a high positive and significant relationship between parental upbringing, desire for materialism and promiscuity among SSS3 students in South-South Geopolitical Zone of Nigeria. Conclusion was drawn from the findings while the researcher recommends among other things that, school administrators, parents and teachers should wake up to their responsibilities of monitoring and advising students on the kind of associations they should keep, so as to reduce peer influences towards premarital sex.
The majority of youth experience some type of gendered harassment from their peers and these harassment experiences are related to a host of negative psychological, social, and academic outcomes. Much of this harassment occurs within schools; therefore, it is especially important to understand the role of schools and teachers in preventing and mitigating (or at times, exacerbating) youth’s experiences of gendered harassment. In this chapter, we will describe the prevalence and negative psychosocial outcomes associated with two common types of gendered harassment: sexual harassment (SH) and harassment on the basis of sexual orientation, gender identity, and gender expression (SOGIE harassment). We will then discuss how schools may contribute to the prevalence of SH and SOGIE harassment, and how they can respond to and prevent SH and SOGIE harassment from occurring. We conclude by suggesting directions for future research and intervention work.
Following a review of psychological theories of gender development, this chapter summarizes the processes of gender development and is organized in chronological order, beginning with the prenatal period and extending through adolescence. Within each developmental period, evidence on gender/sex differences and similarities is reviewed, and the multiple forces that contribute to gender development are considered, including biology, parents, peers, and culture, especially the media. Data on the intersection of gender and race/ethnicity are presented. In addition to consideration of these typical developmental processes for cisgender youth, what is known about gender development for transgender youth is summarized.
Sexual harassment (SH) in schools is unwanted and unwelcome behavior of a sexual nature that, when severe, offensive, and pervasive, creates a hostile environment that is prohibited under Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972. In the current mixed methods study, using analyses of school policies and reports, and student survey and qualitative data, we examined (a) whether public high schools’ policies about SH were in compliance with Title IX guidance, (b) whether SH policies were related to alumni's knowledge and attitudes about their schools’ SH policies, and (c) whether SH policies were related to alumni's experiences with and reporting of SH. Results indicated that, of the 172 school districts within one state, only one‐fourth of the school districts had SH policies in which SH was clearly defined and in which there were noted consequences for perpetrating SH. Despite students experiencing SH, very few students ever reported SH to an adult at school. However, of the small number of students who reported SH to an adult at school, 87.5% went to a school with an explicit SH policy. Many students stated that they did not report SH because they did not trust adults to handle it fairly or effectively.
Seksuell trakassering blant ungdom er et utbredt fenomen i ungdomsårene som er relativt lite undersøkt. Målet med studien er å undersøke forekomsten av seksuell trakassering og hvordan seksuell trakassering henger sammen med depressive symptomer blant norske tenåringer. I tillegg ønsker vi å undersøke om gode relasjoner ungdom har til foreldre, venner og skole har betydning for sammenhengen mellom seksuell trakassering og depressive symptomer. Dataene er hentet fra tverrsnittsundersøkelsen Ung i Oslo 2018 (n = 22 125), gjennomført blant elever fra ungdoms- og videregående skoler. Seksuell trakassering ble kartlagt gjennom spørsmål om beføling, verbal seksuell trakassering og ryktespredning. Depressive symptomer ble målt ved hjelp av Hopkins Symptoms Checklist. Studien viser at 26,5 % av guttene og 36,1 % av jentene var utsatt for én eller flere former for seksuell trakassering minst én gang de siste tolv månedene. Både for gutter og jenter var det en klar sammenheng mellom seksuell trakassering og selvrapporterte depressive symptomer. Blant ungdom med dårlige relasjoner til foreldrene sine og til skolen, var sammenhengen mellom seksuell trakassering og depressive symptomer sterkere enn blant ungdom med gode relasjoner til foreldre og skole.
Objectives
The risk of sexual abuse victimization was examined from a routine activity perspective. For comparison, predictors of sexual encounters with same-age peers were also examined.
Methods
Analyses were based on a nationally representative sample of 24,823 Finnish youth who responded to questions about their sexual encounters with peers and with someone outside their family who was at least five years older.
Results
Adolescents who had older friends and parents who did not monitor their social relationships were at greater risk of sexual abuse and peer encounters. In addition, delinquent youth had a higher risk of abuse than non-delinquents, controlling for exposure. Delinquent youth were also more likely to have favorable attitudes toward the abuse, to initiate the sexual encounter, and to experience repeat victimizations. Physical attractiveness, but not sexual maturity, was related to abuse.
Conclusions
Risk of sexual abuse is positively related to exposure to older people, susceptibility to deviant influence, and the target's value to the offender. A full understanding of risk factors requires a consideration of the victims' characteristics and their compliant behavior.
Student sex-based harassment has a negative impact on individual students and on the school environment. This review of the literature describes the evolution of sex-based harassment from elementary through high school, clarifies the relationship between bullying and sex-based harassment, and summarizes the research-based system and individual factors that support the development of such harassment in schools. Based on the research, we recommend the adoption of a comprehensive planning process for prevention that addresses the factors that reinforce student sex-based harassment and supports the school’s bullying prevention efforts. School counselors can advocate for and play a leadership role in both developing and implementing a school-wide plan that includes needs assessment and evaluation. We offer suggestions for system-wide and individual interventions for school personnel and Tier 1–3 prevention and problem-solving interventions for students to support a healthy school environment free of sex-based harassment.
Social-emotional learning (SEL) is important for academic and social success, yet responsive SEL for Black youth remains underexamined. The current study analyzed focus groups to investigate how Black boys ( N = 10) in an urban middle school think about emotion and its regulation. Results revealed that participants negotiate tension between emotion expression and control; they argued that inhibition of emotions in public was essential, but they desired greater emotional freedom. We interpret these patterns through the developmental framework of accommodation and resistance. We discuss implications and the need for transformative SEL in urban schools serving Black boys.
Sexual harassment is a common experience among middle and high school students across the United States. Being the target of and even witnessing sexual harassment is associated with a number of negative consequences for adolescents. This study sought to explore early adolescent boys’ and girls’ reasoning about (a) perpetrating sexual harassment (i.e., making comments about another student’s body), (b) confronting sexual harassment when they are the target, and (c) confronting sexual harassment when they are the bystander or witness. Participants were 142 seventh-grade students (46 boys, 96 girls) ranging from 11 to 14 years old ( Mage = 12.44 years, SDage = .61). Utilizing a quantitative content analysis, this study analyzed themes that emerged from adolescents’ open-ended responses to questions about sexual harassment and their perception of the consequences. The results suggest that adolescents’ reasoning about sexual harassment is complex, reflecting morality concerns, social pressures, and challenges with interpreting sexual interest within a context of sexually objectifying cultural scripts.
A qualitative exploratory study examined African American 7th graders’ talk about peer sexual harassment (N = 21). A thematic analysis of single-gender discussion groups demonstrated that while students held misconceptions about sexual harassment, they were fluent in the cultural norms that expect boys to push sexual boundaries and girls to enforce them. We propose that feminist theory, which views personal interactions through the lens of power hierarchies, provides a useful explanation of the students’ talk about peer sexual harassment. Our experience points to the value of group work to explore students’ prior knowledge and underlying beliefs about sexual harassment before intervening.
Differences in attraction to same- and other-sex peers as a function of sex, age, individual characteristics (i.e., aggression), and context were examined in a longitudinal study of early adolescent boys and girls (N = 217) that covered the transition from elementary school (Time 1) to middle school (Times 2 and 3). Consistent with T. Moffitt's (1993) concept of the “maturity gap,” attraction to aggressive peers, especially attraction to aggressive boys among girls, increased with age and upon entry to middle school, as did attraction to peers who stood out in the peer group in easily observable ways. Attraction to peers who presented features associated with good classroom-based behavior decreased. These patterns are discussed in terms of the developmental needs served by associating with particular peers.
This article addresses pragmatic issues regarding the assessment of puberty in research on adolescent health and development. Because pubertal processes have a major effect on physical, psychological, and social development, we posit that the assessment of pubertal status is at least as important as the specification of age for characterizing adolescent participants in research studies. Yet, a sampling of recent literature shows that the majority of publications addressing health and developmental issues in adolescence lack any measure of puberty. A more comprehensive review of 447 articles reporting to have assessed puberty reveals considerable inconsistencies in methods, definitions, and conceptualizations of puberty and its stages, which highlights the need for better standardization. This article provides an in-depth review of existing methods to assess pubertal status and timing and enumerates the relative merits and shortcomings of several approaches. Conceptual and practical guidelines are provided for selecting specific measures to assess puberty with an emphasis placed on the need for these choices to be driven by the specific goals of the research.
The role of biological maturity in behaviors in adolescence which most often are considered as negative by adults was investigated for a normal group of girls. In mid-adolescence early matured girls were found to play truant, smoke hashish, get drunk, pilfer, ignore parents' prohibitions, considerably more often than did late maturing girls. These differences between biological age groups were mediated by the association with older peer groups and they leveled out in late adolescence. Data on alcohol consumption and crime at adult age showed little association with biological maturation. A hypothesis was tested suggesting that early biological maturation may have negative long-term consequences within the education domain. In accord with this assumption, a considerably smaller percentage of girls among the early maturers had a theoretical education above the obligatory nine-year compulsory schooling than among the late maturing girls. The association between biological maturation and adult education was significant also after controlling for standard predictors of education, such as the girls' intelligence and the social status of the home. The requirement of conducting longitudinal studies when investigating issues connected with maturation was strongly emphasized.
This article describes the roles of gender, power, and relationship in peer sexual harassment for 342 urban high school students. Overall, 87% of girls and 79% of boys report experiencing peer sexual harassment, whereas 77% of girls and 72% of boys report sexually harassing their peers during the school year. Girls experience the more overtly sexual forms of harassment more often than boys and boys perpetrate sexual harassing behaviors more often than girls. Hypotheses of a relationship between power, gender, and the perpetration of peer sexual harassment are supported.
Prior experiments documenting gender differences in mate preferences have relied on directive questions (e.g., “How important is physical attractiveness?”), which are susceptible to demand characteristics. To assess this potential confound, this study assessed mate preferences using indirect, openended questions, with anonymous computer administration and designated (same- or opposite-sex) targets. The frequency with which participants noted traits reflected key gender differences predicted by evolutionary accounts; evaluations of men focused more on ambitiousness, whereas evaluations of women focused more on attractiveness. The number of attractiveness comments was also greater, however, if the rated target was of the opposite sex. Kindness and intelligence comments did not show strong gender differences, although kindness-related comments were very frequent overall and particularly frequent from women participants.
This article explores the empirical validity of the Social Interactionist (SI) perspective as an explanation of violent victimization. An additional goal is to explain why early puberty among adolescents is connected to violent victimization. Using SI, we theorize that early puberty creates unusually high levels of distress for adolescents (more so for girls than boys), causing them to behave in ways that create grievances with others and provoke victimization. The research hypotheses were tested using the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health), a nationally representative data set of teenagers attending school in the United States. We found that measures of distress significantly increase violent victimization among members of the sample. Furthermore, the SI measures partially mediated the relationship between early puberty and violent victimization for boys and fully mediated this relationship for girls.
A measure of sex typing and androgyny in children was developed based on the Bem Sex-Role Inventory (BSRI). The Children's Sex Role Inventory (CSRI) was correlated with the BSRI in an adult sample to establish the equivalence of the two inventories for use in developmental research spanning middle childhood and adulthood. Ss were 145 3rd, 4th, 6th, and 7th graders, 130 of whom were retested 1 yr later. Reliability was established through high internal consistency of femininity and masculinity scales and stable test–retest reliabilities averaging .60. Validity of the scales was evident in significant gender differences on both scales and in confirmation of hypothesized relations between gender-role categories and measures of (1) sex-typed toy and activity preferences; (2) self-perceptions of global self-worth, scholastic competence, social acceptance, athletic competence, physical attractiveness, and behavioral conduct; and (3) cognitive performance. A short form of the CSRI was also developed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Much research has focused on youth who are rejected by peers; who engage in negative behavior, including aggression; and who are at risk for adjustment problems. Recently, researchers have become increasingly interested in high-status youth. A distinction is made between two groups of high-status youth: those who are genuinely well liked by their peers and engage in predominantly prosocial behaviors and those who are seen as popular by their peers but are not necessarily well liked. The latter group of youth is well known, socially central, and emulated; but displays a mixed profle of prosocial as well as aggressive and manipulative behaviors. Research now needs to address the distinctive characteristics of these two groups and their developmental precursors and consequences. Of particular interest are high-status and socially powerful aggressors and their impact on their peers. The heterogeneity of high-status youth complicates the understanding of the social dynamics of the peer group, but will lead to new and important insights into the developmental significance of peer relationships.
Empathy, prosocial behavior, the number of friends, self-reported popularity, and various forms of interpersonal forgiveness were examined as predictors of peer victimization among 52 7th and 8th graders attending a private school. Popularity was the strongest individual predictor of teacher-reported victimization with high popularity associated with low victimization. Malestudents reported significantly higher rates of victimization than females, prompting the decision to examine correlates of self-reported victimization separately by gender. Interpersonal forgiveness scores were the strongest predictors of self-reported victimization; however, different forms of forgiveness were the greatest predictors of male and female self-reported victimization. Implications are discussed.
The goal of this study was to examine sexual harassment in early adolescence. Available data indicate that peer to peer sexual harassment is prevalent in high school and is associated with psychosocial problems for both victims and perpetrators. For the present study, we adopted a developmental contextual model to examine the possibility that this behavior develops during the late elementary and middle school years and is linked to the biological and social changes that occur at this time. Youths from Grades 6-8 (N = 1,213) enrolled in seven elementary and middle schools in a large south-central Canadian city were asked to report on their sexual harassment behaviors with same- and cross-gender peers; their pubertal development, and the gender composition of their peer network. The results revealed that cross-gender harassment was distinct from same-gender harassment, increased in frequency from Grade 6 to Grade 8, and was linked to pubertal maturation and participation in mixed-gender peer groups. The implications of a developmental contextual model for understanding the emergence of this problematic behavior in adolescence are discussed.
Bullying is a relationship problem in which power and aggression are used to cause distress to a vulnerable person. To assess and address bullying and victimization, we need to understand the nature of the problem, how the problem changes with age and differs for boys and girls, the relevant risk factors (those individual or environmental indicators that may lead to bullying and victimization), and the protective factors that buffer the impact of risk. For children involved in bullying, we need to assess its extent and the associated social, emotional, psychological, educational, and physical problems. Bullying is a systemic problem; therefore, assessments of bullying need to extend beyond the individual child to encompass the family, peer group, school, and community. We recommend that assessments at each of these levels reflect the scientific research on bullying and victimization. With attention to the problems associated with bullying, we can work collectively to make schools and communities safer for children and youth.
This article argues that American adolescent boys become masculine through the continual repudiation of a ‘fag’ identity. Using insights from sociologists of interaction and post-structural theorists of sexuality this article demonstrates that the fag insult has multiple meanings which are primarily gendered but also sexualized and raced. This article builds on prior analyses of adolescent homophobia by (1) pointing to the limits of an argument that focuses centrally on homophobia, (2) demonstrating that the fag is not only an identity linked to homosexual boys but an identity that can temporarily adhere to heterosexual boys as well and (3) highlighting the racialized nature of this fag discourse.
One thousand twenty-four African American and Latino sixth graders participated in a study examining the moderating role of pubertal development on the relation between peer victimization and adolescent self-worth, depressed mood, and physical symptoms using peer and self-reported victimization. It was hypothesized that early-maturing girls who were victimized would experience heightened internalized distress. Among boys, two competing hypotheses were tested: (a) the imbalance of power hypothesis predicted that late-maturing boys who were victimized would experience more psychological distress and (b) the social misfit hypothesis predicted that early-maturing victims would experience more distress. Results indicated that African American and Latino early-maturing boys and girls who were viewed as victims by their peers reported elevated depressed mood and physical symptoms and lower self-worth. The moderating role of early puberty was documented with reputational (peer report) measures of victimization rather than self-report measures, which highlights the social consequences of early maturation.
This research explored the effects of computerized, self-administered, data collection techniques in research on adolescents' self-reported substance use and psychological well-being. Adolescents recruited through a national probability sample of urban and suburban areas were randomly assigned to either a computerized, self-administered questionnaire or to a computer-plus-paper questionnaire format. Outcome measures included indicators of psychological well-being (depression, irritability, self-esteem self efficacy), cigarette smoking, alcohol use and drunkenness, and the use of marijuana and other illicit drugs. Adolescents who completed the sensitive questions on a laptop computer reported higher levels of substance use and indicated higher levels of depression and irritability. Mode of interview effects did not vary by respondents' gender, age, race-ethnicity, or family income. Adolescents in the computer self-interview mode perceived more response anonymity during the interview and had a more favorable attitude toward computerized data collection than those who completed paper-and-pencil forms.
In this multimethod, multiagent longitudinal study, boys' dominance was
studied as they made the transition from primary to middle school. A
cohort of boys was followed as they moved from fifth grade (mean age 10.1
years of age) through sixth grade (mean age 12.1 years of age). Consistent
with theory, dominance decreased as boys made the transition to a new
group; aggression initially increased from primary school to the start of
sixth grade and then decreased again at the end of the year. Additionally,
and consistent with theory, dominance had a significant aggressive, but
not affiliative, dimension at the start of sixth grade. By the end of
the year, dominance did not have a significant aggressive dimension but
did have a significant affiliative dimension. Last, both affiliative and
aggressive dimensions of dominance predicted heterosexual relationships
(i.e., dating) at the end of the sixth grade. Results are discussed in
terms of distal, evolutionary effects and proximal, peer group effects
on peer relations in adolescence.
The Wisconsin Maternity Leave and Health Study addresses an important policy issue, parental leave, by investigating the work status, maternity leave, and mental health of 570 women. In the longitudinal design, the women, all of whom were living with a husband or partner, were interviewed during the fifth month of pregnancy, 1 month postpartum, and 4 months postpartum. At 4 months postpartum, full-time workers, part-time workers, and homemakers did not differ in depression or anger, but full-time workers showed elevated anxiety compared with the other two groups. In multiple regression analyses, length of leave interacted significantly with marital concerns when predicting depression; women who took a short leave (6 weeks or less) and were high on marital concerns had the highest depression scores. Short maternity leave can be conceptualized as a risk factor that, when combined with other risk factors such as marital concerns, places women at greater risk for depression.
The present research explores risk factors for, and longitudinal associations of, sexual harassment by peers during adolescence. Eight-hundred and seventy-two African American and European American adolescents (65.4% African American, 51.1% females) were assessed during the summer after the eighth grade (mean age=14.2 years) and then again in the 11th grade (mean age=17.1 years). At the first assessment, adolescents were asked about their experiences with sexual harassment, their psychological reactions to sexual harassment, and also about their peer relationships, perceived pubertal timing, problem behavior, and mental health. At the second assessment, adolescents reported on their problem behavior and mental health. In general, youth who associated with peers who were involved in problem behavior were at risk for victimization. Among females, those who perceived themselves to be experiencing early pubertal development were also at risk. Additionally, for some adolescents, sexual harassment predicted later adjustment difficulties.
The period of early adolescence witnesses the onset of interest in heterosexual relationships. Prior to this period, youngsters spend much of their free time with same-sex peers. In the present longitudinal, multimethod study, two dimensions of heterosexual relationships were examined: cross-sex interaction and cross-sex aggression. We examined the extent to which youngsters interacted with peers of the opposite sex, as well as self-reported dating frequency. Cross-sex aggression was also examined. It was predicted that cross-sex interactions would increase with time and that youngsters would use playful strategies to initiate cross-sex interactions. Aggression was measured through self-report, direct observations, and adult completed checklists. It was predicted that both boys and girls would target opposite-sex peer for aggression. Lastly, a mediational model of sexual harassment was proposed whereby dating frequency in the middle of sixth grade would mediate the relation between bullying at the start of seventh grade and sexual harassment at the end of seventh grade. A sample of rural sixth and seventh grade students was studied across their first 2 years of middle school. Predictions were, for the most part, supported. Results are discussed in terms of the role of activity settings as specifying peer youngsters' interactions.
Objectified body consciousness (OBC)—the tendency to view one’s body as an object for others to look at and evaluate—is theorized to emerge during sexual maturation as adolescents, particularly adolescent girls, experience sexual objectification. Although OBC generally is discussed in developmental terms, research so far has examined primarily the experiences of undergraduates and adults. Our goal in this study was to examine early adolescent experiences with OBC and to explicitly test the idea that OBC is linked to experiences of sexual objectification, such as peer sexual
harassment, that early adolescents face as their bodies reach maturity. We tested several structural models of OBC and its relation to puberty, peer sexual harassment, and negative body experience. The prevailing model supported OBC theory’s premise that pubertal development and peer sexual harassment increase adolescent girls’ tendency toward self-surveillance, which in turn leads to greater body shame. Several pathways in the model were not significant for boys.
Mixed longitudinal data on the physical changes at puberty in 228 normal boys are presented together with normal standards for stages of genital and pubic hair development.The genitalia began to develop between the ages 9½ years and 13½ years in 95% of boys (mean = 11.6 ± 0.09) and reached maturity at ages varying between 13 and 17 (mean = 14.9 ± 1.10). The age at which pubic hair first appeared was not accurately determined, but its development through the later stages was studied. It reached the equivalent of an adult female distribution at a mean age of 15.2 ± 0.01 years.On average the genitalia reached the adult stage 3.0 years after they first began to develop; but some boys completed this development in as little as 1.8 years while others took as much as 4.7 years. Some boys complete the whole process in less time than others take to go from Stage G2 to Stage G3. The genitalia begin to develop before pubic hair is visible in photographs in practically all boys.The 41 boys in whom it could be studied reached their maximum rate of growth (peak height velocity) at a mean age of 14.1 ± 0.14 years.Very few boys (about 5%) reached peak height velocity before their genitalia were in Stage 4 and over 20% did not do so until their genitalia were adult. Peak height velocity is reached, on the average, nearly 2 years later in boys than in girls, but the boys' genitalia begin to develop only about 6 months later than the girls' breasts. Pubic hair appears about 1½ years later in boys than in girls.
Mixed longitudinal data on the physical changes at puberty in 192 normal girls are presented, together with pictorial standards for stages of breast and pubic hair development. The first sign of puberty (i.e. either breast or pubic hair development) appeared between the ages of 8.5 years and 13 years in 95% of girls, and the breasts reached the mature stage between 11.8 and 18.9 years. The mean ages at which the intermediate stages of breast and pubic hair development were reached are given; all had standard deviations of approximately 1 year. The mean age at peak height velocity (i.e. the maximum rate of growth in stature) was 12.14 ± ±0.14 (SD =0.88) and the mean age at menarche was 13.47 ± 0.10 (SD = 1.02). The limits of normal variation in the length of time which girls take to pass from one stage of breast or pubic hair development to another are given. The interval from the first sign of puberty to complete maturity varied from 1.5 years to over 6 years. The bud stage of breast development persisted for between 6 months and 2 years before further change took place. The mean interval from the beginning of breast development to menarche was 2.3 ± 0.1 years, but the range observed was 6 months to 5 years 9 months. The mean interval from the beginning of breast development to peak height velocity was 1.01 ±0.12 years (SD = 0.77). The limits of normal variation in the relation between breast and pubic hair development, the adolescent growth spurt, and menarche are described. Peak height velocity was reached very early in puberty by about 25% of girls, and in all cases it preceded menarche. 90% of girls had menstruated before their breasts reached the mature stage. Pubic hair was seen before breast development had begun in about a third of all girls. The use of these data in making a clinical distinction between normal and abnormal puberty is discussed, together with their relevance to the study of the neuro-endocrine mechanisms by which puberty is controlled.
Differences in attraction to same- and other-sex peers as a function of sex, age, individual characteristics (i.e., aggression), and context were examined in a longitudinal study of early adolescent boys and girls (N = 217) that covered the transition from elementary school (Time 1) to middle school (Times 2 and 3). Consistent with T. Moffitt's (1993) concept of the "maturity gap," attraction to aggressive peers, especially attraction to aggressive boys among girls, increased with age and upon entry to middle school, as did attraction to peers who stood out in the peer group in easily observable ways. Attraction to peers who presented features associated with good classroom-based behavior decreased. These patterns are discussed in terms of the developmental needs served by associating with particular peers.
The associations between pubertal timing, sexual activity and self-reported depression were analysed in a population sample of 17,082 girls and 15,922 boys aged 14-16 as a par of a classroom survey. Pubertal timing was assessed by age at onset of menstruation (menarche) or ejaculations (oigarche). Sexual experiences elicited included kissing, light petting, heavy petting and intercourse. Self-reported depression was measured by the 13-item Beck Depression Inventory. Among girls, self-reported depression was associated with early puberty and intimate sexual relationship. Among boys depression was associated with very early and late puberty and experience of intercourse. Early puberty is a risk factor for self-reported depression. Intimate sexual relationships in middle adolescent are likely to indicate problems in adolescent development rather than successful adolescent passage.
To identify the prevalence of health-compromising behaviors, and the risk and protective factors associated with them among youth in the Caribbean, and to predict the likelihood of these outcomes given the presence or absence of the risk and protective factors.
Analyses were done on the results of a 1997-98 survey of over 15,500 young people in nine countries of the Caribbean Community. The four health-compromising behaviors studied included violence involvement, sexual intercourse, tobacco use, and alcohol use. Logistic regression was used to identify the strongest risk and protective factors, and also to create models for predicting the outcomes given combinations of the risk and protective factors.
Rage was the strongest risk factor for every health-compromising behavior for both genders, and across all age groups, and school connectedness was the strongest protective factor. For many of the outcomes studied, increased protective factors were associated with as much or more reduction of involvement in health-compromising behaviors than a decrease in risk factors.
This research suggests the importance of strengthening the protective factors in the lives of vulnerable youth not just reducing risk.
To compare the onset and completion of sexual maturation among U.S. children between 1966 and 1994.
Tanner stages were from 3042 non-Hispanic white boys, 478 black boys, 2625 white girls, and 505 black girls (NHES 1966-70), from 717 Mexican-American boys and 712 Mexican-American girls (HHANES 1982-84) and from 259 non-Hispanic white boys, 411 black boys, 291 white girls, 415 black girls, 576 Mexican-American boys and 512 Mexican-American girls (NHANES III 1988-1994). Proportions of entry into a stage, probit analysis estimated medians and selected percentiles for ages at entry were calculated using SUDAAN.
NHANES III (1988-1994) non-Hispanic white boys entered stage 2, 3, and 4 genital development and stages 3 and 4 pubic hair earlier than NHES (1966-1970) white boys, but they entered stage 5 genital development significantly later. NHANES III (1988-1994) Mexican-American boys were in stage 2, 3 and 4 genital development earlier than HHANES (1982-1984) boys, but entry into stage 5 genital and pubic hair development was not significant. NHANES III (1988-1994) white girls entered stage 5 pubic hair later than NHES (1966-1970) white girls. NHANES III (1988-1994) Mexican-American girls entered stage 2 breast and pubic hair development earlier than HHANES (1982-1984) girls, entered stage 4 breast and pubic hair development earlier but entered stage 5 pubic hair later than the HHANES (1982-1984) girls.
Persuasive evidence of a secular trend toward early maturation is not found between 1966 and 1994 in non-Hispanic black boys and non-Hispanic black and white girls. Some evidence of this trend is found in non-Hispanic white boys between 1966 and 1994 and in Mexican-American boys and girls between 1982 and 1994.
Analyses of multivariate data are frequently hampered by missing values. Until recently, the only missing-data methods available to most data analysts have been relatively ad hoc practices such as listwise deletion. Recent dramatic advances in theoretical and computational statistics, however, have produced a new generation of flexible procedures with a sound statistical basis. These procedures involve multiple imputation (Rubin, 1987), a simulation technique that replaces each missing datum with a set of m > 1 plausible values. The m versions of the complete data are analyzed by standard complete-data methods, and the results are combined using simple rules to yield estimates, standard errors, and p-values that formally incorporate missing-data uncertainty. New computational algorithms and software described in a recent book (Schafer, 1997) allow us to create proper multiple imputations in complex multivariate settings. This article reviews the key ideas of multiple imputation, discus...
Is sexual maturity occurring earlier among U.S. children Collecting sensitive self-report data with laptop computers: Impact on the response tendencies of adolescents in a home interview State and county quickfacts. Available from
- S S Sun
- C M Schubert
- R Liang
- A F Roche
- H E Kulin
- P A Lee
Sun, S. S., Schubert, C. M., Liang, R., Roche, A. F., Kulin, H. E., Lee, P. A., et al. (2005). Is sexual maturity occurring earlier among U.S. children. Journal of Adolescent Health, 37, 345e355. Supple, A. J., Aquilino, W. S., & Wright, D. L. (1999). Collecting sensitive self-report data with laptop computers: Impact on the response tendencies of adolescents in a home interview. Journal of Research on Adolescence, 9, 467e488. United States Census Bureau. (2006). State and county quickfacts. Available from. http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/ states/55000.html Retrieved September 17, 2008.
Variations in the pattern of pubertal changes in boys Archives of Diseases in Childhood, 45, 15e23 Early puberty, peer victimization, and internalizing symptoms in ethnic minority adolescents Psychometric theory
- W A Marshall
- N M Tanner
- E Nadeem
- S Graham
Marshall, W. A., & Tanner, N. M. (1970). Variations in the pattern of pubertal changes in boys. Archives of Diseases in Childhood, 45, 15e23. Nadeem, E., & Graham, S. (2005). Early puberty, peer victimization, and internalizing symptoms in ethnic minority adolescents. Journal of Early Adolescence, 25, 197e222. Nunnally, J. D., & Bernstein, I. H. (1994). Psychometric theory (3rd ed.). St Louis: McGraw-Hill.
Developmental context of peer harassment in early adolescence Peer harassment in school: The plight of the vulnerable and victimized (pp. 242e261)
- W Craig
- D J Pepler
- J Connolly
- K Henderson
Craig, W., Pepler, D. J., Connolly, J., & Henderson, K. (2001). Developmental context of peer harassment in early
adolescence. In J. Juvonen, & S. Graham (Eds.), Peer harassment in school: The plight of the vulnerable and victimized
(pp. 242e261). New York: Guilford.
State and county quickfacts Available from
United States Census Bureau. (2006). State and county quickfacts. Available from. http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/
states/55000.html Retrieved September 17, 2008.
- J L Petersen
- J S Hyde
J.L. Petersen, J.S. Hyde / Journal of Adolescence 32 (2009) 1173e1188
A longitudinal study of bullying, dominance, and victimization during the transition from primary school through secondary school
- Pelligrini