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‘Beauty Will Save the World’: Beauty Discourse and the Imposition of Gender Hierarchies in the Post-War Chechen Republic
Abstract
This paper utilises the case study of the recent Miss Chechen Beauty pageant in order to discuss the ways in which gendered discourses and practices have affected the situation of women in the post-war Chechen Republic. Although, on the surface, they appear to have little in common, the paper draws on connections between women's bodies and nation-states in order examine practices such as beauty pageants, honor killings, and government-enforced modesty campaigns that are currently taking place in the republic. Ultimately, the paper argues that beauty contests and modesty campaigns share in common the fact that they are being utilised by the state to relegate women to private spaces and to re-enforce gender hierarchies in the aftermath of two brutal conflicts.
... p. 220) Los feminismos buscan replantear la idea de que la violencia cese al fin de las hostilidades armadas: según varias autoras, al contrario, la violencia tiende a aumentar, especialmente la VBG. A pesar de que las mujeres afirmaron en las entrevistas que la igualdad era una parte integral del grupo armado, dichas autoras argumentan que esta "supuesta igualdad" no es una realidad tangible ya que una vez la persona se desmoviliza, los roles de género tradicionales vuelven a reafirmarse en la mayoría de los casos(Szalkai, 2012;Banner, 2009).161 En mi interpretación del dialecto, comprendo que "mujeres arrechas y verracas" son expresiones que hacen referencia a la fortaleza, la resistencia y la gran capacidad para tolerar el dolor o la dureza de la vida mientras que mujeres guerreras se relaciona más con un fenómeno particular, es decir que la mayoría del tiempo, se asocia a las mujeres cabeza de hogar que necesitan "pelear" por su propia supervivencia y la de sus hijo/as. ...
Inspirado de la Filosofía de la corporeidad, los Estudios de género y los Estudios de paz y noviolencia, este libro propone hacer una reflexión sobre el proceso de reintegración a la vida civil en el contexto del conflicto armado colombiano a partir de las narrativas de 15 mujeres que han pertenecido a grupos organizados al margen de la ley y que se encuentran actualmente en el área metropolitana de Bucaramanga, en el Departamento de Santander. Como sostengo a lo largo de esta investigación, el análisis de las interrelaciones de género respecto al proceso de reintegración es fundamental, es decir; se hace obligatorio abordar dicho proceso a partir de un enfoque de género ya que es transversal a la vida humana. De este modo, el libro se divide en varias secciones de las cuales se destacan el contexto político de los procesos de desarme, desmovilización y reintegración en Colombia; el marco teórico sobre los Estudios de género; y los relatos de las mujeres que retornaron a la vida civil, desde sus corporalidades y subjetividades. Finalmente, el libro propone unas recomendaciones para reorientar las políticas de género en las acciones de la Agencia colombiana para la reintegración.
... Respecto al cuerpo de la mujeres, por ejemplo, se observa que en la tradición occidental está asociado a la patria como «madre de la nación», se tiende a ver a la mujer como la que pare los hijos que van a defender la ilusión de un territorio «nacional» (Durán Camelo, 2010: 244;Banner, 2009). La decolonización del sujeto femenino, por el contrario, permite reivindicar las diferentes visiones que se tienen sobre lo femenino y por tanto facilita la comprensión de las cosmovisiones indígenas, pues para los wayuu, «[…] la mujer se ubica como eje de la familia, centro de la cultura y valor tanto social como económico» (Durán Camelo, 2010: 244). ...
El feminismo desde lo indígena: trayectorias de estudiantes Wayuu en la Universidad Santo Tomás de Bucaramanga Indigenous Feminism: Trajectories of Wayuu Students at Santo Tomás University in Bucaramanga Resumen La llegada en el año 2009 de estudiantes wayuu en la Universidad Santo Tomás de Bucaramanga (USTA) ocasionó un encuentro intercultural particular que remodela sus subjetividades, las cuales transcurren en escenarios que transitan entre las realidades culturales de la Alta Guajira y la ciudad de Bucaramanga (Colombia). El artículo investiga las diferentes trayectorias de vidas que definen y co-construyen las subjetividades del estudiantado y que atraviesan sus cosmovisiones mitológicas, culturales, educativas y de género. A partir del feminismo indígena, la teoría decolonial y el método biográfico, este artículo analiza dichas trayectorias desde una perspectiva de género, tratando de evidenciar cómo se define lo femenino y lo masculino con relación a los cambios territoriales, epistemológicos, pedagógicos y socioculturales a los cuales se ven enfrentado/as en su nuevo escenario de aprendizaje. Palabras clave: Feminismo indígena, método biográfico, estudiantes Wayuu, género y subjetividad, teoría decolonial. AbstRAct In 2009, Wayuu students began to attend Santo Tomás University for the first time and this occasioned an intercultural encounter, reshaping their subjectivities in between the cultural realities of the Alta Guajira and the city of Bucaramanga (Colombia). This article investigates the different paths that define and co-construct the subjectivities of these students as they intersect with their mythological, cultural, educational and gender cosmovisions. Drawing from indigenous feminism, decolonial theory and biographical methods, this article aims at analyzing, from a gender perspective, the subjectivities of the Wayuu students who have decided to study at USTA in order to express how femininities and masculinities are defined in relation to the territorial, epistemological, pedagogical and socio-cultural changes to which these students are confronted in their new educational context.
The most common narratives regarding women in the Arab world is one of submission and victimisation, especially in the Western media. This raises the question of whether or not the Arab media are giving a more representative account of women considered to be “deviant” from their expected social gender roles. The objective of this article is to analyse, from a gender perspective, the representations of “deviant” women after the events of 9/11 in three online Arab English newspapers: Al-Jazeera English, Arab News and Iraqi News. The ultimate goal is to foment a debate regarding women agency and political activism for Feminist Arab Media Studies.
Durante la invasión de Afganistán por parte de la coalición liderada por la OTAN y EE. UU., se utilizaron los cuerpos femeninos, explícitamente, para legitimar la guerra con base en la retórica de la liberación de las mujeres de la dominación de los talibanes. Actualmente, el escenario “postguerra” demuestra que se han exacerbado las inseguridades para las mujeres, ya que se han institucionalizado prácticas misóginas que se relacionan directamente con la situación política actual. Basado en investigaciones anteriores, este artículo pretende explorar, desde los estudios de género, los territorios de inseguridades y los escenarios de resistencias corporales en el periodo “postguerra” en Afganistán. El texto aborda un breve recuento histórico sobre el contexto político; posteriormente indaga sobre las inseguridades vividas por el cuerpo femenino y, finalmente, busca comprender los aspectos afectivos y corporales de la resistencia femenina en este país.
In the wake of the invasion of Afghanistan by the coalition led by the US-led NATO coalition, female bodies have been explicitly used to legitimize the war on the basis of rhetoric concerning women’s liberation from Taliban domination. Currently, the postwar setting shows increasing levels of insecurities for women as misogyny practices have been institutionalized, directly related to the current political situation. Based on previous research, this article aims at exploring, from Gender Studies, the territories of insecurities and the scenarios of bodily resistance of women in the “post-war” scenario in Afghanistan. The text deals with a brief history of the political context, then it explores the insecurities experienced by the female body and, finally, it seeks to understand the emotional and physical aspects of female resistances in this country.
Beginning in June of 2000 Chechen terrorists have carried out twenty-eight acts of suicide terrorism acts including two mass hostage taking operations combined with suicide terrorism (Beslan and Nord Ost). This paper reports the findings from psychological autopsies (interviews with close family members and friends) of thirty-four (out of 112 total) of these human bombers as well as augmenting them with material from hostage interviews from Beslan and Nord-Ost. The authors analyze the phenomena on the levels of the organization, individual, society and in terms of ideology and compare findings from other arenas also involving suicide terrorism. The main findings are that a lethal mix occurs when individuals in Chechnya are vulnerable to self recruitment into suicide terrorism due to traumatic experiences and feeling a duty to revenge and this vulnerability is combined with exposure to groups that recruit and equip suicide terrorists with both an ideology and the means to explode themselves. The ideology supporting Chechen suicide terrorism is very similar to the global jihadist ideology but remains more nationalist in its goals. It functions for the bombers much like short lived psychological first aid - answering their posttraumatic concerns in a way that shortly leads to their deaths. Unlike the Palestinian case, there is little social support for suicide terrorism in Chechnya.
Beginning in June of 2000 Chechen terrorists have carried out twenty-eight acts of suicide terrorism acts including two mass hostage taking operations combined with suicide terrorism (Beslan and Nord Ost). This paper reports the findings from psychological autopsies (interviews with close family members and friends) of thirty-four (out of 112 total) of these human bombers as well as augmenting them with material from hostage interviews from Beslan and Nord-Ost. The authors analyze the phenomena on the levels of the organization, individual, society and in terms of ideology and compare findings from other arenas also involving suicide terrorism. The main findings are that a lethal mix occurs when individuals in Chechnya are vulnerable to self recruitment into suicide terrorism due to traumatic experiences and feeling a duty to revenge and this vulnerability is combined with exposure to groups that recruit and equip suicide terrorists with both an ideology and the means to explode themselves. The ideology supporting Chechen suicide terrorism is very similar to the global jihadist ideology but remains more nationalist in its goals. It functions for the bombers much like short lived psychological first aid—answering their posttraumatic concerns in a way that shortly leads to their deaths. Unlike the Palestinian case, there is little social support for suicide terrorism in Chechnya.
Beauty pageants are an exemplar of global cultural flow, and the tensions between local and supranational production and reception of media events. This paper discusses the local history and political context of beauty pageantry in the Caribbean country of Belize. The pageants are portrayed as sites where Belizean identity is recast in a universalized language of difference and distinction. The political economy of beauty allows local production and interpretation only within a narrow semantic frame provided by the metropole.
This book illuminates one of the world's most troubled regions from the perspective of a Russian intellectual, examining the evolution of the war in Chechnya that erupted in 1994, and untangling the myths, long-held resentments, and ideological manipulations which have fueled the crisis. In particular, it explores the key themes of nationalism and violence that feed the turmoil there, combining extensive interview material, historical perspectives, and deep local knowledge. The book sheds light on Chechnya in particular and on how secessionist conflicts can escalate into violent conflagrations in general.
In the heated debates over identity politics, few theorists have looked carefully at the conceptualizations of identity assumed by all sides. Drawing on both philosophical sources as well as theories and empirical studies in the social sciences, this book makes a strong case that identities are not like special interests, nor are they doomed to oppositional politics, nor do they inevitably lead to conformism, essentialism, or reductive approaches to judging others. Identities are historical formations and their political implications are open to interpretation. But identities such as race and gender also have a powerful visual and material aspect that eliminativists and social constructionists often underestimate. This book analyses the political and philosophical worries about identity and argues that these worries are neither supported by the empirical data nor grounded in realistic understandings of what identities are. The book develops a more realistic characterization of identity in general through combining phenomenological approaches to embodiment with hermeneutic concepts of the interpretive horizon. Besides addressing the general contours of social identity, the book develops an account of the material infrastructure of gendered identity, compares and contrasts gender identities with racialized ones, and explores the experiential aspects of racial subjectivity for both whites and non-whites. In several chapters the book looks specifically at Latino identity as well, including its relationship to concepts of race, the specific forms of anti-Latino racism, and the politics of mestizo or hybrid identity.
This book provides a ready introduction and practical guide to the Chechen people and some little-known and rarely-considered aspects of Chechen culture, including customs and traditions, folklore, arts and architecture, music, and literature. It also narrates Chechen history from ancient times and provides sketches of archaic religions and civilizations. Jaimoukha reveals the esoteric social structure and the peculiar brand of Chechen Sufism, as well as the present political situation in Chechnya. As the only comprehensive guide available in English, this book is an indispensable and accessible resource for all those with an interest in Chechnya.
What happens to women in periods of political conflict and how do women express themselves politically at such times? In this collection of essays we consider how women’s experience of public strife conforms to or differs from that of men and how women perceive their interests in the context of a struggle in which their society is engaged.
boundary 2 31.2 (2004) 81-111
These ruminations arose in response to America's war on terrorism. I started from the conviction that there is no response to war. War is a cruel caricature of what in us can respond. You cannot be answerable to war.
Yet one cannot remain silent. Out of the imperative or compulsion to speak, then, two questions: What are some already existing responses? And, how respond in the face of the impossibility of response?
When I thus assigned myself the agency of response, my institutionally validated agency kicked in. I am a teacher of the humanities. In the humanities classroom begins a training for what may produce a criticism that can possibly engage a public sphere deeply hostile to the mission of the humanities when they are understood as a persistent attempt at an uncoercive rearrangement of desires, through teaching reading. Before I begin, I would like to distinguish this from the stockpiling of apparently political, tediously radical, and often narcissistic descriptions, according to whatever is perceived to be the latest Euro-US theoretical trend, that we bequeath to our students in the name of public criticism. Uncoercive rearrangement of desires, then; the repeated effort in the classroom. Thus I found myself constructed as a respondent.
A response not only supposes and produces a constructed subject of response, it also constructs its object. To what, then, do most of these responses respond?
The "war" on the Taliban, repeatedly declared on media by representatives of the United States government from the president on down, was only a war in the general sense. Not having been declared by act of Congress, it could not assume that proper name. And even as such it was not a response to war. The detainees at Guantanamo Bay, as we have been repeatedly reminded by Right and Left, are not prisoners of war and cannot be treated according to the Geneva Convention (itself unenforceable) because, as Donald Rumsfeld says, among other things, "they did not fight in uniform." The US is fighting an abstract enemy: terrorism. Definitions in Government handbooks, or UN documents, explain little. The war is part of an alibi every imperialism has given itself, a civilizing mission carried to the extreme, as it always must be. It is a war on terrorism reduced at home to due process, to a criminal case: US v. Zacarias Moussaoui, aka "Shaqil," aka "Abu Khalid al Sahrawi," with the nineteen dead hijackers named as unindicted co-conspirators in the indictment.
This is where I can begin: a war zoomed down to a lawsuit and zoomed up to face an abstraction. Even on the most general level, this binary opposition will no longer stand. For the sake of constructing a response, however, a binary is useful. To repeat, then, down to a case, up to an abstraction. I cannot speak intelligently about the law, about cases. I am not "responsible" in it. I turn to the abstraction: terror-ism.
Yet, being a citizen of the world who aspires to live and prosper under "the rule of law," I will risk a word. When we believe that to punish the perpetrators as criminals would be smarter than, or even more correct than, military intervention, we are not necessarily moving toward a lasting peace. Unless we are trained into imagining the other, a necessary, impossible, and interminable task, nothing we do through politico-legal calculation will last, even with the chanciness of the future anterior: something will have been when we plan a something will be. Before the requirement of the emergence of a specific sort of "public sphere"—corollary to imperial systems and the movement of peoples, when different "kinds" of people came to live together—such training was part of general cultural instruction. After, it has become the especial burden of an institutionalized faculty of the humanities. I squash an entire history here. Kant's enlightened subject is a scholar. In "Critique of Power" Benjamin writes, "what stands outside of the law as the educative power in its perfected form, is one of the forms of appearance of divine power." I happen...
In Visible Identities, Linda Martín Alcoff examines and rebuts some major challenges to identity politics. She focuses on race and gender, identities visibly marked on the body, rather than the more behavioral identities of class and nationality, often very effectively using her own ambiguous Anglo/Latina identity to illuminate her points and arguments. Portions or revised versions of previously published essays are coherently included, illuminating and connecting her years of thinking about racial and gender identities.
Before continuing, I must note that I am hardly a disinterested reader of Linda Alcoff's work. Years ago, she was a student in the philosophy department in which I taught. While working on her master's degree, she ably indexed my 1983 anthology of philosophers' statements on women, Visions of Women. Since then, I have tried to keep in touch with her, have followed her illustrious career with interest and enthusiasm, and have learned a great deal from her. That said, I was delighted to see that she still finds useful those remarks about women.
In this book, Alcoff engages not only with current critics of identity politics but also with the history of philosophy and political theory as well as many other recent and current philosophers and theorists. The number and range of those with whom she is in dialogue are indeed impressive and together unfold the historical lineage of the problems she addresses, always careful to offer thoughtful argument when she disagrees and to give generous credit to those from whom she draws more positively. Important, too, is the fact that she frequently illuminates her points with concrete historical events.
In part 1, Alcoff lays out both her understanding of identity politics and a number of critiques, focusing on those developing "the idea that social identity itself is an a priori problem, that identities, under any description, pose dangers and commit one to mistaken assumptions when they are believed to be real and/or acted upon politically." She does so while recognizing that many constructions of identity are problematic because they are "overly homogenizing, essentialist, reductive, or simplistic" (14).
While acknowledging that political challenges to identity come from the entire political spectrum, she concentrates on liberal and leftist opposition and begins by tracing much of the discomfort to classical liberal political theory where "the initial state of the self is conceptualized as an abstract individual without, or prior to, group allegiance" (21). She then discusses Kant's claim that full autonomy requires critical distance from and thus the ability to objectify cultural traditions (22) and shows how his claim continues to affect contemporary views of ethnicity and identity in contemporary theorists such as Arthur M. Schlesinger and Jean Bethke Elshtain. Rather different concerns have been developed by leftist political theorists like Nancy Fraser, who seems to be worried that group identity will undermine progressive struggles and "encourage . . . the reification of group identities" (17). In response, Alcoff cites studies indicating that strongly felt identities do not, in fact, result in the feared "balkanization" or group solipsism. Moreover, she appeals to the more "realistic" support of "cultural citizenship" (as proposed by Renato Rosaldo and developed by the Latino Cultural Studies Working Group), not abstract individual citizens who participate in civil society as rational agents, to make possible effective response to prejudices that confront various individuals when they enter the public arena (40).
In her philosophical critique, Alcoff challenges the view of self and rationality, especially self-Other relations, that she finds in Western philosophy from Plato and Augustine to Descartes and Kant, counterposing Charles Taylor's hermeneutic view in Sources of the Self to other views that recognize some, but not enough, of the complexity found in his view of the self. In this connection, she examines Hegel's early and later recognitions of process and the important but limited role of the Other; Paul Ricoeur, Lorraine Code, and Susan Brison's relational but still restricted accounts of the self; Freud and Lacan's proposed internalization particularly of early Others; Teresa Brennan's more extensive acknowledgment that the self receives its identity from the Other; and Sartre's view of the Other as a threat to the self but as the source...
Using the Chechen rebel sieges of the Dubrovka Theater in Moscow and the elementary school in Beslan as a focal point, the author traces the events of that day back to its origins in the hearts of the women who participated in the hostage taking. She reveals the impact that female rebels had on the psyche of Russians and their media, and the impact that Russian government policy in Chechnya has had on Chechen women, whether they are trying to lead a devout Muslim life or simply live in peace in a war zone.
ABSTRACT This article examines the spatial construction of gender roles in a time of war. During a period of armed conflict both women and men are perceived as beings who exemplify gender-specific virtues. The relationship of gender and identity in this case is a paradoxical one: war-usually a catalyst of change-can often become an agent of conservatism as regards gender identities. This conservatism can be seen in the wartime spatial relegation of women to the private/domestic realm. When a society is in armed conflict there is a predisposition to perceive men as violent and action-oriented and women as compassionate and supportive to the male warrior. These gender tropes do not denote the actions of women and men in a time of war, but function instead to re-create and secure women's position as non-combatants and that of men as warriors. Thus, women have historically been marginalized in the consciousness of those who have researched the events of war. This article is largely based on interviews I conducted in the fall of 1993, in an Irish Catholic community in Belfast, Northern Ireland. I will offer both female and male interpretations of what women did and how they were affected by the upheavals of the Irish Nationalist struggle in Northern Ireland.
The record since 1991 has been mixed. On the one hand, conflicts are inactive and countries are more independent. On the other, internal and economic problems persist. These problems must be addressed or the region risks becoming the next Afghanistan.
Terry Eagleton once wrote in the Guardian, 'Few post-colonial writers can rival Homi Bhabha in his exhilarated sense of alternative possibilities'. In rethinking questions of identity, social agency and national affiliation, Bhabha provides a working, if controversial, theory of cultural hybridity, one that goes far beyond previous attempts by others. A scholar who writes and teaches about South Asian literature and contemporary art with incredible virtuosity, he discusses writers as diverse as Morrison, Gordimer, and Conrad. In The Location of Culture, Bhabha uses concepts such as mimicry, interstice, hybridity, and liminality to argue that cultural production is always most productive where it is most ambivalent. Speaking in a voice that combines intellectual ease with the belief that theory itself can contribute to practical political change, Bhabha has become one of the leading post-colonial theorists of this era.
As the only Sunni Islamic Republic in the world, Sudan's middle‐class, modernist Islamist revolution can be seen as a model for the mobilization of public consciousness about citizenship in an Islamic state. That this citizenship is consciously and conspicuously gendered is the main theme of this paper. In the north, where mobilization has been most successful, Sudanese women have both been constructed and have constructed themselves as the woman citizen— mother, Muslim, and soldier. A brief historical background reveals complicated shifts in national, local, and gender identities, from the colonial state to the present. The crux of the paper is an exploration of state hegemonic strategies, including the manipulation of gender and other identities, especially as these are manifested in the fashioning of the ‘new Muslim woman’. Women's complicity in and resistance to these constructions are among the dynamics of contemporary northern Sudan. The paper also explores the waning of ‘Arab’ identity claims in the face of state emphasis on Islamic identity and the relevance to Islamist women. Interview statements by Islamist women attest to both their complicity in and resistance to their construction as members of the Islamic nation/community.
This essay examines how rape of women and girls by male soldiers works as a martial weapon. Continuities with other torture and terrorism and with civilian rape are suggested. The inadequacy of past philosophical treatments of the enslavement of war captives is briefly discussed. Social strategies are suggested for responding and a concluding fantasy offered, not entirely social, of a strategy to change the meanings of rape to undermine its use as a martial weapon.
Jean Elshtain examines how the myths of Man as "Just Warrior" and Woman as "Beautiful Soul" serve to recreate and secure women's social position as noncombatants and men's identity as warriors. Elshtain demonstrates how these myths are undermined by the reality of female bellicosity and sacrificial male love, as well as the moral imperatives of just wars.
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