On est certain qu'au cours de ses annees de formation, Zayd b. Thabit a reellement appris l'ecriture arabe, mais probablement egalement l'arameen/syriaque. Il tient ces competences d'un membre d'un groupe juif appele le Banū Māsika qui vivait a Medine. L'A. suggere qu'entre la mort de son pere dans la bataille de Bu'ath et l'hegire, Zayd fut eleve par les Juifs et pourrait meme avoir ete eleve comme un Juif. Les Arabes lettres qui aiderent le prophete Muhammad a obtenir une residence a Medine ou le culte des idoles etait toujours tres vivant, furent membres d'une elite monotheiste elevee par les Juifs
Muḥammad ibn Maslama was a prominent companion of the Prophet Muḥammad who belonged to the Ḥāritha clan of the Medinan tribe of Aws. He played a key role in the events leading to the defeat of the three Jewish tribes of Medina and participated in the assassination of the Jewish leader Kaʿb ibn al-Ashraf. Muḥammad ibn Maslama was connected to the Jews in various ways, as is evident, for example, from accounts claiming that he was Kaʿb's maternal nephew, and that his clan, the Banū Ḥāritha, lived in the predominantly Jewish oasis of Khaybar for nearly a year in the pre-Islamic period. Muḥammad ibn Maslama's role in Kaʿb's assassination has recently been argued to be of dubious historicity. This article offers a reassessment of this conclusion by placing the accounts of Muḥammad ibn Maslama's ties with the Jews, on the one hand, and those that depict him as their enemy, on the other, in the broader context of the change in the attitudes of some of the Anṣār towards the Jews during the Prophet's Medinan period. It argues that this change of attitudes is an attested historical pattern and, accordingly, that the fact of Muḥammad ibn Maslama's participation in the assassination of Kaʿb ibn al-Ashraf can be deemed reliable.
The murder of the Prophet's chief Jewish opponent, Ka‘b b. al-Ashraf, led to grave consequences for the tribe of Banū al-Naḍīr and for the Jews as a whole. The incident ushered in a series of hostile Muslim-Jewish encounters that reached its climax in the battle of Khaybar. Despite the constructive study undertaken by previous scholars, there still seem to be some contradictory elements and vague accounts that have been either utterly ignored or for which a satisfactory explanation is lacking. In the light of certain striking pieces of evidence, scattered in unlikely places in the sīra and tafsīr compendia, the present study sets out to examine critically the extent to which the accounts of Ka‘b's murder can be trusted. It will be argued that what we are faced with is seriously distorted material with logical absurdities and discrepancies that cannot easily be reconciled. Apart from the historical reconstruction, special attention will be devoted to a momentous historiographical point—that our reports have been doctored for political reasons. This helps us adopt a more realistic view of the individuals whose names occurred in the accounts of the event in question.
The companion Ibn Mas'ūd (d. 32/652-653) has long been recognised for the variance of his Qur'anic qirā'a ('reading', or 'recitation') from the canonical 'Uthmānī codex. His reading continued to enjoy popularity for at least a century within Kufa, the place of origin for much of the Hanafī madhhab's jurisprudential corpus. This article analyses Mas'ūdian variants with legal implications in the doctrine of the early jurist Ibrāhīm al-Nakha'ī (d. 96/715), the seminal writings ascribed to Muhammad b. al-Hasan al-Shaybānī (d. 189/805), as well as the furū' and usūl works of key Hanafī figures from the fourth/tenth and fifth/eleventh centuries: al-Jassās (d. 370/981), al-Qudūrī (d. 428/1036-1037) and al-Sarakhsī (d. 483/1090). Close study of these figures' use of Mas'ūdian variants indicates that while their non-canonicity demanded a compelling solution, their quasi-Qur'anic status presented opportunities within the arena of juristic debate. Furthermore, the manner in which they were ultimately accommodated within the practical and theoretical toolkit of the Hanafī school illustrates broader developments in its epistemology of revelation, abrogation and transmission.
No other people are mentioned in the Qur'ān as often as the people of Israel. They appear in sixteen surahs and approximately forty verses by name (banu Isrā'īl). The Qur'ān also makes reference to the Jews either by name (al-yahūd/hūd) or within the context of the people of the book (ahl al-kitāb). This paper aims to discuss the Qur'ānic verses about the Jews and the people of Israel in terms of the naming and the content. Key questions to be addressed are: What is the purpose of the frequent mention of the people of Israel in the Qur'ān? What is the context and the content of the verses about the Jews and the people of Israel both in Meccan and Medinan sūrahs? What message or messages are intended to or can be conveyed by these verses?.
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