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Asian Affairs
ISSN: 0306-8374 (Print) 1477-1500 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/raaf20
The impact of colonialism: thoughts on politics
and governance in Bangladesh
Ahmed Shafiqul Huque
To cite this article: Ahmed Shafiqul Huque (1997) The impact of colonialism: thoughts on
politics and governance in Bangladesh, Asian Affairs, 28:1, 15-27, DOI: 10.1080/714041319
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714041319
Published online: 18 Jun 2010.
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THE
IMPACT
OF
COLONIALISM:
THOUGHTS
ON
POLITICS
AND
GOVERNANCE IN
BANGLADESH
AHMED
SHAFIQUL
HUQUE
Dr
Ahmed
Shafiqul
Huque
is
Associate
Professor
in
the
Department
of
Public
and
Social
Administration
at
the
City
University
of
Hong
Kong.
He
presented
an
earlier
version
of this
paper at
the
Fourth
Commonwealth
and
post-Colonial
Studies
Conference,
Georgia Southern
University,
in
April
1995.
His
most
recent
visit
to
Bangladesh
was
in
mid-1996.
COLONIALISM
LEAVES
a
lasting
impression
on
the
lives
of
people.
Countries
under
colonial
domination
experience
a distinctly
different
way
of
developing,
maturing
and
eventually
arriving
at
a
state
where
the
legacy
of
dependence
continues
to
affect
their
existence
and
performance.
The
situ-
ation
becomes
more
complicated
in
cases
where
the withdrawal
of
colo-
nial
rule
does
not
lead to independence
but
to
mere
replacement
of
one
by
another
dominant
power.
Such experiences
usually
leave
a
combination
of
impressions
which
cause
confusion,
distrust and immature
behaviour.
Colonial
experience
can
have
a
beneficial
impact
in
the
sense
that
the
process
of development
is
accelerated
through
the
importation
of
external
influences
and
ideas.
Thus,
many
countries
of
the developing
world
had
their
first
exposure
to
western
and
liberal
ideas
and
systems
of
education
under
colonial
rule.
Subsequently,
products
of
the
colonial
educational
system have
provided
leadership
to
movements
aiming
to
end colonial
rule.
The principles
of
democracy,
equality,
fundamental
rights
and
equity
are
strengthened
as
the political
and administrative
systems
of the
colo-
nising powers
are
imposed.
At
the same
time,
colonial
rule
also
leads
to
negative
experience
for
the
natives.
Strict
maintenance
of
law
and
order,
intolerance of
opposition to
the
governing
power
and
repressive
measures
adopted
by
colonial
powers
to
maintain
control
generally
contradict
the principles
of
democracy prac-
tised
in
the
parent
countries.
The
natives
face
the
difficult
task
of choosing
between
the
two
strategies
followed
by
the
colonial
powers.
Subsequently,
after
the
achievement
of
independence,
native
nationalist
leaders
are
attracted
towards
the political
and administrative
systems
of the colonial
power
based
on
democracy,
freedom,
justice
and
equality.
However,
as
they strive
to
assert
their
authority
in
the
face
of
opposition
and
criticisms
levelled
against
them,
such
leaders have
to
adopt
the
other
(negative)
strategies
used
by
the
colonial
powers.
Governments
become
repressive,
and
strict
control
is
exercised
in
the
name
of
law
and
order.
The overall
result
is
total
confusion
as leaders
choose
governing
strategies
to
sit
their
convenience.
15
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THE
IMPACT
OF
COLONIALISM
The
land
mass
now
known
as
Bangladesh
constituted
a
part
of
the
British
empire
for
almost
two
hundred
years.
Subsequently,
the
British
were
replaced
by
Pakistani
rulers
who
dominated
the
area
for
twenty-four
years.
A
bitter
war
of
liberation
eventually
brought
about
the
indepen-
dence
of
the
country.
However,
the
impacts
of
the
colonial
past
continue
to
affect
new
nations
in
varying
ways,
particularly
in
their
political
and
administrative
arrangements.
Following
the
liberation
of
Bangladesh
in
1971,
the
nation
nurtured
high
expectations
of
making
a
complete
break
from
the
past
and
starting
with
a
clean
slate.
Nationalist
leaders
of
the
new
nation
launched
into
scathing
criticism
of
colonial
and
traditional
political
and
administrative
institutions
and
promised
to
develop
alternatives
more
suited
to
the
needs
of
the
country.
Expectations
rose
as
the
governmental
machinery
was
set
up,
a
new
constitution
was
adopted
within
a
short
period,
and
major
reforms
in
the
system
of
administration
pledged.
The
termination
of
prolonged
periods
of
martial
law
imposed
by
the
Pakistani
military
provided
scope
for
developing
new
political
parties.
In
short,
Bangladesh
was
looking
forward
to
a
new
and
vibrant
system
of
politics
and
administration
which
would
be
markedly
different
from
the
past
and
would
realise
the
aspira-
tions
of
millions
of
people.
This
paper
seeks
to take
stock
of
the
progress
achieved
in
such
endeav-
ours.
In
the
process,
a
number
of tools
and
institutions
that
have
been
used
and
established
in
Bangladesh
are
examined.
The
purpose
is
to
con-
sider
some
of
the
essential
ingredients
of
democracy
and
determine
the
extent
of
colonial
influence
on
these
institutions.
In
particular,
attention
is
focused
on
the
role
of
the
constitution,
parliament
and
political
parties
in
the
politics
and
governance
of
Bangladesh.
The
analysis
is
supplemented
by
an
overview
of
the
role
of
the
military
and
the
bureaucracy.
The
ultimate
objective
is
to
provide
an assessment
of
the
current
situation
in
Bangladesh
and
determine
its
linkages
to
the
colonial
past
of
the
country.
Background
Bangladesh,
located
in
the
Gangetic
delta,
has
attracted
settlers
for
a
long
period
of
time
and
the
area
has
been
exposed
to
external
influences
on
a
regular
basis.
Such
exposure
as
well
as
the
influx
of
outsiders
enriched
the
cultural
mix
and
contributed
to
the
development
of
a
lifestyle
which
drew
liberally
from
various
sources.
As
central
India
withstood
assaults
and
annexations
by
external
conquerors,
Bengal
was
often
ruled
by
indepen-
dent
kings
and
only
in
the
Mughal
period
was
it
annexed
to
become
a
province
of
the
empire.
After
the
fall
of
the
Mughal
empire,
"hereditary
noblemen
ruled
the
area
consisting
of
East
Bengal
as
semi-independent
chiefs
paying
a
small
tribute
to
the
British
government"
(Huque
1988,
27).
Bengal
has
always
been
considered
an
unwieldy
province,
and
extension
of
British
control
to
wider
areas
added
to
the
complexity
of
administering
the
provinces.
With
16
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THE
IMPACT
OF
COLONIALISM
a
huge
population,
the functions
and
responsibilities
of the
Lieutenant
Governor
of
Bengal
appeared
to
have
grown
to
a
"burden
beyond
the
capabilities
of any
single
man
to
bear"
(Choudhury
1984,
2).
Consequent-
ly,
the
British
colonial
rulers
tried
to
use
various
measures
to
manage
the
administration
and
control
of
Bengal
including
a
redefinition
of
the
boundaries.
The
British
Governor-General's
attempt
to
partition
Bengal
for
administrative
convenience
was
unsuccessful
as
a
movement
was
organised
by
the
Indians
to
annul
it.
Later,
as
the
nationalist
movement
gained
momentum,
pressure
for
the
creation
of
Pakistan
also
intensified
and
eventually
the
Indian
subcontinent
was
split
into
two
sovereign
coun-
tries.
Bengal
was
also
divided
and
the
eastern
wing,
later
to
become
Ban-
gladesh,
became
the
eastern
wing
of
Pakistan.
Located
at
a
great
distance
from
the
centre
of
power,
East
Pakistan
faced
a
number
of
problems
since
birth.
The
fact
that
the
relationship
between
India
and
Pakistan
was
hostile
did
not
help,
as
East
Bengal
(hereafter
Bangladesh)
was
surrounded
by
India
on three
sides.
Discrimi-
natory
treatment
by
the
ruling
elite
of
Pakistan,
unwillingness
of
the
Pakistani
rulers
to
give
Bangladesh
its
rightful
share
of
the
national
resources,
and
their
refusal
to
share
power
led
to
armed
confrontation
between
East
and
West
Pakistan
(Jahan
1972).
People
of
Bangladesh
strongly
opposed
economic
and
political
disparity
as
well
as
the
cultural
hegemony
maintained
by
the
Pakistani
rulers.
Eventually,
the
system
could
no
longer
survive
the
tension
and
Pakistan's
colonial
control
over
Bangladesh
slipped.
The
country
became
independent
in
1971
and
was
gradually
recognized
by
the
international
community.
The
birth
of
Bangladesh
gave
rise
to
great
expectations
among
the
citizens
and
leaders
of
the country.
Prolonged
periods
of colonial
domina-
tion
and
suppression
of
nationalist
ideas
had
only
strengthened
the
resolve
of
the
people
to
give
concrete
shape
to their
aspirations.
National-
ist
leaders
had
played
on
this
sentiment
in
their movement
against
Pakis-
tani
rule
by
highlighting
the
disparities
and
injustice
inherent
in
a
colonial
system,
and
promised
to
eliminate
the
"evils"
of
colonial
rule
after
assuming
power.
A
number
of
institutions
were
identified
as
potential
problem
areas
and the
nationalist
leaders
set
about
the
task
of
correcting
errors
that
had
long
infested
the
system.
The
crucial
tool
of
governance,
the
Constitution,
naturally
headed
the
list
of
areas
to
be
reformed
and
this
was
expected
to
have
a
significant
impact
on
the
functioning
of
the
legislature
or
Parlia-
ment.
The
role
of
political
parties
was
also
expected
to
be
transformed
as
Bangladeshis
had
become
masters
of
their
own
fate
and
were
free
to
pursue
their
aspirations
through
any
ideological
avenue
they
chose.
The
system
of
administration
had
to
undergo
major
overhaul
and
the bureauc-
racy
had
to
be
streamlined.
Its
role
was
to
be
redefined
along
with
the
other
powerful
institution,
the
military.
Breaking
away
from
the colonial
past,
Bangladesh
targeted
these
agents
and
institutions
to
be
the
fore-
runners
in
transforming
the
system
of
governance
and
making
it
consis-
17
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THE
IMPACT
OF
COLONIALISM
tent
with the
mood
and
needs
of the
time.
Constitution
The
first
Parliament
of
the
People's
Republic
of
Bangladesh
demonstrated
remarkable
efficiency
in
drafting,
deliberating,
and
adopting
a
constitu-
tion
for
the
new
country
within
a
short
period
of
less
than
a
year
(See
Huq
1973,
59-76).
The representatives
who
were
elected
to
the
central
and
provincial
legislature
in
1970
formed
the
first
constituent
assembly
in
Bangladesh
(Muhith
1991,
105).
The
constitution
prescribed
a
system
that
was
markedly
different
fromthe
previous
arrangements
found
in
Pakistan
prior
to
1971.
Noticeable
changes
included
a
multi-party
parliamentary
system,
guaranteed
fundamental
rights
and
an
independent
judiciary
(Hakim
and
Huque
1995,
256).
Major
advancements
were
made
in
the
sense
that
the
constitution
reflected
the
ideals
of
liberation
and
emphasised
democratic
and
progres-
sive
principles.
It
was
presented
as
"the
expression
of
the
will
of the
people" and
"the
supreme
law
of
the
Republic"
(Government
of
Bangla-
desh
1972,
Article
7).
However,
even
a
popular
government
which
had
assumed
power
after
a
war
of
liberation
had
to
face
criticism
for
provi-
sions
relating
to
parliamentary
supremacy,
party
discipline,
and
emer-
gency
powers
of
the
government.
Since
the
legislature
was
composed
almost
exclusively
of representatives
of
a
single
political
party,
the
Bangla-
desh
Awami
League,
the
provisions
for
parliamentary
supremacy
and
guaranteeing
party
discipline
sought
to
ensure
an unassailable
position
for
the
ruling
party.
Moreover,
emergency
powers
of
the government
did
pose
a
potential
threat
to
groups
who
were
not
in
power.
The
constitution
of
the
People's
Republic of
Bangladesh
enunciated
four
basic
principles
of
nationalism,
socialism,
democracy
and
secularism
(Government
of
Bangladesh,
1972,
Part
II).
While some
critics
were
quick
to
notice
inconsistencies
in
the
combination
of
these
principles,
a
wider
group
were
dissatisfied
that
such
a
decision
was
not
covered
by
the
mandate
of
the
electorate. It may
be
noted
that
the legislature
was
com-
posed
of
members
who
were
elected
to the
National
and
Provincial
Assemblies
of
erstwhile
Pakistan,
and
not
to
the
Constituent
Assembly
of
the
People's
Republic
of
Bangladesh.
Moreover,
the
government
had
neglected
to
put
the
constitution
to
popular
referendum.
Although
the
constitution
was
hailed
by
the rulers
of Bangladesh
as
a
momentous
achievement,
it
has
subsequently
undergone
several
changes
to
deal
with
situations
as
they
were
confronted
and
to
suit
the
convenience
of
the
ruling groups.
There
has
been
a
total
of
twelve
amendments
to
the
constitution
to date
and
they
relate
to
a
wide
variety
of
issues.
The
various
amendments
introduced
by
the
Awami
League
(AL)
gov-
ernment
allowed
parliament
to
retain
the
right
to
frame
laws
relating
to
the trial
and
sentencing
of
war criminals,
empowered the
President
to
declare
a
state of
emergency,
redefined
border
areas
with
India,
replaced
the
parliamentary
system
by a
presidential
system,
substituted
multi-party
18
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THE
IMPACT
OF
COLONIALISM
democracy
by
a
single-party
autocracy,
suspended
fundamental
rights,
terminated
the
independence
of
the
judiciary,
and
concentrated
powers
in
the
office
of
the
President
(see
Hakim
and Huque
1995,
262-64).
The
AL
government
was
ousted
from
office
following
a
military
coup
in
1975.
The military
leaders
ruled
Bangladesh
through
a
series
of
Procla-
mation
Orders
and
these
Orders
were
incorporated
in
the
constitution
by
the
fifth
amendment
in
1979.
The military
government
sought
to
reverse
the
trend toward
the
secularization
of politics
and
altered phrases
dealing
with
fundamental
principles,
and
the
country
reverted
to
a
multi-party
system
(Hakim
and
Huque
1995,
262).
Subsequent
amendments
to
the
constitution
made
the Vice-President
eligible
to
run
for
the Presidential
office,
raised the
age
of retirement
of
members
of
the
judiciary,
and
recognized
Islam
as
the
state
religion.
There
were
amendments
to
facilitate
the
election
of
the
Vice-President
directly
by
the
citizens,
reserve
seats
for
women
in
the
legislature,
and
allow an
acting
President
to
return
to
his
previous
position
of
Chief
Justice.
The
latest
amendment
in
1991
returned
Bangladesh
to
a
parliamentary
form of
government.
An
overview
of
the
series
of amendments
indicate
that
in
most
cases
the
objectives
included
"the
perpetuation
of individual
and party
position,
legitimization
of military
intervention
in
politics,
and
tinkering
with
the
political
system
for
selfish
ends"
and
only
the
twelfth
amendment
appeared
to
be
"an
honest
attempt
to
improve
the
system" (Hakim
and
Huque
1995, 269).
Obviously,
the
legacy
of
Pakistani
colonial
rule
contin-
ued
to
influence
the
attitude
and
pattern
of
behaviour
of
the
leaders
of
Bangladesh
in
adopting and
amending
the
constitution.
Parliament
Parliament
(Jatiya
Sangsad)
is
the highest
law-making
body
in
Bangla-
desh.
The
first
parliament
was
composed
of
members
elected
to
the
Pro-
vincial
and National
Assemblies
of
Pakistan
in
1970.
Therefore,
Bangladesh
started
off
with
a
parliament
which
included
most
members
from
the
same
political
party.
Moreover,
the
members
were
elected
under
different
circumstances
from
those
in
which
they
had
to
serve.
Since
there
was
virtually
no
opposition,
the
first
parliament
appeared
to
be
a
mere
echoing
board
of the ruling
political
party
and
personalities,
and
was
described
by
Ahmed
as
a
"rubber
stamp
body"
(1984,
237).
However,
Parliament
"was
very
effective
in
drawing
up
a
new
consti-
tution
for
the
country
within
a
year"
(Huque
and Hakim,
1993,
249).
But
its
role
has
been
affected
by
the
nature of
its
composition
throughout
the
first
two
decades of
Bangladesh's
existence.
The
ruling
political
party
had
97.78
per
cent
of the
seats
in
the
first
parliament
and
75.15
per
cent
in
the
second
parliament.
In
the
third
parliament,
the
percentage
of
seats'held
by
the ruling
party dropped
to
6242,
but
it
shot
up
to
8367
in
the
fourth
19
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THE
IMPACT
OF
COLONIALISM
parliament
(Ahmed
1994,
366).
Obviously,
parliament
did
not
serve
as
a
forum
for
free
and
open debates
and deliberation
on
policy
issues
and
legislation
was
pushed
through
which
had
scant
support
among
the
citi-
zens.
However,
following
the
first
free
and
fair
elections
held
in
1991
and
the
second
such
elections
in
1996,
the
percentage
of
seats
for
the
ruling
party
dropped
approximately
50.
As
the
highest
law-making
body
in
Bangladesh,
parliament
was
expected
to
play
a
significant
role
in
guiding
the
new
state
through
the
difficult
years ahead.
Unfortunately,
this
institution
has frequently
been
used as
a
tool
for
endorsing
policies
and
granting
legitimacy
to
rulers
who
have
assumed
power
through
unconstitutional
means.
With this
purpose
in
view,
elections
to
the
parliament
have been
rigged
and
violently
fought
over,
and
the
governments
in
power
have
always been
able
to ensure
comfortable majorities
in
the
legislature.
The
only
occasions
when
parlia-
mentary
elections
in
Bangladesh
were
considered
to
be
"free
and
fair"
were
those
supervised
by
"caretaker
governments"
in
1991
and
1996
(See
Hakim
1993,
41-66;
The
Economist,
15
June
1996).
The regular
estab-
lishment of
a
caretaker
government
to
preside
over elections
has
been an
issue
of
great
concern
to political
parties
and
politicians
in
Bangladesh.
Strong
debates
have
been
raging
over
the
issue
of
establishing
caretaker
governments
to
supervise
elections
and
transition
of
governments.
Under-
standably,
while
the
government
in
power,
the
BNP,
ignored
this
sugges-
tion, the
political
parties
in
opposition
appear
to
consider
it
to
be
an
extremely
important
step
in
ensuring
free
and
fair elections.
"The
dispute
between
the
government
and
the
opposition,
which
has
dominated
poli-
tical
life
for
almost
two years,
and
has
led
to
numerous
opposition-led
strikes,
is
over
who
should
run
the
country during
the
election
period"
(The
Economist,
January
13,
1996,
26).
Generally,
previous
governments
were
alleged
to
have
developed
blue-
prints
for
distributing
seats
in
the
legislature
and
several
opposition
parties
are
said
to
have
been willing
participants
in
the
process.
The
net
result
has
been
a
parliament
that
was
unable
to
fulfil
its
constitutional
responsibilities.
Political
Parties
Citizens of
Bangladesh
have
always
been
inclined
to
participate
actively
in
public
affairs.
During
the
British
period,
Bengal
was
a
hotbed
of politics
and
a
major
force
behind
the
movement
for
independence.
Later,
East
Pakistan
was
quick
to
recognise
the
inadequacies
of
the
existing
political
parties,
and
during
the
period
1947-58
a
number
of
new
political
parties
were
formed,
including
some
advocating
an
end
to
disparity.
While
there
was
a
tendency
to
create
parties
out
of
dissent
and
division
within
existing
parties,
it
was
also
encouraging
to
see
"significant
developments
in
terms
of
interest
articulation
and
aggregation,
and
resistance
to
domination
through
legitimate
constitutional
means"
(Huque
1993,
42).
20
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THE
IMPACT
OF
COLONIALISM
The
interest
in
political
affairs
was
heightened
by
the
liberation
move-
ment,
and
the
post-independence
period
was
punctuated
by
strong
rep-
ressive
measures
by
the
government
while
the
opposition
stepped
up
their
campaign
for
the
latter's
removal.
The
second
parliamentary
elections
were
called
in
1979,
and
the
number
of
political
parties
proliferated
to
an
absurdly
high
number.
However,
the
Bangladesh
Awami
League
(AL)
has
remained
the
oldest
and
best
organised
political
party
in
the
country.
Two
contemporaries
of
the
AL,
however,
have
developed
in
different
ways.
The
National
Awami
Party
(NAP),
an
offshoot
formed
by
a
breakaway
faction
of
the
AL,
later
was
subdivided
into
two
factions.
One
faction
merged
with
the
AL
when
the
party
introduced
a
single-party
system
in
1975.
The
other
faction
split
up
into
smaller
groups,
bits
and
pieces
of which
were
accommodated
by
the political
parties
that
emerged
subsequently.
Another
political
party,
the
Jamaat-i-Islami,
had
been
banned
following
allegations
of
opposition
to the
movement
for
Bangladesh.
Later,
it
was
rehabilitated
in
the
poli-
tical
arena
and
has
emerged
as
a
strong
force
in
the power
struggle
in
Bangladesh.
The
Bangladesh
Nationalist
Party
(BNP),
currently
the
largest
oppo-
sition
group
in
the
Parliament,
was
formed
in
1978
with
incumbent
Presi-
dent
Ziaur
Rahman
(Zia)
as
the
leader.
During
the
political
vacuum
existing
since
1975,
the
government
made
efforts
to
cultivate
a
support
base
in
the
country.
Starting
with
the
formation
of
a
nationalist
front
to
support
Zia
for
the
presidential
election
in
1978,
the
BNP
emerged
as
the
ruling
political
party.
Originally,
the
BNP
was
a
collection
of a
wide
variety
of personalities
ranging
in
extremes
from
the
leftists
to
the
right-
ists.
The
party
was
called
"anything
but
a
cohesive,
broad-based
and
well-organised
political
party"
(Khan
and
Zafarullah,
1981,
1033).
However,
the
BNP
survived
and
gradually
consolidated
its
position
as
the
ruling
political
party
in
Bangladesh
during
1979-82.
The
BNP
government
was
removed
from
power
in
a
bloodless
coup
in
1982
and
the
military
returned
to
power
for
another
stint.
Eventually,
the
third
largest
party
of
Bangladesh,
the
Jatiya
Party
(JP),
came
into
exis-
tence
in
a
similar
fashion.
Using
similar
strategies
and
emphasising
the
need
to
promote
development,
the
Jatiya
Party
soon
became
a
conglom-
eration
of
politicians
who
had
earlier
served
with
the
AL
and
BNP.
The
party,
like its
predecessors,
faced
allegations
of
authoritarian
and
partisan
administration
and
was
removed
from
power
through
a
popular
uprising.
The
BNP
returned
to
power
following
the
general
elections
of
1991,
but
faced
similar
charges
within
a
couple
of
years.
The
BNP
sought
to
continue
in
power
despite
strong
opposition
from
other
political
parties
as
well
as
the
public.
In
fact,
"[O]pposition
Members
of
Parliament
resigned
en
masse
in
December
1994,
and
Parlia-
ment
was
dissolved
on
November
22,
1995,
three
months
before
the
end
of
its
regular
five-year
term"
(Hossain
1996,
196),
amidst
demands
that
the
BNP
hand
over
power
to
a
caretaker
government.
After
resisting
the
pressure
for
almost
a
year
and
a
half,
the
government
sought
to
reestablish
21
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THE
IMPACT
OF
COLONIALISM
legitimacy
by
announcing
that
general elections
were
to
be
held
on Feb-
ruary
15,
1996.
As
the
opposition
boycotted
the
polls
and
organised
a
48-hour
nationwide strike
covering the
election day,
actual
voter
turnout
was
about
10%
and
the
BNP
won
almost
all
the
seats,
many
of them
uncontested
(Far
Eastern
Economic
Review,
February
29,
1996,
17).
The
elections
lacked
credibility
and
the
pressure
continued.
Eventually,
the
government
had
to
step
down
and
hand
over
responsibility to
a
caretaker
administration
to
oversee
elections.
It
was
announced
that
fresh
elections
were
to
be
held
on
June
12,
1996.
"Although
seven
people
were
killed
and
more
than
200
injured
in
violent
incidents
during
the
election
campaign,
and
a
repoll
was
ordered
in
some election
centres,
the observers
judged
the
voting
itself
to
be
largely
peaceful,
free
and
fair"
(The
Economist,
June
15,
1996,
24).
The
AL
emerged
as
the
party
with
the
highest
number
of
seats
(146),
while
the
BNP
secured
116
seats
in a
300-seat
parliament.
The
JP
won
32
seats
and
the
Jamaat-i-Islami
3.
The
Islamic
Oikko
Jote,
Jatiya
Samajtantrik Dal
(JSD-Rab)
and
an independent
candidate
won one
seat each.
The
inde-
pendent
later
joined
the
AL.
The
AL
formed
the
government
with
the
support
of
the
JP.
The
BNP
has
been
complaining
about
rigging
and
unfair
practices
in
the
elections,
but
its
members
have
attended
sessions of
parliament.
The
role
of
the
political
parties
indicate
a
maturity not
witnessed
earlier
in
Bangladesh.
The
practice
of
parliamentary
democracy
adopted
from
the
British
colonial
rulers
did
not
operate
smoothly
as
the process
was
interrupted
by
the
Presidential
system
imposed
by
the
Pakistani
rulers.
Bangladesh
appeared
to
be
under
this
influence
for
quite
some
time,
but
recent
developments
give
grounds
for
optimism.
Votes
were
cast
freely
and
the
government
was
formed on
the
basis of
a
national
con-
sensus
in
which
ministerial
positions
were
also
given
to the
JP
and
the
JSD-Rab.
30
seats
are
reserved
for
women
who
are
to
be
elected
by
Parliament
members.
The
AL
offered
to
share
the
seats
with the
oppo-
sition
parties,
and
the
JP
took
advantage
of
the
offer
to
win
3
more
seats
in
this
manner.
The
leader of
the
opposition
(the
former
Prime
Minister)
was offered
the
chairmanship
of
an
important
parliamentary
committee,
but
she
was
unwilling
to
accept.
Nevertheless
it
is
possible
that
vital
governmental
decisions
will
now
have
input
from
opposition
parties.
Military
In
the
British
period,
the military
was
used
mainly
as
a
deterrent
to
popular
movements
and
for
defence
against
external aggression.
The
Ban-
gladesh
armed
forces,
being
the
product
of
a
liberation
war,
developed
along
quite
different
lines.
After
the
birth
of
Pakistan,
the
military
emerged
as
a
major
political
force
due
to
the
weakness of
civilian
leaders
as
well
as
the
inability of
the
system
to
achieve
consensus on
the
rules
of
governance.
Eventually,
the
military
emerged
as
the
dominant
element
in
22
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THE
IMPACT
OF
COLONIALISM
the
power
structure
and
played
a
key
role
in
accelerating
the
secession
of
the
Eastern
wing
of
Pakistan.
The
liberation
army
included
defectors from
the
Pakistani
army,
freedom
fighters,
political
and
student
leaders
and
recruits
commissioned
during
the
war.
Many
irregular
personnel
were
absorbed
into
the
new
army
of
Bangladesh
which,
understandably,
lacked
the cohesion
essential
to functional
efficiency.
The
repatriation
of
serving
Bengali
military personnel
from
Pakistan
added
a
further
complication
since
many
of
them
found
themselves
at
a
disadvantage
vis-a-vis
the
freedom
fighters
in
terms
of seniority
and
other
benefits.
Discontent
over
the
government's
perceived
discrimination
in
favour
of
the
freedom
fighters
complicated government
efforts
to
deal
with
the
problem
of
factionalism
within
the
army.
Several
factors
contributed
to
the
intervention
of
the
military
in
the
politics
of
Bangladesh.
The
government's
administrative
failures
and
mis-
management
of
the
economy,
highlighted
by
famine
and
inflation,
inflicted
serious
public
suffering
and
provided
a
group
of
young army
officers
with
the
pretext
to
assassinate
the
President and
seize
control
(see
Lifschulz,
1979).
Despite
the
nomination
of
a
civilian
to
the
Presidency,
the
military
remained
in
charge.
A
series
of
coups
and
counter-coups
ensued,
leading
to
the
consoli-
dation
of
martial
law
in
Bangladesh.
Following
the example
of their
Pakistani counterparts,
the
military ruled
unconstitutionally
for
the
next
decade,
entrenched
in
a
system
which conceded them
special privileges
to
keep
them
sweet.
And
the
country
had
to
bear
the
budgetary
burden
of
supporting
the
armed
forces
at
the
expense
of
other
priorities.
It
is
noteworthy
that
the
military
refrained
from
intervening
in
the
mass
movement
of
1990.
Their restraint, doubtless
influenced
by
the
ulti-
mate
fate
of
General
Ershad's
coup
in
1982
and
his
imprisonment
on
a
number
of charges
including
corruption,
has
allowed
the process
of
democratisation
to continue.
An
incident
in
May
1996
described
in some
reports
as
a
military revolt
was
quickly
brought
under control
(Far
Eastern
Economic
Review,
30
May
1996).
Bureaucracy
This
group
has
been
steeped
in
the
British
tradition
and
played
an
impor-
tant
role
in
consolidating
the
new
state
of
Pakistan
immediately
after
independence
in
1947.
It
has
continued
to
remain
aloof
from
the public
and
to
exercise
considerable
power
in
the
formulation
and
implementa-
tion of
policy. C.
H.
Kennedy
pointed
out
that
the
bureaucratic
structure
which
evolved
to
meet
the
competing
needs
of
colonial
administration
and
the
aspirations
of
Indians
to
enter
the
civil
service,
had
remained
essen-
tially
unchanged
(1987,
29-31).
Before
its
liberation,
the
Eastern
wing's perceived
exclusion
from
its
rightful
share
of power
was
a
contentious
issue
and
seen
as
a
manifest
23
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THE
IMPACT
OF
COLONIALISM
injustice
(Jahan
1972).
Bengali
civil
servants
naturally
emerged
as
cham-
pions
of
Bengali
nationalism.
Public
officials
who
took
active
part
in
the
liberation
war
were
quick
to
reap
benefits
from
the
new
regime
established
after
liberation.
Their
rapid
advancement
gave
rise
to resentments
among
senior
officials
who
were
repatriated
from
internment
camps
in
Pakistan.
Like
the
armed
forces,
the
bureaucracy
was
being
affected
by
factionalism.
However,
their
services
were
required
by
the
new
state
of
Bangladesh
and
some
were
utilised
for
this
purpose.
Others
were
able
to
become
entrepreneurs
and
soon
emerged
as
leading commercial
and
industrial
personalities.
As
the
government
faced
numerous
problems
in
the
first
few
years
of
independence,
efforts
to
streamline
the
system
of
administration
could
not
be
seriously
undertaken.
The
initial
attempt
at
reform
reflected
a
genuine
desire
to
eliminate
the colonial
hang-over
and
establish
a
responsive
and
responsible
machinery
of
administration.
However,
in
the
face
of
strong
opposition
from
the
bureaucracy,
the
Report
of
the
Administrative
and
Services
Reorganization
Committee
in
1972
could
not
be
implemented
(Khan
1987).
Subsequent
efforts
were
channelled
in
two different
directions.
A
regular
feature
has
been
the
Pay
and
Services
Commission
which
was
set
up
to
appease public
officials,
disaffected
by
the
ravages
of
inflation
and
increasingly
prone
to
corruption.
Attention
has
also
been
paid
to
enhanc-
ing
the
efficiency
of
administrative
bodies.
But
none
of
the
measures
recommended
by
Commissions
and Committees
have
made
any
impact
in
terms of
redistributing
power
or
initiating
basic changes
in
the
philosophy
of
administration.
The
nature
of
the
bureaucracy
inherited
by
Bangladesh
has
been
summed
up
by
Zafarullah:
"It
was
elitist
in
composition,
narrow
in
outlook,
insulated
from
the
people,
and
non-responsive
to the
political
leadership,
as
well
as
corrupt,
antiquated,
high-handed,
and
obsessed with
the
preservation
of
its
status
and
privileges"
(1987,
459).
In
spite
of
such
strong
sentiments
which
are
common
among
the
citizens
of
Bangladesh,
successive
governments
have
been
unable
to
curb
the
power
exercised
by
this
group.
Furthermore,
there
have
been
efforts
to
win
over
the
support
of
the
bureaucracy
in
order
to
continue
in
power.
The
relationship
between
the
civil
servants
and
politicians
continues
to
be
an
issue
of
concern
as
both
parties
argue
their
respective
positions
of
vulnerability
(Ali
1993,
113-23).
It
is
interesting
to
note
that
some
prominent
members
of
the
bureaucracy
took
an
active
part
in
the
anti-government
movement
of
1995-96
and
are
probably
committed
to
implementing
the
policies
of
the
new
government.
Colonial
Past
and
Present
Practices
A
number
of
observations
can
be
made
on
the
basis
of
Bangladesh's
experience
in
establishing
a
political
and
administrative
system.
It
is
not
surprising
that
there
were
proposals
to
follow
the
parliamentary
democra-
24
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THE
IMPACT
OF
COLONIALISM
tic
model prevailing
in
the
United
Kingdom.
This
was
probably
due to
the
fact
that
the
political leadership
was
trying
to
distance
itself
from
Pakis-
tan's
presidential
system.
The
most
recent
experience
of colonial
rule
had
led
to
a
distrust
of
this
system,
and
the
other
alternative
appeared
more
attractive.
The
colonial
experience
had
not
only
influenced
the
elite
but
the
public
as
well.
With
the
opening up of
opportunities
to
express
and
organise
opposition,
citizens
became
more politically
involved.
The leadership,
having
witnessed
the
use
of
repressive
measures
by
colonial
rulers
in
response
to
opposition,
and
being
unfamiliar with
alternative
strategies,
tended
to
deal
with
such
problems
in
the
same
way.
Bangladesh
opted
for
a
written
constitution
which was
prepared
in
a
hurry.
Many
of
it
provisions
can
be
traced to the
British
system
of
parlia-
mentary
democracy
and
were
expected
to
provide
a basis
for
political
stability.
But
British
influence was
soon
to
be
undermined
by
the
Pakis-
tani
legacy
of instability and
military
intervention.
With
their
legitimacy
and
authority
under
challenge,
Bangladeshi
leaders
violated
and
amended
the
constitution,
reducing
it
to
a
farce.
Thus
parliament,
as
had
happened
in
Pakistan,
became
another
tool
in
the
power
struggle.
The
colonial
experience
manifested itself
even
in
the role
and
nature
of
the
political
parties
operating
in
Bangladesh.
There
seemed
to
be
wide-
spread interest
in
democracy
and
most parties
vowed
to
establish
a
democratic
system.
But
the
Pakistani
experience
had
inculcated
authori-
tarian
impulses which these
parties
also
displayed.
Symptomatic
of
this
confusion has
been
their
tendency
to
opt
either
for
relentless
opposition
to
the government
or
full-fledged
support.
The
situation
has
been
aggravated
by
the
development of
personality
cults.
Individual
leaders
and
members
of
their
families
are
seen
as
the
only
legitimate
claimants
to power
and
Bangladesh has
suffered
the
consequences.
Family connections
continue
to
play
a
crucial
role
in
determining
leadership. Nevertheless,
the
estab-
lishment of
democratic
practices
and procedures
should
encourage
accep-
tance
of
merit
as
the
criterion
of
leadership.
The
prominent
role
played
by
the
military
is
a
legacy
of
Pakistani
rule.
Bangladeshi
Generals
have used
pretexts
such
as
government
ineptitude
and
corruption,
social
unrest,
and
the
threat
of foreign
aggression to
seize
power.
At
the
same time
it
is
evident
that
they
have
been
learning
from
experience
and
have
refrained
from
jumping
into
the political rena at
every
opportunity.
Similarly,
the bureaucracy
in
Bangladesh
emerged
stronger
after
inde-
pendence.
Drawing upon
the
British
tradition
of
impartiality
and
neutral-
ity
and
being
the
most
organised
and
capable
group
in society,
it
has
been
able
to
establish
itself
as
an
essential
tool
of governance.
But
it
has
been
accused
of
following
the
Pakistani
tradition
of
involvement
in
power
politics.
All
past
efforts
to introduce
changes
in
public
administration
and
the
social
system
have
been
resisted
by
senior
civil
and
military
bureau-
crats
to
protect
their
positions.
With
the
assumption
of power
by
a
gov-
ernment
likely
to
command
the
support
of
the
bureaucracy,
the
situation
may improve.
25
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THE
IMPACT
OF
COLONIALISM
Prospects
As
colonial
experience
fades
from
memory,
countries
are
likely
to
learn
from
other
sources
and
overcome
the
compulsion
to emulate
their
former
colonial
rulers.
With
the
opening
up
of
better communication
systems
they
are
more
exposed
to
alternative
influences
and
have
more
control
over
the
nature
of
information
and
ideas
available
to
their
citizens.
Ban-
gladesh
appears
to
be
approaching
a
cross-roads
and
there
are
signs
which
bode
well
for
the
future.
First,
the
constitution
has
undergone
no
further amendments
since
1991
-
although
provision
for
a
caretaker
government
to
supervise
elec-
tions
may
be
incorporated.
It
can
be
hoped,
therefore,
that
most
issues
of
contention
have
now
been
effectively
dealt
with.
Secondly,
the
fifth
parliament
elected
in
1991
came
close
(57
months)
to
ompleting
a
full
term,
although
the
opposition
walked
out
after
45
months.
No
previous
parliament
achieved
this,
the
longest
period
of
sur-
vival
being
the
37
months
duration
of
the
second
parliament.
Despite
criticisms
of
the
effectiveness
of
parliament,
mere
completion
of a
term
can
be
viewed
as
a
step
forward.
Thirdly,
the
party
system
seems
to
be
settling
down.
Many
of the
obscure
and
insignificant
parties
have been
pushed
out
of
the
political
arena.
Those
which
have
survived,
instead
of
engaging
in
confrontation
and
constant
criticism,
should
be
able
to cooperate
in
the
national
inter-
est,
regardless
of
their
parliamentary
position.
Finally, despite
the spectre
of
military
intervention,
the
armed
forces
have
shown
remarkable
restraint
in
the
last
few
crises
experienced
by
Bangladesh.
These
factors
indicate
that
colonial
influences
wane over time
and
that
countries
are able
to
experiment
and
develop
systems
which
are
in
tune
with
their
needs
and aspirations.
Bangladesh
seems
to
have
reached
a
turning
point
where
its
destiny
is
no
longer
dependent
on
patterns
set
by
the
colonial
rulers.
The future
of
Bangladesh
will
depend
on
how
the
present
leadership
interpret
and build
upon
the
lessons
of
the
past.
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