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Abstract

"[W]e come back to the old-and never resolved-problem of the pluralistic society: Who takes care of the Common Good? Who defines it? Who balances the separate and often competing goals and values of society's institutions? Who makes the trade-off decisions and on what basis should they be made? Medieval feudalism was replaced by the unitary sovereign state precisely because it could not answer these questions. But the unitary sovereign state has now itself been replaced by a new pluralism-a pluralism of function rather than one of political power-because it could neither satisfy the needs of society nor perform the necessary tasks of community... The challenge that faces us now... is to make the pluralism of autonomous, knowledge-based organizations redound both to economic performance and to political and social cohesion" (Drucker, 1995, p. 95).

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... For many scholars and practitioners committed to advancing public policing, these developments signaled a call to arms (Loader and Walker 2007;Reiner 2000), to buttress and extend the gains of public policing and to roll back the worrying prospect of private "auspices" that would bypass public policing by employing private policing "providers" (Bayley and Shearing 2001) for exclusive partisan interests rather than a more inclusive public interest. The linchpin of these arguments has been a deeply entrenched understanding, with long historical roots, that private and public policing goods are distinct and do not overlap; one is either producing private goods or public goods (Shearing and Wood 2003a). ...
... First, there are conceptual challenges both within policing and other arenas (such as business studies) to the framing that public and private goods constitute nonoverlapping, either/or sets. At the center of these developments have been arguments premised on the idea that public and private goods constitute overlapping sets-an idea for which Porter and Kramer (2011) have used the term shared values (Ayling, Grabosky and Shearing 2009;Shearing and Wood 2003a). Within these conceptual framings, the provision of safety by private auspices and providers often contributes to the provision of safety as a public good-what Shearing and Wood (2003a) term common goods-in the same way as the provision of safety by public providers, operating under the auspices of states, supports both public interests as well as private interests. ...
... At the center of these developments have been arguments premised on the idea that public and private goods constitute overlapping sets-an idea for which Porter and Kramer (2011) have used the term shared values (Ayling, Grabosky and Shearing 2009;Shearing and Wood 2003a). Within these conceptual framings, the provision of safety by private auspices and providers often contributes to the provision of safety as a public good-what Shearing and Wood (2003a) term common goods-in the same way as the provision of safety by public providers, operating under the auspices of states, supports both public interests as well as private interests. ...
Article
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Among scholars of law and crime and practitioners of public safety, there is a pervasive view that only the public police can or should protect the public interest. further, the prevailing perception is that the public police pre- dominantly governs through crime—that is, acts on harms as detrimental to the public good.We argue that govern- ing harm through crime is not always the most effective way of producing public safety and security and that the production of public safety is not limited to public police forces. An approach of governing-through-harm that uses a variety of noncrime strategies and private security agents as participants in public safety is often more effective— and more legitimate—than the predominant governing- through-crime approach. We reflect on case studies of noncrime intervention strategies from the Global South to bolster the case for decoupling the link between the pub- lic police and public goods. A new theoretical framing needs to be pursued.
... As argued above, ideal or optimal conditions for legitimate authority requires some kind of democratic guarantees or negotiation, private authorities have no obligation to either. In criminology this debate has played out between advocates of 'nodal governance' [4,35,36] and those who hope to maintain the primacy of state authority in affairs of security and crime control [28]. Advocates of nodal governance are more relaxed about the decline of sovereign nation-state authority and more willing to embrace the wider plurality of actors or 'nodes' involved in law enforcement and policingprivate security groups, emerging supra-national and international bodies, local authorities and their state-partners, as well as the recruitment of third-sector, voluntary, and 'community' involvement [4,[35][36][37]. ...
... In criminology this debate has played out between advocates of 'nodal governance' [4,35,36] and those who hope to maintain the primacy of state authority in affairs of security and crime control [28]. Advocates of nodal governance are more relaxed about the decline of sovereign nation-state authority and more willing to embrace the wider plurality of actors or 'nodes' involved in law enforcement and policingprivate security groups, emerging supra-national and international bodies, local authorities and their state-partners, as well as the recruitment of third-sector, voluntary, and 'community' involvement [4,[35][36][37]. ...
Article
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The rise of non-state governance to tackle corruption, social harm and misbehaviour within globalised industries often produces key questions about the credibility and effectiveness of ‘private’ enforcement. This articles uses the case study of the ‘Tennis Integrity Unit’ (TIU) to explore the struggles of non-state, transnational anti-corruption bodies to build and maintain legitimacy. Heightened media attention and specific allegations of complacent, under-enforcement against match-fixing in January 2016 highlighted the deficit of trust in the TIU which has prompted a review of the industry’s anti-corruption efforts. While non-state governance bodies are always likely to be considered suspect, there are specific ways in which such bodies, including the TIU, can attempt to improve their legitimacy through enhancing transparency, embracing forms of ‘meta-regulation’ and appreciating the ‘dialectic’ nature of legitimacy through expanding the involvement and participation of key stakeholders.
... This multiplicity of sources of control has seldom been the subject of research by the scholarly literature. Most research has either just analysed State control by regulation (Prenzler and Sarre 1998, De Waard 1999, Cukier et al. 2003, Zanetic 2005, Button 2007, O'Connor et al. 2008, Lopes 2011 or approached the theme from a more normative than positive angle (Loader 2000, Bayley and Shearing 2001, Shearing and Wood 2003a, 2003b, Burbidge 2005, Zedner 2006. Just a small part of the literature has explored the functioning of the complex accountability structure governing private security (Stenning 2000, Davis et al. 2003. ...
... Lastly, we can say the findings in the cases studied contradict the optimistic theses about private security control, present in the works by Stenning (2000) and Davis et al. (2003), and confirm the pessimistic views that have been arguing that there is a governance and accountability deficit regarding private policing activities (Loader 2000, Bayley and Shearing 2001, Shearing and Wood 2003a, 2003b, Burbidge 2005, Zedner 2006). For those situations wherein clients are not interested in or fail to offer conditions for the setting in place of control mechanisms designed to prompt respectful conduct, our study showed that there are no external controls capable of acting as a last line of defence and course correction. ...
Article
This article analyses the functioning of the control exercised by private security companies operating in a country barely explored by the literature - Brazil. The hypothesis guiding this study is that internal control systems are set in place when security companies perceive the existence of an institutional environment in which actors exercising external control over private security are capable of making behaviour that fails to comply with public norms more costly to companies than the investments required for setting up internal control systems to prevent such behaviour. In order to assess this hypothesis, two case studies were conducted focusing on two contracts for the provision of security services. Analysis of the cases showed that the way private security organisations hold their employees accountable is strongly affected only by the external control exercised by clients hiring security services on the market. When clients remunerate service provision contracts adequately and are interested in law-abiding conduct, conditions are generated that are conducive to highly structured internal control systems in line with public rules. However, when clients fail to set such standards, the study showed that the external control emanating from public sources is not capable of acting satisfactorily as a last line of defence and course correction. These findings support the pessimistic views present in the scholarly literature that contend that private policing activities are characterised by governance and accountability deficits.
... However, besides a shared insight that we have faced -and are still facing -considerable change, the rise of private entrepreneurship and its impact on the provision and governance of security have evoked distinct interpretations. While some have emphasized the possibilities of local and (partly) private forms of policing (Shearing and Wood, 2003a), others have called for the re-establishment of a normative mandate of the state in an area as delicate as the security of its citizens, and have doubted the benefits of regulation through the market (Loader and Walker, 2006). ...
... As Garland (1996: 453) puts it, "the recurring message of this approach is that the state alone is not, and cannot effectively be, responsible for preventing and controlling crime". The underlying assumption of such a stance is that security as a public good can be enacted considerably better through individual configurations, for instance on the local community level (Shearing and Wood, 2003a). Moving away from a theoretical primate of the state then allows for an arguably better suited mode of analysis. ...
Article
Airport security is increasingly governed in liberal ways, allowing for flexibilized and marketized ways of outsourcing and contracting service provisions to the private sector. This article draws on expert interviews from the aviation sector, finding that liberal security governance at German airports enables public bodies not only to cut costs through competitive tendering practices, but also to re-locate accountability for security provision to private companies. The role of the public sector subsequently becomes one of managerialism and audits. However, there is a considerable downside to the promises of market regulation, putting severe hardships on the private security workforce and potentially undermining the quality of service provision. Thus, this article ultimately claims that public bodies should choose not to marketize security, as the value of security itself could be substantially undermined by neoliberal logics.
... They may comprise individuals, groups (or parts of groups), organisations (or parts of organisations) or states (or parts thereof ); they may be large or small, tightly or loosely connected and inclusive or exclusive; they may engage in similar activities or they may be specialised (Shearing and Johnston 2010). Nodes can function separately or jointly as sponsors of governmental actions and/or as providers who supply governmental services such as security (Shearing and Wood 2003). ...
... While nodes and networks are constantly reconstituting themselves to form new structures, nodes typically do too much planning for their governing activities to be considered purely spontaneous in a Hayekian sense (Baumgartner and Pahl-Wostl 2013). Indeed, with such flux-and with neither the state nor any other set of nodes given conceptual priorityunderstanding how certain nodes plan and interact with other nodes, and then form assemblages and networks, requires considerable research (Shearing and Wood 2003). ...
Chapter
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The nodal governance perspective has done much to encourage an emerging body of empirical research, across a range of different social contexts, which has explored the shifting shape of policing and security governance, as well as an increasingly wide variety of public problems, including the environment, health and intellectual property. The full text of the Regulatory Theory Volume edited by Peter Drahos is available at: https://press.anu.edu.au/publications/regulatory-theory
... Whereas scholarship has focused on mapping out plural policing networks or security assemblages (Abrahamsen & Williams, 2011;Berndtsson & Stern, 2011;Button & John, 2002;Crawford et al, 2005;Dupont, 2004) a similar mapping of accountability systems within pluralised policing arrangements is less of a focus (there are notable exceptions such as Ayling, Grabosky & Shearing, 2009;Crawford et al., 2005;Jones, 2003, Stenning, 2009. Where accountability or regulation has been the subject of inquiry there has been a tendency to focus on the broad challenges of inclusive plural policing, the deficits in accountability and the normative aspirations of democratic plural policing (Burbidge, 2003(Burbidge, , 2005Crawford et al, 2005;Dupont, 2004;Hermer et al, 2005;Kempa & Johnston, 2005;Loader, 1997Loader, , 2000Newburn, 2001;Shearing & Wood, 2003;Stenning, 2009;White 2010). ...
... Of course, this has much to do with the issue of police discretionary freedom (Bittner, 1970). The direct operational control of the CID Managing Body over private security confirms what many others have found in terms of the accountability relations between clients and private security companies (Loader, 1999;O'Connor et al, 2004;Shearing & Stenning, 1981;Shearing and Wood, 2003). Yet, what we have found is that this accountability relationship is intensified and far more involved within these nodal assemblages. ...
Article
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This article will reflect on the multiple ways in which private security can, and is, being held responsible and accountable to the public (and other security providers), in formalised, polycentric, or nodal assemblages. Drawing on empirical research conducted on plural policing partnerships, the article will show that private security is influenced by market forces, but that this is part of an interwoven, layered, formal-informal system of accountabilities – most of which are bottom-up and relational, rather than top-down and legislated. In fact, drawing on the work of John Braithwaite, we show that horizontal or circular forms of accountability (or accountabilities) play a large role in aligning the private sector to the public interest or common good within pluralised environments.
... Legislation and regulation include non-specific forms of accountability and assumptions of authority. Studies have found that governance deficits (Shearing and Wood, 2003) such as community self-direction; community capital; and regulation are influential to the successful administration of security, in the realm of public space. These elements social and community elements are insufficiently represented in Victoria's approach. ...
... These elements social and community elements are insufficiently represented in Victoria's approach. Results are predictably limited, from an economical perspective if social and moral considerations are not included, as cited in related research (Shearing and Wood, 2003). Moreover, academics have repeatedly recommended for inclusive of economic and political contexts (White, 2012) to move away for simplistic categorisations. ...
Article
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The private security industry in the State of Victoria, Australia continues to grow in size and influence. Consequently, the industry has been the repeated focus of research and reform over the past few decades. Academics, industry representatives, legal bodies and political actors have all championed the cause. The outcome has been the increased supplanting of public police roles and responsibilities. Moreover, publicly and privately funded private security services remain governed by less visible or commensurate means than public security agencies. This academic and professional critique seeks to consider the longitudinal issues. Findings identified in this critique outline four consistent shortfalls. Firstly, regardless of sustained and repeated analysis of the industry, improvement remains marginal. Secondly, post regulatory and legislative corrective actions introduce new vulnerabilities and fail to resolve prior failures. Thirdly, corrective measures have been characteristically superficial resulting unstained systematic improvements of regulators, the industry, providers and individuals. Lastly, the extant threat of criminal influence and public harm within the sector remains.
... The proposed transfer of taxpayer money is not, however, without conditionsand it is important to highlight that these conditions bring other dimensions of the public interest into the frame. In expanding the proposal, for instance, Shearing and Wood (2003b) stipulate that for any transfer to go ahead, those "common goods"which are seen to exist somewhere in the middle of a spectrum bookended by "public goods" and "private goods"produced at the nodal level must be compatible with a broader conception of the public interest: ...
... to act peacefully (without the threat or use of force), to work within the law, to respect human rights, and to act impartially … These regulatory requirements ensure that what is done to manage conflict does not abrogate the public interest (Shearing & Wood, 2003b pp. 220-1; see also Johnston & Shearing 2003, pp. ...
Article
How can we better align private security with the public interest? This question has met with two answers in the literature on private security regulation, one seeking to cleanse the market of deviant sellers, the other to communalize the market through the empowerment of buyers. Both models of regulation are premised upon a limited neoclassical economic conception of how market transactions map onto the public interest. This article makes the case for a new model of regulation, one that seeks to civilize the market. Drawing upon the insights of economic sociology, our model regards the market for security as a moral economy in which commodity and non-commodity values jostle and collide. On this basis, we propose a regulatory architecture where buyers and sellers are cast not only as economic actors but also as moral actors, revealing new avenues through which to encompass private security within the democratic promise of security.
... Indeed, the distrust of 'real' partnership at the government policy level may have translated into policing at the operational level, with the partnerships in the community policing context acting as little more than mechanisms for the furtherance of governmentbased public interest objectives regarding crime and control (Shearing and Wood 2003). Thus, with the multiplication of bodies authorised to deliver (in partnership) government objectives in the field of security (Rose and Miller 1992), 'community policing remains, at its most discursive and practical levels, the intellectual property of the public police and as such has reinforced their authority as a central directing auspice with the nodal field of security governance' (Shearing and Wood 2003: 208). ...
Article
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Policing in stable democratic societies is predominantly concerned with the implementation and practice of the globally accepted philosophy of community policing. However, the subtle complexities of Northern Ireland's transitional landscape present acute problems for the community policing concept, both as a vehicle for police reform and as a tool for increasing the co-production of security through improved community interaction with the police. This article will examine the current position of the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) and their Policing with the Community policy. Providing an overview of contextual and contemporary developments, it will assess the efficacy with which the PSNI have realised community policing, as espoused in Patten Recommendation 44. It concludes by determining the role and extent of community engagement with policing in Northern Ireland and the resistances and contestations to the implementation of the community policing in a post-conflict society.
... Among others, the following conceptual propositions on contemporary policing processes which include, but are not limited to, the phenomenon of private security attract particular attention: (networked) nodal governance (Bayley and Shearing, 2001;Dupont and Wood, 2007;Kempa et. al, 1999;Lewis and Wood, 2006;Shearing and Wood, 2003a;2003b;Shearing, 1992;Wood and Shearing 2006), pluralized policing (Loader, 1999;Loader and Walker, 2001), mixed economy of control (South, 1997), culture of control (Garland, 2001), control/surveillance society (Dolgun, 2008), post-modern policing (Sheptycki: 1998), disciplinary neoliberalism (Gill, 1995a;1995b;, neoliberal governmentality (Burchell, Gordon and Miller, 1991;Gambetti, 2007;Miller and Rose, 2008;Yardımcı, 2009), and the like. ...
Thesis
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This thesis problematizes the phenomenon of privatization of security within the context of the neoliberal transformation of the capitalist state in Turkey. On the basis of the critique of neo-Weberian and Foucauldian literatures, it attempts to construct its peculiar theoretical-historical pathway on the relationship between state-coercion-class. It problematizes the historical constitution of this relationship within the context of the historical specificity of the capitalist state power. In this regard, the formation of the public police in the 19th century is discussed as an important, albeit contradictory, aspect of the materializion of this specificity. Furthermore, it is asserted that it was a reformative movement within which class practices of private provision of security were not totally eliminated, but incorporated into the impartially presented institutional materiality of the modern bourgeois state in and through class struggles. On this basis, the thesis discusses the privatization of security in Turkey as a contradictory transformation determined by the tension between the alleged impartiality and class nature of the state. It critically analyzes the historical period from the 1960s to the 2000s to identify different dynamics of transformation in terms of the privatization of security and institutional restructuring of the state. Within this framework, it argues that the institutionalization of private security in Turkey has signalled a trend towards the fusion of state power and class power in a new form with novel contradictions.
... Pour cela, l'analyse de réseaux telle qu'appliquée à la production de la sécurité et la gestion de l'administration publique semble d'un grand apport. La sécurité est aujourd'hui envisagée comme une activité multilatérale impliquant une pluralisation d'acteurs de tous types, elle n'est plus envisagée comme un service dont l'État aurait le monopole exclusif et absolu (Shearing, Wood, 2003 ;Wood, 2004). Johnston et Shearing (2002) parlent alors d'un modèle de gouvernance nodale de la sécurité, qui implique un réseau d'acteurs reliés entre eux par des noeuds, lesquels peuvent être considérés comme des acteurs ou des tâches. ...
Article
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Studies on mass extermination, after the Holocaust, stress the importance of such violence as an intentional well-coordinated plan from << above >>, through a series of state institutions, thus endowing the paradigm and crime of genocide. Rather, and taking into account the redistribution of the use of force that occurred in the Bosnian ethnic cleansing, we propose that mass violence has to be considered through a double approach based both on networking, to include non-state actors, and on a << grass-root stand point, which stresses the executioner's perspective. Finally, and based on isomorphism, we show how such a perspective may fuel reflection on the transitional justice issue.
... First, a desire by corporate auspices to govern security in their own corporate interests, rather than in accordance with wider public interests. (Since corporate entities often constitute corporate communities with common objectives and concerns, these corporate interests may be thought of as "common interests" -see Shearing and Wood, 2003a.) This parallels the developments within many states, especially democratic states, of multiple levels of state governance responsible to different levels of constituencies -for example, national, regional and local. ...
... However, private interests and the public interest do not always conflict. Sometimes serving a private or otherwise parochial interest will benefit the public interest (Shearing and Wood, 2003), as when police ensure that a minority is free to go about its business, be it religious worship or a street march. Higher interests in freedom of worship or expression are served, together with the private interest in safety and free speech. ...
Article
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The article examines practices in `user-pays' policing. It locates these practices historically as well established, with a lineage that stretches back to the beginnings of the police in Britain and earlier. The article identifies different forms of user-pays policing, the various practices they include and the regulatory issues raised by them. Consideration of the tension between a conception of policing as a public service and charging for police services suggests that user-pays policing can be, and often is, compatible with public interests and the provision of public goods. A case study of events policing within an Australian Police agency explains this further. The article concludes with a consideration of the risks that may be associated with user-pays policing and of possible future directions for police participation in the market-place as security vendors.
... As a consequence, neo-liberal privatisation has not taken hold here in the same way as in other nations of the west. For Terpstra, this fear is a key component of understanding the governance of policing in Austria and cannot be regarded as 'nostalgia' (as he argues Shearing and Wood (2003) would contend). Therefore, the public police in Austria are far more than just another 'node' in a policing network. ...
Article
References to ‘plural policing’, ‘policing beyond the police’ and the ‘extended policing family’ are now commonplace in many discussions of policing in late modern societies. There is a danger that claims about the dynamic and changing nature of plural policing themselves become a new orthodoxy and begin to lose a sense of local nuance and recognition of the importance of place-based specificity and context in understanding the particularities of policing. It is this need to unpack the complex ways in which contemporary plural policing is now configured at a local level within different national political environments that provides the underpinning rationale for this Special Issue. Focussing on aspects of relationships and governance in six jurisdictions across northern and western Europe, it provides important insights into how the policies, practices and narratives around plural policing reflect the influence of particular histories and geographies. The first three articles are focused primarily...
... Two motivations for taking up these governance possibilities, it has been argued, are particularly important (for a review see Hermer et al, 2005). First, a desire by these largely corporate auspices involved in business to be able to govern security in ways that, while they may be lawful, to promote their corporate interests (or what might be thought of as "common interests" (Shearing and Wood, 2003a) as these corporate entities very often constitute corporate communities with common objectives and concerns) rather than wider public interests. This parallels the developments within many states, especially democratic states, of multiple levels of state governance responsible to different levels of constituencies -for example, national, regional and local. ...
Chapter
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Policing refers to intentional activities intended to shape the flow of events in ways that will promote security. This requires both a conception of security and activities that are intended to promote this state of affairs. This requires both knowledge and capacity as well as resources to enable this knowledge and capacity to be enacted. Within this conception all policing is by definition knowledge-based.
... Dès lors, on peut faire l'hypothèse que la gouvernance nodale ne peut fonctionner qu'en intégrant la capacité légitimante de l'État dans la production de sécurité (Sarre & Prenzler, 2005). Il est par ailleurs intéressant de souligner que cette même gouvernance nodale a été en partie élaborée à partir d'expériences pilotes concluantes conduites en Afrique du Sud (Shearing & Wood, 2003), pays dont le gouvernement ne possède peut-être pas autant de capacité de légitimation vis-à-vis du public que la plupart des pays occidentaux. Sans parler de réfutation de la gouvernance nodale, il nous semble important de poser certaines limites quant à son application. ...
Article
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Résumé L’accroissement substantiel de l’industrie de la sécurité a profondément changé la manière dont la sécurité est gouvernée aujourd’hui. Une récente proposition législative de la province de Québec sur la sécurité privée – Loi sur la sécurité privée – nous a servi de point de départ pour répondre à deux objectifs, soit tenter de définir l’objet « sécurité privée » et comprendre les liens qu’entretient cette sécurité privée avec l’État et la police. Une analyse de la littérature grise accompagnant cette loi (mémoires déposés à l’Assemblée nationale du Québec et consultations particulières de la Commission des institutions) nous a permis de décrire les divers morcellements de la sécurité privée, ainsi que la difficulté à la circonscrire clairement, les frontières l’entourant étant larges et poreuses. En outre, notre analyse a mis en lumière certaines spécificités de l’État dans la gouvernance de la sécurité – soit sa capacité à légiférer et à légitimer – qui continuent à peser sur l’industrie. Enfin, il est observé que l’industrie de la sécurité privée ne tente pas tant de se substituer à la police que de se construire une place à part, qui lui soit propre et, si est possible, libre de toute contrainte.
... First, the governance of security literature focuses on networks of policing and security agencies [29,52]. The concepts of 'networks' and 'nodes' provide a starting point for conceptualizing how policing and security agencies coordinate, cooperate, and sometimes compete for status and resources [16]. ...
Article
We examine the establishment of municipal corporate security (MCS) departments in 16 of Canada’s most populated cities. Exploring its upload into municipal governments by drawing on analysis of freedom of information requests, municipal government documents, and interviews, we demonstrate how MCS has become part of urban policing and security networks, as well as how knowledge and technology from the private security and insurance industries is transferred into municipal government through MCS. Engaging with sociologies of networked security governance, security consumption, and risk management, we argue that MCS contributes to the securitization of cities through asset protection, risk and liability management, employee surveillance, and order maintenance. We discuss how the work of MCS is animated by a discourse of urban threat, showing how MCS practices in Canadian cities blur the line between policing and securitization. In conclusion, we consider the implications of our analysis of MCS for sociological understandings of policing, security, and public accountability.
... Businesses inside a meta-organisation must obey common rules, learn principles of solidarity, and respect the nexus between the commons and their eco-system (Muneepeerakul & Anderies, 2017;Tosun et al., 2016). Consequently, the behaviours of the members impact the effectiveness of collective efforts (Shearing & Wood, 2003). ...
Article
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The governance of shared resources through collective actions to prevent “the tragedy of the commons” has long been a controversial topic in management studies. Hampered by a lack of formal organisational structures, small locally-governed commons are usually managed through informal networks and, hence, largely studied in this context. However, Italy’s formalised network contracts initiative provides a unique and relatively rare opportunity to study how the business-led collective action of a formal meta-organisation influences the use of commons. Using a mixed-methods qualitative approach, this paper reveals how particular organisational features, especially collaborative and social learning, can play a critical role in driving formal meta-organisations towards positive outcomes in three progressive stages: commons protection, commons stewardship, and commons governance. The analysis is framed by two different streams of literature – meta-organisation theory and sustainability science – with implications for the theory and praxis of both.
... Chapter 5 will focus on the specific reasons why private security companies may be a useful addition to the broader 'nodal governance' of domestic violence-based insecurity (Shearing and Wood 2003a). It will depict how private security can have significant positive impacts on the clients of domestic violence and also domestic violence organisations. ...
... Group identity is an abstraction of social learning which nurtures a sense of inherent trust that members of the same group, team or organisation will behave with integrity (i.e. in accordance with shared values) and benevolence (i.e. are committed to mutually beneficial goals), whereas others might not (Schein 2010). 1 This "bounded rationality" (Koppenjan and Klijn 2004, p. 48) determines assumptions about the significance and moral superiority of one's own organisation over another. For example, 'state auspices' constitute a form of bounded rationality which provides public actors with a sense of superiority, rooted in the conviction that securing the public good should always be monopolised by the state (Shearing and Wood 2003). Under this mechanism, participation of non-state actors in a PPP may provoke admonition from vested institutions (Fleming and Rhodes 2005). ...
Chapter
Public–private Financial-Intelligence Sharing Platforms (FISPs) have contributed to changing the mindset between law enforcement agencies and regulated entities in countering money-laundering. This chapter reflects on opportunities that intensified public–private cooperation offers to increase the possibilities of discovering more effective remedies against crime. The chapter also provides insights into the complexities and obstacles of joint-efforts and illustrates these challenges via the case of the founding-process of the newly established Serious Crime Task Force (SCTF) in the Netherlands. The SCTF initiative aims to process and produce more actionable intelligence on the activities of professional money-launderers, via intensified, co-located cooperation between banks, the Financial Intelligence Unit (FIU) and various Dutch law enforcement agencies. The SCTF case illustrates how cooperation in PPPs can also create tension between participating organisations when it crosses established formal positions, responsibilities and other established interests.
... The unitary sovereign state has now itself been replaced by a new pluralism-a pluralism of function rather than one of political power-because it could neither satisfy the needs of society nor perform the necessary tasks of community. Hence, as Shearing & Wood asserted the challenge that faces us now... "is to make the pluralism of autonomous, knowledge-based organizations redound both to economic performance and to political and social cohesion" (Shearing & Wood, 2003). These autonomous organizations that gained unprecedented power (something which was previously reserved for states) are not subjects of the law (such as states and international organizations that they formed). ...
Article
This article discusses the benefits of using the knowledge and tools of psychology in counter-terrorism, which can contribute to maintaining security and defense nationally and internationally. A number of contemporary psychological strategies, such as increasing the awareness of the general population, using methods and techniques for staff selection, offering psychological support and training, as well as increasing the resilience of individuals can provide typical and proven psychological solutions in the fight against terrorism. The problems and challenges faced by cyber security employees, as well as the possible psychological response to such challenges are briefly discussed. It can be concluded that the greater the range of psychological interventions that will be used in repairing the psychological consequences of terrorism, the greater the benefit for the whole community, and not only for those directly involved in the terrorist act
Chapter
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In this chapter we consider a long-established, but largely unachieved, hope for a conception of justice that uncouples justice from punishment. This hope has been an essential feature of the alternative justice movement – it has also been a feature of Tony Mathews’ work. A promising direction for exploring this hope further, we argue, is within future risk-focused approaches to security governance.
Book
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Relentless fiscal pressures faced by the public police over the last few decades have meant that police organisations have had to find new ways to obtain and harness the resources needed to achieve their goals. Through entering into relationships of coercion, commercial exchange, and gift with a wide variety of external institutions and individuals operating in both public and private capacities, police organisations have risen to this challenge. Indeed, police organisations are increasingly operating within a business paradigm. But what are the benefits of these relationships and the nature of the risks that might accompany reliance upon them? This book examines these new modes of exchange between police and 'outsiders' and explores how far these relationships can be taken before certain fundamental values - equity in the distribution of policing, cost-effectiveness in the delivery of police services, and the legitimacy of the police institution itself - are placed in jeopardy.
Article
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Over the last twenty years, the nature of the rule of law and the basis on which nation states employ force has been changing fundamentally. The distinction between what is criminal, to be dealt with by the legal and justice system, and what creates a ‘perception of insecurity’ - formerly to be dealt with by social policy - is being eroded at both the macro (‘war on terror’) and micro (‘public order’) levels. This paves the way for the unbridled use of state force, in the first instance, and the criminalisation of behaviours that are not necessarily illegal, in the second. Fear becomes a controlling mechanism for the maintenance of the social order and any element of non-conformity is construed as a threat.
Article
Scholars and practitioners now recognise the importance of ‘governing through networks’ if policing agendas are to be promoted effectively and democratically. Central to such an agenda of networked governance is the identification or creation of community-based structures and processes that can be harnessed by, and linked to, other forms of governance in furtherance of security outcomes. However, notions of community have generally been limited to the ‘communities’ outside of police organisations. This article explores the idea of a police union as ‘a community of interest’. We suggest that police unions are ‘communities’ that have the potential to impact significantly on the governance of security. As ‘insider groupings’ police unions are engaged in complex networks of police management, policy decision-makers and civil society groupings both at the national and international level. Given their organisational status, police unions have the potential to constitute themselves as active, forward-thinking social agencies within policing network arrangements. But, in order to do this they need to move beyond the demands of their conservative social base and their preoccupation with industrial issues and embrace the changing world of policing. In addition, they may need to network with a range of agencies beyond the security industry such as social justice groupings and the broad trade union movement.
Article
Surveys of public opinion conducted at different times in Canada and in the UK show that many more respondents believe in the criminal courts than in the police for controlling crime. The implications of this perceived gap in the crime control efficiency of punishing and of policing are examined through an analysis of the notions of penal justice and of security, considered as providing the theoretical underpinnings of two paradigms of crime control. These two concepts are discussed in terms of meaning, kinships, differences and the conflicts that their application may generate at the level of practice. It is concluded through the presentation of field experiments in the development of a new model of policing that justice and security may be complementary but their integration cannot be so complete as to abolish their difference.
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The problem of policing is often portrayed as providing sufficient personnel to sate demand. Pluralism, however, complicates the issue since the public disagree among themselves over which activities or individuals should be policed. In turn, police priorities may differ from these demands, inciting public discontent. In these circumstances, how can public policing sustain its legitimacy? Lessons can be learnt from how political theories have grappled with pluralism and legitimacy. This article analyses how three major political theorists, John Rawls, Michael Walzer and Friedrich Hayek, dealt with these issues. It mines their insights to nominate the principle of non-domination, defined as freedom from interference on an arbitrary basis, as best suited to justify policing in an era of pluralism.
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Across the globe, from mega-cities to isolated resource enclaves, the provision and governance of security takes place within assemblages that are de-territorialized in terms of actors, technologies, norms and discourses. They are embedded in a complex transnational architecture, defying conventional distinctions between public and private, global and local. Drawing on theories of globalization and late modernity, along with insights from criminology, political science and sociology, Security Beyond the State maps the emergence of the global private security sector and develops a novel analytical framework for understanding these global security assemblages. Through in-depth examinations of four African countries – Kenya, Nigeria, Sierra Leone and South Africa – it demonstrates how global security assemblages affect the distribution of social power, the dynamics of state stability, and the operations of the international political economy, with significant implications for who gets secured and how in a global era.
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Policing scholars have long recognized the challenges posed by the privatization and pluralization of policing to prospects for democratic governance. However, these concerns have been geared almost exclusively to the frontline policing functions of private security firms and have overlooked developments in the wider field of security. This article challenges this limited vision by extending the question of governance and accountability to the field of financial security and the activities of the “forensic accounting and corporate investigation industry” as a private alternative to the public policing of economic crime. Drawing on documentary research and semi-structured interviews, the argument is advanced that the unique characteristics of this industry and the legal environment in which it operates conspire to problematize and limit its amenability to external forms of governance and control. Understanding these barriers to governability is presented as a necessary first step in coming to terms with the growth of the FACI industry as a purveyor of financial security.
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Relentless fiscal pressures faced by the public police over the last few decades have meant that police organisations have had to find new ways to obtain and harness the resources needed to achieve their goals. Through entering into relationships of coercion, commercial exchange, and gift with a wide variety of external institutions and individuals operating in both public and private capacities, police organisations have risen to this challenge. Indeed, police organisations are increasingly operating within a business paradigm. But what are the benefits of these relationships and the nature of the risks that might accompany reliance upon them? This book examines these new modes of exchange between police and 'outsiders' and explores how far these relationships can be taken before certain fundamental values - equity in the distribution of policing, cost-effectiveness in the delivery of police services, and the legitimacy of the police institution itself - are placed in jeopardy.
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One of the most influential approaches in the study of plural policing is the concept of nodal governance of security. This approach is presented as an alternative to the dominant, state-centred model of policing. This paper tries to understand the pluralisation of policing in a continental European context that focuses strongly on the state as the central actor in policing. It deals with one such country, Austria. After a description of the history, constitutional system and culture of Austria, this paper deals with the several public and private aspects of policing in this country. Two elements are quite characteristic of the general attitude concerning plural policing in Austria. There is a widespread reluctance to accept the pluralisation and privatisation of policing. In Austria, plural policing is often a highly politicised issue. Both elements may be understood as resulting from the fact that plural policing is often perceived as a highly sensitive public issue. Seen from the perspective of the continental European countries, there are important reasons for not too readily accepting nodal strategies. In the continental European context, the state is not only more than just ‘one node among many’. The theoretical problem is that the nodal perspective does not provide the tools to understand why these countries hold to their stronger orientation towards the state in the matter of policing.
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In early July 2012, just a few weeks before the opening of the London Olympics on 27 July, the multinational security company G4S defaulted on its £284m contract to provide 10,400 security personnel for the event, citing recruitment and scheduling difficulties. Around 4,700 members of the armed forces had to be drafted in to cover the shortfall in security personnel (Aljazeera, 2012). Additionally, police officers engaged in Olympic security worked overtime, and other officers were placed on standby. The default cost G4S £88m in penalties and other payments such as reimbursements to the police and military to cover salaries and accommodation (Monaghan and Weardon, 2013). The share value of G4S also fell significantly in the days following the Home Secretary’s 12 July announcement of the default (Bryan-Low, 2012).
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The topic of local public order affairs (with special emphasis on the functioning of units, known as municipal police and their position in the security system of an individual state) is one of the current or emerging issues of security discourse. As with all outputs of scientific research, the question arises as to whether or to what extent this issue is methodically anchored, or how it is covered by secondary studies from renowned sources (including possible theoretical concepts used here). The chapter summarizes this topic and attempts to create a springboard for other researchers who are interested in the issue. Terms such as pluralistic policing, the extended police family or multi-level policing at local level will be mentioned.
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This chapter demonstrates how the neoliberal approach inhibited study of the regulatory process by its assumptions of formed identities, existing structures, and public–private divisions. In continuation of the chapter, it is constructed as a conceptual framework rooted in Bourdieu’s theory of social practices, which is adjusted to allow observation of the regulatory process of private security contractors. Applying concepts of habitus, doxa, capital, and field to stakeholders involved and venues where the regulatory process occurs, it demonstrates there are numerous dynamics that have not been previously addressed. It points up to where the motivations for behavior should be sought and allows us to look beyond socially constructed identities. Such a framework opens up space for the deconstruction of conventional wisdom.
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Surveys of public opinion conducted at different times in Canada and in the UK show that many more respondents believe in the criminal courts than in the police for controlling crime. The implications of this perceived gap in the crime control efficiency of punishing and of policing are examined through an analysis of the notions of penal justice and of security, considered as providing the theoretical underpinnings of two paradigms of crime control. These two concepts are discussed in terms of meaning, kinships, differences and the conflicts that their application may generate at the level of practice. It is concluded through the presentation of field experiments in the development of a new model of policing that justice and security may be complementary but their integration cannot be so complete as to abolish their difference.
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This article is a study of democratic policing in contemporary South Africa. The attempt in this article is to offer a scholarly analysis on the nature of civil policing in South Africa. Empirically, our focus is on everyday observations and also public discourse shaped and transmitted within the civil and political realms of the broader South African community. We argue that civil policing and security in South Africa is typified by a paradox that destroys the civic virtue and rationale of policing. It is our argument also that this paradox has posed a significant challenge to democratic and civil policing in a new South Africa. The solution to this paradox, we will argue, lies in recognising policing and security as uniquely constituted ‘public goods’. We also argue for a rethink on the place of culture in the policing register and grammar of post-apartheid South Africa. In this article, our treatment of civil policing and its challenges in South Africa is informed by recent incidences that have shown an imbrication between violence and the repertoires of policing. Overall, we contend that policing in contemporary South Africa sits at the disjuncture between political liberation and the persistent use of physical force. In all the cases, we shall refer to in this article, we will attempt to show how policing has often been entirely extricated from the habitus of law.
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Those involved in security sector reform readily acknowledge the problems of changing the culture of the state police. The state police in Africa are widely perceived by citizens as indifferent, inept, inefficient, and corrupt (Shaw 2002; Amnesty International 2002).Worse, there are many occasions when the police, pursuing their own or regime interests, extrajudicial killings, beat detainees, use excessive force, arrest and detain persons arbitrarily, and act in collusion with criminals. Against this background it has proved extremely difficult to reform the police. Even if they were given long term-attention and financial investment, there is a real fear that they may prove resistant to change, given the few success stories that can be found so far from Africa’s “fragile” states.
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We explore what we refer to as municipal corporate security (MCS) units, a new form of security organization that differs significantly from public police and private contract security. Based on 36 interviews with MCS managers in 16 cities across Canada and in the United States, we examine how in-house security practices developed in private corporations are being transferred to municipal governments. We draw from the sociology of security governance to demonstrate how the Department of Homeland Security funding and policy has shaped MCS in the US since 2001. The absence of similar centralized funding and policy for MCS in Canada has led to more piecemeal policy transfer, fewer links to federal government or national security, and more focus on nuisance policing than anti-terrorism. We also engage with the sociology of security consumption to argue that governments should be conceived as major buyers of security goods.
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To most people it would amount to a gross exaggeration to consider the label of failed or fragile states when analyzing Latin American and Caribbean states. With some exceptions, such as Haiti, the state in this region is far better endowed in terms of resources, capacities, and institutional infrastructure than most states in Africa, not to speak of Afghanistan and other states in Central Asia. In fact some would argue that the state has been “too strong” in Latin America, where security forces have heavyhandedly repressed protesting citizens, subjected entire populations to systems of surveillance, and controlled large sectors of the economy. And yet, many states in the region seem unable to exercise effective legal authority or monopoly of force. From murder to tax evasion, lawbreaking goes unpunished. Swaths of urban areas in the region are no-go areas forordinary police patrols. Criminal networks are able to put megacities such as Rio de Janeiro or São Paolo to a standstill, as it happened in 2003 and 2006. Citizens in urban as well as rural areas experience pervasive everyday insecurity. Justified or not by the statistical evidence of crime,1 they loathe the daily encounters in public space, fear being trapped in cross fire when armed gangs attack buses and “taxi” drivers and passengers, fear having their kids kidnapped on the way back from school, or fear coming home to find their doors broken in by thieves, to mention but a few of the public scares so widespread in the region.
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Police Reform in countries in transition is closely connected to peacekeeping and peacebuilding. The article discusses successes and failures, and the role of police, using Kosovo as an example. It is essential to know whether strategies, structures, and methods of military and police interventions are working, and we need to know whether the reform of administration, police and judiciary in the aftermath of an international intervention is sustainable. As peace and justice go together, the role of police reform in the context of the reform of the judiciary is discussed. There is an open clash between the mainstream international understanding of what a “just society” or a society, functioning under the “rule of law” is or should be on one side, and the local understanding of the members of a society, who survived different kinds of suppression and war over years or centuries, often by building up their own informal structures and their own rules of living together.
Article
Just a decade ago security had little claim to criminological attention. Today a combination of disciplinary paradigm shifts, policy changes, and world political events have pushed security to the forefront of the criminological agenda. Distinctions between public safety and private protection, policing and security services, national and international security are being eroded. Post-9/11 the pursuit of security has been hotly debated not least because countering terrorism raises the stakes and licenses extraordinary measures. Security has become a central plank of public policy, a topical political issue, and lucrative focus of private venture but it is not without costs, problems, and paradoxes. As security governs our lives, governing security become a priority. This book provides a brief, authoritative introduction to the history of security from Hobbes to the present day and a timely guide to contemporary security politics and dilemmas. It argues that the pursuit of security poses a significant challenge for criminal justice practices and values. It defends security as public good and suggests a framework of principles by which it might better be governed. Engaging with major academic debates in criminology, law, international relations, politics, and sociology, this book stands at the vanguard of interdisciplinary writing on security.
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Corporate security is a form of regulation that involves centralized management of access control, physical security, personnel security, and information security inside an organization. For all the research on public policing, national security, and private contract security in sociology, criminology, and related disciplines, little scholarly attention has been paid to corporate security. Increasingly, corporate security is playing an important role in municipal and other government organizations as well as its traditional private, corporate domain. This book is the first social scientific contribution on corporate security to draw together the sociologies of security and policing, legal and social theory, and debates about municipal government. In this book, Walby and Lippert conceptualize various types of corporate security, including its public and private forms, and analyze a range of practices, such as asset protection and physical security provision. The authors explore a number of heretofore neglected themes, including use of legal knowledge, professionalization, legitimation work, and corporate security links with other security agencies and public police. The book provides empirical analyses of developments in several countries, but especially Canada and the US, where corporate security - including its entry into municipal government - is particularly advanced. Because corporate security cuts across security, policing, law, and government, as well as issues of professionalization, public space and democracy, the readership for Municipal Corporate Security in International Context spans disciplinary and national boundaries. It is essential reading for academics and students engaged in studying security, urban governance, politics and legal regulation. It will be of great interest to corporate security professionals and government policymakers too.
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The intention of this article is to provide a structural and operational analysis of policing beyond the police in Northern Ireland. While the polity enjoys low levels of ‘officially’ recorded crime as part of its post-conflict status, little empirical analysis exists as to the epistemological roots of security production outside that of the Police Service of Northern Ireland. The empirical evidence presented seeks to establish that beyond more prominent analyses related to paramilitary ‘policing’, the country is in fact replete with a substantial reservoir of legitimate civil society policing - the collective mass of which contributes to policing, community safety and quality of life issues. While such non-state policing at the level of locale was recognised by the Independent Commission for Policing, structured understandings have rarely permeated governmental or academic discourse beyond anecdotal contentions. Thus, the present argument provides an empirical assessment of the complex, non-state policing landscape beyond the formal state apparatus; examines definitions and structures of such community-based policing activities; and explores issues related to co-opting this non-state security ‘otherness’ into more formal relations with the state.
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Résumé Les attentats du 11 septembre ont mis en lumière la capacité d’action et de destruction des réseaux terroristes et l’impuissance des institutions étatiques traditionnelles verticales face à cette nouvelle forme de menace. L’une des solutions proposées par les praticiens de la sécurité est de recourir à l’organisation en réseau afin de rendre plus efficace la lutte contre le terrorisme et le crime organisé. Cependant, comme nous le montrerons dans la première partie, le discours sur la prééminence des réseaux précédait les attaques du 11 septembre 2001, ce qui a permis une mise en oeuvre rapide aux États-Unis, en Europe et au Canada. Loin de constituer un phénomène particulier, les dimensions diachronique et synchronique des réseaux de sécurité seront abordées dans la deuxième partie. Cette description et cette mise en contexte fourniront un éclairage factuel à la troisième partie, qui amorcera un débat théorique sur la valeur du concept de réseau pour comprendre la gouvernance de la sécurité après le 11 septembre.
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Ronald Clarke (1995) characterises "access control" as an important technique of situational crime prevention (SCP), aimed at reducing criminal opportunities. This refers to "measures intended to exclude potential offenders from places such as offices, factories, and apartment buildings." (id.: 110). One type of access control consists simply of making access less convenient. Clarke cites a road-closure scheme for a former red-light district in North London, that prevented potential customers from soliciting sexual favours of local women from their cars. The scheme did not prohibit anyone from entering the district, but merely made access less easy by putting up impediments to automobile travel. Another type of access control, however, involves true exclusion: the person is barred entirely from entering the area,and faces sanctions of some kind if he enters. It is this kind of strategy which most plainly raises questions of freedom of movement, and it is this strategy which our essay addresses.
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A persistent feature of research and writing on the provision of safety and security has been the equation of the activity of one "institution of security", the police, with policing - understood as an activity intended to promote safe and secure places in which people can live, work, and play (Bayley and Shearing 1996). This limited focus recognizes, and as such assists in constituting, state-based modes of governing security, whereby the state as an institution seeks to "exercise a monopoly of legitimate force within a particular territory" (Hoffman 1995:3). While it is certainly true that states have claimed such a monopoly and have sought to use police both to express and maintain it, policing has - as Cain (1979) noted almost two decades ago - always involved more than this. The police have always existed within networks of other institutions and practices that promote security (Johnston 1992). This is particularly true today, as forms of governance outside of the police have emerged as significant sources of policing. Such forms of governance are a result of two main trends: firstly, the re-emergence of "private governments" (Macauly 1986): and secondly, the "reinvention" of state governance (Osborne and Gaebler 1993) where strategies are developed to permit the state to govern through the mobilization of "community" resources (Rose 1996). This paper seeks to contribute to an understanding of networks of governance "beyond the state" (Hoffman 1995) through an examination of the programmes of one of the institutions of security within the University of Toronto, the Personal Safety Awareness Office (PSAO). The analysis to follow is aimed at exploring the ways in which three themes that have been identified in the literature as crucial features of contemporary governance - a focus on community, local responsibility, and a risk mentality - operate outside of established state structures.
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Almost every discussion of the transformation of the way policing is provided considers the issue of the police occupational culture (ways of seeing, being and doing - Bourdieu's habitus, 'mental and corporeal schemata of perception, appreciation and action' (Wacquant 1992:16 cited in Chan forthcoming)) that shapes the way in which police officers practice policing. Equally universal is the conclusion that for policing to be transformed this culture must be reshaped in ways that will promote policing that conforms with the rule of law. Sometimes these discussions also question the nature of the formal law and policy on the grounds that law and policy provide an enabling rather than a limiting framework that promotes deviation from the freedom and equality that the rule of law is designed to protect (Ericson 1981; Brogden, Jefferson & Walklate 1988:170). Whether this additional argument is made or not, there is near-universal agreement that if policing is to be reshaped then the culture of the police must be transformed. I do not want to quarrel with either of these arguments but I will locate my remarks within the context of the discussions and initiatives that are taking place within South Africa to transform policing there. The argument I am going to develop builds upon and elaborates the arguments of Brogden and Shearing (1993). The Discussion will be in two-part. First I will review our understanding of police culture and how it operates to shape policing. Second I will explore the implications of this analysis for the question of transformation and how it might be accomplished.
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What steps do people take in their everyday lives, or would wish to have taken on their behalf, to protect their property from the threat, as they see it, of appropriation by others? If apparently higher risks of crime victimisation have become a 'normal social fact' (Garland, 1996), how have people reacted in their everyday lives?
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We begin this paper by reviewing some recent transformations in governance. We then propose three new concepts that we believe assist us in coming to terms with these transformations and the political statuses that have emerged as part of them. These concepts are ‘nodal governance’, ‘denizens’, and ‘communal space’. Following this we will explore the normative implications of nodal governance as it has taken shape to date, with an emphasis on the ‘governance disparity’ that is paralleling the ‘wealth disparity’ across the globe. In response to this disparity, we will end with an outline of a normative vision and practical programme aimed at deepening democracy in poor areas of South Africa, Argentina, and elsewhere. We will argue that the main virtue of nodal governance, namely, the emphasis on local capacity and knowledge can be retrieved, reaffirmed, and reinstitutionalized in ways that enhance the self-direction of poor communities while strengthening their ‘collective capital’.
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During the last four decades of the twentieth century some very significant changes occurred in policing in Canada and other democratic countries. These changes involved not only a restructuring of the institutions through which policing is undertaken but also the development of new techniques for actually accomplishing policing goals. In this chapter, we review what is known about these changes, their social implications, and their relevance for a reconsideration of the role of law in achieving more effective realistic, just, equitable, and democratic policing in Canada.
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Chapter 1 introduces two paradigms used in the governance of security--one based on punishment and the other on risk. The main argument of the book is that the governance of security in modern society is increasingly oriented around the paradigm of risk. In chapter 2, the authors outline the eight general dimensions of governance and illustrate how the governance of security in contemporary societies has been changing along each of these dimensions. Understanding these changes requires an understanding that the distinctions commonly made between “public” and “private” spheres are increasingly problematic. Chapter 3 explores the role of punishment in the governance of security. The authors examine the punishment mentality and argue that this mentality is grounded in past events, emphasizes coercive physical force, and involves direct governance through the state. Chapter 4 focuses on the modern police institution, arguing that while the institutions and technologies of policing have changed, it is still linked to the underlying mentality of punishment. This chapter also explores the recent shift from punishment-centered to problem-oriented modes of security governance. Chapter 5 explores how risk management has developed with the corporate sector, including an examination of its philosophy, techniques, and practices. Chapter 6 illustrates how Zero-Tolerance Policing (ZTP) is informed by the old punishment paradigm while at the same time displaying key elements of the new risk paradigm. They focus on a single example--ZTP in Middlesbrough, England. Chapter 7 reviews some of the key changes in security governance by focusing on Britain as an exemplar of “the new security governance.” The final chapter presents the model of “nodal governance,” using the Zwelethemba model as an example of how a nodal approach can restructure relations between security and justice. Nodal approaches to security governance are becoming more apparent and deserve serious consideration.
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The gradual de-coupling of police and state is an increasingly well-documented phenomenon. Against this backdrop, we set out in this article to reformulate and defend a positive (rather than pejorative) connection between policing and the state. We begin by reconstructing four candidate means by which the state-policing nexus might plausibly be established—the monopoly of legitimate coercion, the delivery of civic governance, the guarantee of collective provision and the symbolism of state and nation; and in so doing assess both their sociological viability under conditions of fragmentation and pluralization, and their normative adequacy to the task of producing democratic, equitable and effective policing. We then outline our preferred mode of reconfiguring the linkage between policing and the state; one that recognizes the irreducibly social nature of what policing offers to guarantee—namely, security, and seeks on that basis to recombine elements of the above four `positions' into a `thick', communal conception of policing as a public good.
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This article asks how we might best come to terms with - and seek to govern - the multiplicity of institutional forms that are now involved in the delivery of policing and security services and technologies. I begin by documenting briefly the network of providers that constitute the policing field locally, nationally and transnationally, before specifying how the fragmentation and pluralization of policing has called radically into doubt a number of received (liberal) suppositions about the relationship between police and government. I then attempt - drawing constructively yet critically on recent theorizations of governance and ‘governmentality’ - to make sense of some contemporary reconfigurations of policing within and beyond the state, and tease out their implications for questions of democratic legitimacy. Finally, I outline the contours of an institutional politics for the regulation of policing that is both normatively adequate to the task of connecting policing to processes of public will-formation and sociologically plausible under the altered conditions of plural, networked policing.
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Police forces Pre being displaced in many of their familiar roles by non-state and other state agencies. They are being internally restructured in order to take on new tasks and to redistribute others, and are adopting many market-based practices. These and other changes have been attributed to developments identified with postmodernity - especially localization, cultural or value fragmentation, globalization and commodification. This article argues that the accounts provided in theses of 'postmodern policing' are not convincing, especially because of the analytic gap between an institution as specific as public police and a condition as general as postmodernity. Analysis of the impact of changing political rationalities and social technologies suggests that many of the features of public policing attributed to postmodern influences are definitively shaped by emergent political and managerial agenda. The conclusion is that we should reconsider attempting to read off police restructuring directly from the rather vague and general characteristics attributed to postmodernity, and focus instead on more proximate political and organizational processes.
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The social, as a plane of thought and action, has been central to political thought and political programmes since the mid-nineteenth century. This paper argues that, while themes of society and concerns with social cohesion and social justice are still significant in political argument, the social is no longer a key zone, traget and objective of strategies of government. The rise of the language of globalization indicates that economic relations are no longer easily understood as organized across a single bounded national economy. Community has become a new spatialization of government: heterogeneous, plural, linking individuals, families and others into contesting cultrual assemblies of identities and allegiances. Divisions among the subjects of government are coded in new ways; neither included nor excluded are governed as social citizens. Non-political strategies are deployed for the management of expert authority. Anti-political motifs such as associationism and communitarianism which do not seek to govern through society, are on the rise in political thought. The paper suggests some ways of diagnosing and analysing these novel territorializations of political thought and action.
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This article presents an overview and assessment of recent reforms that have contributed to a pluralisation and fragmentation of policing in England and Wales. It considers the emergence of new forms of visible policing both within and beyond the public police. These include the growth of private security guards and patrols, local auxiliaries such as neighbourhood wardens and the introduction of second tier police personnel in the shape of the new police community support officers. To varying degrees plural forms of policing seek to offer public reassurance through visible patrols. The article goes on to explore the complex nature of relations between the “extended police family” and the different modes of governance they suggest. It concludes with a consideration of the future shape of reassurance policing.
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Issues of cultural change typically plague advocates of policing reform. Scholars often argue that due to their defining capacity to exercise coercion, the police possess occupational sensibilities that tend to undermine new ways of thinking and acting introduced in reform programmes. A notable exception to this pessimism is found in the work of Janet Chan, who argues that cultural transformation can and does take place through iterative changes at the levels of “field” (structures) and “habitus” (practical dispositions) of the police. Extending the work of Brogden and Shearing, this article argues that further optimism can be reached by explicitly acknowledging the plural nature of security governance. Not only do different “nodes” of governance possess different ways of thinking and acting, they also take on the sensibilities of other nodes to maintain or improve their position in the security field. The normative possibilities raised by this explanatory line of inquiry will be examined.
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To date, a key emphasis within the restorative justice movement has been on the ways in which its values can guide the system of “criminal justice”. In this paper we argue that this focus has limited our ability to recognize various ways in which such values are being promoted within forms of governance originating outside of state justice systems. Through an examination of one localized governance model in South Africa, we seek to demonstrate that restorative values are being promoted through distinct goals and mechanisms developed to suit micropolitical, cultural, and economic realities. We suggest that the need to discover, explain, and assess such mechanisms is important to the advancement of the security governance literature, especially in a manner that is both intellectually and practically relevant to societies with deficits in state governance. Our empirical focus is on Peace Committees in South African communities that are operating, to use Braithwaite's terms, as forms of “responsive nodal governance”. Our depiction of these Committees raises both explanatory and normative questions that warrant further empirical study.
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I have been asked to comment briefly on the work of the Independent Commission on Policing for Northern Ireland. This paper complements and overlaps with two other pieces I have recently written on the work of the Commission.
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This essay examines the restructuring of policing currently taking place in developed democratic societies. It argues that restructuring is occurring under private as well as government auspices and will have profound effects on public safety, equity, human rights, and accountability. These effects are discussed, along with the trade-offs they represent for public policy. The driving forces behind restructuring are fear of crime, the inability of government to satisfy society's longing for security, the commodification of security, the rise of mass private property, and cultural individualism. The essay concludes with a prediction about the future of policing and suggests policies that are needed to avoid restructuring's harmful effects.
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Chapter
As the blush of deregulation begins to fade regulation is being dusted off and returned to policy agendas. As this happens there is a danger that this merely will reintroduce the problems that prompted deregulation in the first place and, in time, usher in another round of deregulation. If this happens no progress will have been made. Avoiding this requires a fundamental rethinking of what regulation has been and what it can be (Ayres & Braithwaite 1992; Gunningham 1992).
Article
In my remarks today I want to consider two questions: First, what governmental problem is zero tolerance policing being used to address? Second, how is it being deployed as a technology for addressing it? In other words, I want to consider how zero tolerance is being deployed as a strategy for governing security?
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Recently, there has been a discernible shift towards a regulatory mode of governance. This innovation has inspired commentators to talk of the emergence of ‘the regulatory state’, a distinctive style of governance which they see evolving throughout the industrialized world (Majone, 1994; Majone, 1996; McGowan and Wallace, 1996). In examining this trend, we must first try to identify this phenomenon. By ‘regulation’ we mean the attempt to modify the socially-valued behaviour of others by the promulgation and enforcement of systems of rules, typically by establishing an institutionally distinct regulator (Selznick, 1985; Ogus, 1994; Daintith, 1989). The increasing use of regulation as a formal instrument of government may thus arise because of the growing need to ‘steer’ the behaviour of a variety of actors — both public and private — who operate at some remove from the central state (Osborne and Gaebler, 1993). This certainly has occurred in the UK and the trend seems to be a consequence of certain basic changes in the role and structure of government.
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The productivity of government at all levels can be increased by introducing some of the principles that have already proved effective in some parts of the country. The idea behind these principles is that governments should be entrepreneurial.
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This essay examines the restructuring of policing currently taking place in developed democratic societies. It argues that restructuring is occurring under private as well as government auspices and will have profound effects on public safety, equity, human rights, and accountability. These effects are discussed, along with the trade-offs they represent for public policy. The driving forces behind restructuring are fear of crime, the inability of government to satisfy society's longing for security, the commodification of security, the rise of mass private property, and cultural individualism. The essay concludes with a prediction about the future of policing and suggests policies that are needed to avoid restructuring's harmful effects.
Article
This paper overviews current shifts in the governance of security by examining two related developments: the emergence of neo-liberalism and the proliferation of corporate forms of governance. While the literature tends to examine those developments taking place under state auspices, an equally important, yet less talked about development has been occurring in the form of institutions and sites of governance emerging outside of the state. Following a comparison of neo-liberal and corporate developments, the paper examines the normative implications of each for the promotion of democracy and the value of self-directed collective life. The final section of the paper outlines a practical agenda aimed at addressing these normative issues. Shearing, C. & Wood, J. 2000. Reflections on the Governance of Security, a Normative Inquiry. Police Practice: An International Journal, 1(4): 457-476
Article
We have witnessed over recent decades the extension across Europe of an enhanced policing capacity—one comprising a complex, ever-shifting mix of informal professional networks, inter-governmental co-operation, and nascent supranational institutions (notably Europol). These developments have been accompanied— and justified—by a set of public narratives that highlight the threat posed by various `criminal' and `alien' Others (migrants, drug traffickers, organized crime syndicates and so forth) to Europe, its borders and its citizens. How though can we best account for these developments and assess their likely trajectories? What do they signify about the kind of political order that is being constructed within the European Union? Is Europe today being governed through security and, if so, with what effects? In taking up these questions this article has two aims. First, to develop a heuristic framework that can help us make better sociological sense of both the meanings and interests that are competing to shape the field of European policing, and the processes of securitization that presently dominate it. Second, to consider the problems of authorization and legitimation raised by the onset of thinly accountable police processes and institutions at the European level, and to offer a sketch of the issues that must be addressed, and the criteria that might orientate us, in seeking to advance—in the policing domain—a project of postnational democracy.
Article
This paper considers developments with regard to privatisation of security services in the British residential sector. While a reduction in state dominance of security has been apparent for some time in the commercial sector, such trends are a more recent development in residential areas. The paper reviews the context in which such developments are taking place, drawing on empirical research in a community with private security patrols. It is argued that significant changes are taking place in the relative inputs of public and private policing to community law and order, with significant transformations in some residents’ experience of policing. Drawing on evidence from the empirical research, a range of related issues are discussed, including, regulation and the nature of the relationship between public and private policing.
Article
This paper sets out to make sociological sense of some contemporary trends in the consumption of policing services and security products. I argue that the commodification of policing and security can fruitfully be theorised and investigated in terms of the spread of consumer culture, a contention that I demonstrate in three (related) ways. I begin by examining how a culture of consumption is pervading the practices and rhetoric of the public police and outlining the impact of `consumerism' on lay sensibilities towards policing. I then set out some prevailing trends in the consumption of protective services and hardware and consider the effects of a burgeoning `security market' on the construction of authority, subjectivity and social relations. Finally, I detail a number of possible points of resistance to the spread of commercially-delivered policing and security and argue that these provide both some potential cultural limits to the extension of a `consumer attitude' in this field, and a space within which to think about, and develop, modes of policing shaped by citizens acting in a democratic polity rather than consumers operating in the market.
Article
 Visible minorities constituted 13% of the Canadian population (age 15 and over) in 2001 and represented 11% of private investigators and 16% of security guards. However, just 4% of police officers were a visible minority. Since 1996, the representation of visible minorities among police officers grew 33%, while increasing 83% among private investigators and 45% among security guards.  Aboriginal persons made up 3% of the overall population (age 15 and over), but constituted 4% of police officers and were equally represented among security guards (4%). Aboriginal persons were slightly less likely to work as private investigators (2%).  More than half (55%) of police officers had completed either a college certificate/diploma or a university degree, compared to 42% of private investigators and 28% of security guards.  Only 1% of those whose most recent occupation was as a police officer were unemployed versus 5% of private investigators and 8% of security guards. Individuals employed in private security were nearly eight times more likely than police officers to work on a part-time basis.  In 2000, police officers in full-time, full-year employment earned an average of $59,888, more than one and a half times the average income of private investigators and more than double the average income of security guards. From 1995 to 2000, the difference in average annual incomes between police officers and private investigators decreased, while the gap between police officers and security guard earnings grew.  The disparity in earnings between private security personnel and police officers might be attributed to factors such as differences in education and training requirements, turnover rates, the proportion of part-time work, as well as essential differences in the types of duties and responsibilities performed by each.
Article
n Women had greater representation in private security than in policing. In 1996, 21% of private investigators and 20% of security guards were women, compared to 13% of police officers. Although the representation of women was lowest among police officers, the proportion of female officers has been growing steadily since the mid-1970's when it was less than 1%. n Visible minorities were under-represented for both police officers and private investigators in 1996, while security guards had a higher than average representation. Visible minorities accounted for 10% of the employed labour force in Canada. This compares to 11% for security guards, but only 3% for police officers and 6% for private investigators. While visible minorities were under-represented in policing, Aboriginal persons were well-represented. In 1996, Aboriginal persons represented 3.0% of all police officers compared to 1.7% of the employed labour force. n Employment income for police officers in Canada for 1995 was considerably higher than for private security. Police officers reported an average employment income of $53,795, which was nearly $20,000 more than private investigators earned and more than double the average income of security guards.
Article
Gives historical background to the new interest in “showcasing” inner cities of the USA. Focuses on Philadelphia as an example of government-business alliance. Notes the former negative attitudes of public and private police toward each other and contrasts this with the growing understanding of their complementary roles.
Article
Two broad governamental rationalities may be discerned in the overall discourses of community policing since the 1960s. The first is a Keynesian, welfarist form which links plice to the community via extended welfare-service and protective roles. This was associated with relations of expertise that subordinated the public in a dependent, client relation. The ascendancy of post-Keynesian plitical rationalities replaces this model with one in which the community appears as knowledgeable about local conditions, and (with some training) competent to from a partnership with plice. Discourses of community policing thus have manifested an altered content of ‘community’ over this period. In the early years, community was the local site of state and social forms of intervention. In recent years the emphasis has been on images of the community as voluntary rather than imposed, private rather than state or public, co-operative rather than hierarchical. This image of ‘community’ is particularly attractive to post-Keynesian governance, as it eschews the social yet rafers to relational forms capable of dealing with problems which cannot readily be left to individual efforts. This renders it both conceptually and practically a preferred successor to state and social forms of governing security.
Article
The problem of public and private is often thought to be a boundary problem. ‘Public' and ‘private' are said to denote separate areas of human endeavour—distinct ‘realms', ‘spheres', or ‘spaces'. The task of formulating clear boundaries, however, has proven to be enormously complex. It seems that every attempt at conceptualizing a purely private area of activity runs into a particular kind of difficulty, namely, many of the activities characteristic of the private sphere turn out to be activities toward which no responsible public authority could possibly remain indifferent: abuse within the family, collusion in the business world, criminal conspiracy among friends. It may be, however, that the problem of public and private, conceived as a boundary problem, is thereby misconceived. It would perhaps be better to think of public and private as denoting not primarily—perhaps not at all—separate realms of endeavour but different ways of being in the world, different ‘manners of acting'. To act in a private manner is simply different in character from acting in a public manner. Such a formulation, if pursued with care, would allow us to accept fully the arguments of those who would question the very idea of a private realm, while still permitting us to retain a vigorous and compelling public/private distinction.
Article
The centrality of regulation among the tools deployed by governments is well established in the social science literature. Regulation of public sector bodies by non-state organizations is an important but neglected aspect of contemporary governance arrangements. Some private regulators derive both authority and power from a legal mandate for their activities. Statutory powers are exercised by private regulators where they are delegated or contracted out. Contractual powers take collective (for example, self-regulatory) and individuated forms. But a further important group of private regulators, operating both nationally and internationally, lack a legal mandate and yet have the capacity to exercise considerable power in constraining governments and public agencies. In a number of cases private regulators operate more complete regulatory regimes (in the sense of controlling standard setting, monitoring, and enforcement elements) than is true of public regulators. While private regulators may enhance the scrutiny given to public bodies (and thus enhance regimes of control and accountability), their existence suggests a need to identify the conditions under which such private power is legitimately held and used. One such condition is the existence of appropriate mechanisms for controlling or checking power. Such controls may take the classic form of public oversight, but may equally be identified in the checks exercised by participation in communities or markets.
Article
The article begins with a review of recent trends in the devolution of state functions to nongovernment institutions, and discusses how private interests may be enlisted in furtherance of public policy. It then outlines a variety of institutions and instruments which might comprise a system of regulation for environmental protection, and suggests some of the forms of interaction between them.The focus then turns to commercial activity which can further the interests of environmental protection. It summarizes eight emerging trends in “green commerce” and concludes that in some settings, the constructive influence of commercial forces can exceed that wielded by government agencies.