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The Ethics of Memory
... Through gathering together collective memory, memorialization makes the absent present enough to be mourned, and makes what is present absent enough to be remembered symbolically. As a group endeavor that produces shared memory out of many individual shards, memorialization had to accompany representational storytelling in order to repair the severed link between the psychic and the social (Bernstein, 2000;Margalit, 2002;Pivnick, 2011). Only with an intact social link could we bear witness to one another's suffering and create a coherent enough historical narrative to bind our country back together (Davoine & Gaudillière, 2004). ...
... Relational psychoanalysis understands that this inability to symbolize usually manifests as binary thinking that leads to increasing conflict and power struggles, and keeps wounds raw. Given the traumatic context of much of what is memorable enough to be transmitted to future generations, the conventional historical chronicle is so distorted that it must be understood as emerging from multiple partial views that can only gradually be brought together (Blanchot, 1980;Caruth, 1996;Margalit, 2002). In a memorial museum, the narrative can emerge in nonlinear fashion as sounds, story strands, and images. ...
... Our internal politics threaten us because we are repeating the "discarded-dignified" dynamic of "only one voice shall be heard" (Benjamin, 2014;Pivnick, 2017). Since it is through feeling the other's suffering as one's own that traumatized people may truly begin a healing process, perhaps mourning together our many dead-counting them, naming them, carrying their weight-will create a way to witness one another's pain and recognize it as our own (Butler, 2020;Margalit, 2002). In viewing others' problems as ours, we begin the work of making ourselves and the world more whole. ...
The events of 9/11 have been vanishing from memories. Yet it was a pivotal event in world history and in many families’ individual life cycles. Enduring losses and ruptures have rippled into both intensely personal moments and our sociopolitical processes. We vowed initially never to forget. But the problem we faced in the aftermath of the terrifying attacks became how best to remember. Twenty years later the author reflects on those historical events from her perspective as the Consulting Psychologist to Thinc Design, the exhibition design team for the National September 11 Memorial Museum. Using now her senses attuned to the 9/11 trauma narrative and its effects on group processes, as well as her habit of thinking about memory as multi-directional dialogue among disparate-in-time meanings, she attempts to locate 9/11 in a historical constellation with Hiroshima, the War on Terror, Latin American 9/11, COVID, Black Lives Matter, dissociated grief and grievance, and the 1/6 US Capital Insurrection.
... Science and technology studies scholars, by contrast, have mostly focused on the fraught epistemological and legal stakes of the entry of new forms of biological evidence into modern courtrooms (Smith and Wynne 1989;Jasanoff 1995Jasanoff , 2002Cole 2001;Aronson 2007;Lynch et al. 2008). Like Hatakeyama (2021), I am interested in broader, modern configurations of witnessing (see Margalit 2002;Winter 2007;Dean 2019;Fassin and d'Halluin 2005;Fassin 2011a;Murphy 2012). I attend to the interplay and trade-offs between moral, legal, and scientific authority at stake in activists' models of biological witness after TMI. ...
... Victims of nuclear fallout fit readily within developing conceptions of modern moral witness (Yoneyama 1999). In the broadest strokes, moral witnesses testify to the violence they have experienced in the hope of preventing similar atrocities in the future (Margalit 2002;Winter 2007;Dean 2019). In the Watanabe Minamata case, lawyers drew on the moral force of nuclear survivorship and legal arguments crafted in response to US nuclear fallout in the 1950s. ...
The 1979 partial nuclear reactor meltdown at Three Mile Island was simultaneously hyper-visible and hidden from public view. It was the subject of non-stop media attention, but its causes and consequences required expert explanation. No fire or explosion marked the moment when insensible radionuclides escaped the facility. Yet, residents recalled a variety of troubling sights, sounds, odors, tastes, and sensations. Public distrust percolated in the interstices between government assertions that little radiation had escaped the facility and residents’ sense memories of the incident. This article traces intertwined networks of activists from Japan and Pennsylvania as they mobilized legally, politically, and scientifically to develop evidence about the offsite effects of Three Mile Island. Exploring the distinct cosmology of evidence that activists marshaled, the article shows how they placed the messy, contingent, dynamic living world at the center of inquiries about the meltdown’s consequences. Activists developed new practices of biological witness that reconfigured the interplay between scientific, legal, and moral authority, while concurrently reformulating sufferers’ subjectivities and notions of scientific objectivity. In the process, they suggested that environmental justice entailed epistemic justice. Their cosmology of evidence served as an argument and a material proof that the beloved but suffering living world, and the sciences used to understand it, could and should frame the governance of industrial society’s invisible harms.
... This call to never forget reflects an ethical obligation or duty ascribed to memory, particularly in the wake of mass atrocity or violence. Philosopher Avishai Margalit (2004), for example, has conceived of an "ethics of memory" that binds individuals and groups more closely together. Jeffrey Blustein's (2008) moral philosophy argues that memory holds "moral demands" visà-vis our responsibility for the past. ...
What defines the memorial museum in the digital age? This chapter introduces the volume 'The Memorial Museum in the Digital Age' thinking through the extent to which the digital marks a radical shift in memorial museum practice. The chapter explores three core themes which emerge throughout this volume: the tension between the national and transnational in memorial museums; the relationship between the memorial museum and "the multitude" (Hoskins 2018); and the extent to which digital technologies affect the authenticity claims so important to the presentation of material evidence in memorial museums.
... This call to never forget reflects an ethical obligation or duty ascribed to memory, particularly in the wake of mass atrocity or violence. Philosopher Avishai Margalit (2004), for example, has conceived of an "ethics of memory" that binds individuals and groups more closely together. Jeffrey Blustein's (2008) moral philosophy argues that memory holds "moral demands" visà-vis our responsibility for the past. ...
The Memorial Museum in the Digital Age is the first comprehensive review of thinking and practice related to the effects and affects of the digital for memorial museums. These commemorative and educational spaces have traditionally contained object-heavy displays to stand-in for people, cultures and things that have been destroyed. What then happens when collected material evidence is presented to visitors/ users in digitalised forms – distanced from the material proximity offered at so-called ‘authentic sites’? Whilst memorial museums have often been celebrated for their commemorative and educative agendas, they are also political and tend to reiterate museological logics deeply embedded in problematic histories of arranging cultural objects and identities. Can digital technologies offer the potential to rearrange or resituate the memorial museum into activist spaces? Can going online disrupt the national memory politics that commonly characterise memorial museums, or does it enable more of the same? These are some of the questions that interest the contributors of this collection.
Whilst there is a growing number of publications interested in museums and the digital, the specificity of the memorial museum is understudied. Yet, it raises particular concerns relating to preservation, materiality, ethics, and absence that require careful consideration in relation to the digital. After a theoretical consideration of what the memorial museum is and could be in this ‘digital age’, this book offers a series of case studies written by curators, artists, and academics covering memorial museum examples in North America, South America, Africa, Europe, Asia, and Australia.
... The previous fragments can be analysed in terms of restorative justice. This justice can be understood as a 'vital knowledge' (García Ruiz, 2016: 98) that requires embodied encounters that are significant in everyday lives (Margalit, 2002). The previous section does not offer an account of a regular restorative justice process, but it might help to talk about restorative justice in IPV cases. ...
... It is also satisfied by cherishing symbols of one's life journey, such as geographical locations, rivers, trees, buildings, hills, and streets. Bonding with an old dwelling, a childhood neighborhood, or a place that evokes nostalgia allows the current self to reminisce the past self that is elemental for the nurturing transcendental identity (see Margalit, 2004;Said, 2000). That is, the bonding with a past self, as epitomized by memory, is as important as nurturing contemporaneous friendship. ...
Friendship-and-love expresses musings about wellbeing-while "wellbeing" is the economist's substantive satisfaction. Insofar as altruism is about wellbeing, it must differ from friendship-and-love. However, what is the basis of the difference between substantive satisfaction and friendship-and-love? The answer can be found in Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments, chapter 2: how "mutual sympathy" differs from "sympathy." Smith scholars generally miss the uniqueness of "mutual sympathy" and, indeed, fold it under Smith's "sympathy" (and "empathy")-with one exception. Robert Sugden highlights the uniqueness of mutual sympathy. However, he goes to the other end, folding Smith's "sympathy-and-empathy" under "mutual sympathy." This paper aims to avoid the folding in either direction. While mutual sympathy originates love-based sociality (friendship-and-love), sympathy-and-empathy originates interest-based sociality (wellbeing that includes altruism). This paper concludes that friendship is neither reducible to altruism nor vice versa. Further, this paper distinguishes this problem from the question regarding the socialization of the individual.
... A ética humanista nas artes e letras (Etlin, 1998(Etlin, [1996) abrange valores, cidadania e políticas de reconhecimento ou representação em prol da igualdade, diversidade e inclusão (Conde, 2015f ;Marin, 2016;Benhabib, 2002). A ética da remembrance (Margalit, 2002;Conde, 2017aConde, , 2017b converge para reescritas da história, o testemunho e o trauma, centro de dor na vigilância e cultura da catástrofe. 36 O trauma, com o paradigma maior no Holocausto, está literalmente como ground de imagens (Nancy, 2005) e vozes sobre passados difíceis, violências, lutos, vidas precárias. ...
This text (integrated in my academic aggegation) belongs to an essay on art, cultural heritage, remembrance and Europe. Here is the introduction and the first point: art (modern/contemporary) and cultural relations with the past. It is also a short an articulated reading of extensive bibliography. Other parts will have the overview of debates and agendas Europe for cultural heritage (EU&Council of Europe). They will have iconography.
The main in the overall essay is to advance a renewed framework to cross the problematic of cultural heritage with that of remembrance. Not to be confused limitedly with mere memory (furthermore always complex with inductions and re/constructions). Neither as just a cultural memory. A umbrella notion that I discuss in some part because it obscures the web of plural pasts (and the kind of pasts) enrolled in (again) plural memories & heritages.
Remembrance implies the relationship between memory and history with returns, rescues and more dimensions of memories. History is embedded in cultural heritages themselves transporting various pasts in chronological terms, among other connotations.
The two areas of heritage and remembrance are vast but rather redundant, so arguments and evidence are summarized.
The binomial is joined by the triangulation distinguishing mnemonic, heritage, and historicity regimes that relate the present with various categories of past. It is the core of the perspective, which refers not to areas but to transversal experiences of time, or times, in the "vocabulary of the present".
The gaze is therefore directed towards intersections and semantics of times (historical, distant, recent, contemporary, etc.) in/with heritage; remembrance; and art as another mode of bridge/break of time
... The moral witness can in the same instant be a religious and/or social witness; a figure such as Martin Luther King Jr. comes to mind. There is an ever-expanding literature on the trajectory of moral witnessing on the part of philosophers, sociologists, psychologists, historians, and others (Agamben, 2002;Felman & Laub, 1992;Givoni, 2016;Goodman & Meyers, 2012;Hatley, 2000;Margalit, 2004;McBride, 2001;Oliver, 2001;Wieviorka, 2006). Scholars in education have begun to draw out the ramifications of this particular literature for educational theory and practice (Adami & Hållander, 2014;Berlak, 1999;Dutro, 2011Dutro, , 2013Hinsdale, 2014;Rak, 2003;Ritter, 2007;Simon, 2005Simon, , 2014Zembylas, 2006). ...
Bearing witness is a familiar if diversely employed concept. On the one hand, it concerns the accuracy and validity of practical affairs, for example in a court of law, at a wedding, or in a law office. On the other hand, the term can embody powerful religious, social, and/ or moral meaning, whether in bearing witness to historical trauma and human suffering, or in paying heed to everyday, seemingly ordinary aspects of nature and of human life. In this article, we address the question of what renders a witness trustworthy. We characterize ethical and epistemic constituents of witnessing. We examine the work of several exemplary witnesses: W. G. Sebald, Saidiya Hartman, Jonathan Lear, Etty Hillesum, and John Berger alongside Jean Mohr. These sources help us think about the education of a person who aspires to bear witness, whether it be to traumatic events or to quotidian life in educational or other settings. We present criteria of trustworthiness that can support reflection on what we take to be the important place of bearing witness in educational inquiry and practice.
... Por todo ello, en el ámbito de la docencia, cabe destacar el curso en inglés titulado "Ética y Victimología", como parte de los estudios ofrecidos en el Máster en Victimología y Justicia Penal de la Universidad de Tilburg, (Países Bajos), en concreto dentro del Instituto Internacional de Victimología (Intervict), dirigido por A. Pemberton (2015), uno de los victimólogos actuales que ha ofrecido una profunda reflexión sobre estas cuestiones. Pemberton ha señalado las conexiones filosóficas de una ciencia social comprometida con las experiencias subjetivas de daño, por una ruptura de valores en la práctica social, partiendo de Nietzsche, y citando a autores como Shklar (1986) y Margalit (2002). ...
... In this sense, "thick ethics therefore calls attention to rights and obligations in the context of a tradition's history that incorporates the emotions of ancestors as a basis of cultural legitimacy" (p. 27).Ghere(2008), drawing fromMargalit's (2002) conceptualization of thin and thick moral vernaculars, enumerates examples of thin institutional vernaculars; namely, legal discourses, accountability discourses, ethics discourses, professional discourses, performance metric discourses, and management systems discourses. These types of discourse focus on the law as the basis for advocacy, accountability as answerability, behavior standards and rules of conduct, professional realities over community needs, quantitative measures of institutional mission successes, and conversations surrounding strategic planning, implementation and evaluation jargons. ...
This study shows that identification strategies are used by the United Church of Christ in the Philippines in justifying its participation in justice, peace, and human rights ministry. Through common ground strategies reflected in the church’s organizational documents, the UCCP communicates common values and principles not only with its members but with secular progressive groups as well. The UCCP rhetors also use the principles of a transcendent “we” in framing church history and its lived experience of Martial Law as a binding factor with members. Scriptural terministic screens such as the use of: human rights are God’s gifts that must be safeguarded, Christ sides with the poor and oppressed, opposing unjust powers is prophetic witnessing, and justice-based peace is the establishment of God’s kingdom on earth are used as bridging devices to transform secular political acts into God-ordained divine activities. Additionally, the church also frames new religious movement (NRM) churches as its antithesis, representing the opposite of the UCCP’s substance. These churches are framed as newcomers that are diluting the essence of Christian prophetic witness.
Rhetorical strategies of guilt-redemption are employed by the UCCP during the Duterte presidency. The church communicates justice-based peace as the symbolic order it pursues, and the violence of state forces are the causes of guilt in the order. During the start of President Duterte’s term, he was portrayed by the church as an “individual” performing mortification to rid the nation of the guilt of past administrations. However, in 2018, the church began to frame President Duterte as the “State”, the scapegoat that must be punished for his own sins. This victimage of President Duterte is justified by the church by framing their opposition towards him as mortification through prophetic witnessing which will redeem the nation from sins of violence and injustice. The church communicates identification with secular progressive groups for they are framed in the statements as performing the same mortification as the church, showing a strong relationship between the church and these external audiences.
Findings of this study also show that members who identify as progressives and those who are fluent in citing organizational identity claims show closer social distance with church rhetors vis-a-vis the church’s JPHR stand during President Duterte’s administration. In short, the rhetorical strategies of the UCCP reinforce the political stand of members who already identify as progressives in the first place. However, Duterte’s populist rhetoric, the competing rhetoric of other churches, and the challenge to maintain organizational democracy within the UCCP hinder other members of the organization to agree with their bishops’ stand. Overall, the rhetoric of the UCCP allows the church to create a closer social distance with secular progressive groups, giving divine legitimacy to justice, peace, and human rights activism.
... In this context, the memory of eyewitnesses, accurate event details and more importantly individual lived-experiences of the past to present are substantially important to build upon for current and future plans (Tiwari, 2010;Nouraei and Abolhassani Taraghi, 2011). Thus, land issues like land-use and land management can be considered as a mental anecdote that is affected by the position of actors in a social structure, not as a specific objective truth (Margalit, 2002). As a result, achieving the experience of land activists is qualitative in nature and research methods such as phenomenology facilitates appreciation of the ways and the extent to which others experience the world. ...
Exploring the lived-experiences of community farmers will contribute to the perspective of land issues and help formulate and plan sustainable land management. Therefore, the aim of this study was to explore the lived-experiences of farmers regarding land-use and management in northern Iran, which is facing land degradation and land grabbing problems. For this purpose, a phenomenological approach was undertaken to show how the past and present process of land-use and management practices is made. In this research, key farmers who had land utilization experiences, feeling the land laws, land changes and land issues in the past in land risk areas were selected using key informants sampling. The gathered data of interviews were analyzed according to Colaizzi method. Fifty-five important statements and 11 themes were extracted from participants’ experiences (PE) in three periods: pre-land reform period and on the threshold of it in Iran, post-land reform until Islamic revolution and after the revolution till now. The lived-experience of participants showed that pre-land reform period in Iran was known for its hierarchical structure to "owner-peasant" contexts of the land-use and management in the study area. The importance of forest and river as the origin of arable land and physical-spatial structure of rural settlements is undeniable. Post-land reform PE indicated that the land reform enforcement was a factor of change in the land-use and management practices that led to ownership problems. Participants’ experiences regarding land changes after the Islamic revolution till now expressed that despite the new inhibitor rules regarding land management practices, farmers are likely to bring about land-use changes. Recommendations and implications for land management policy are offered to reduce the land degradation and land grabbing.
... For a more detailed analysis of the value of commemorating past crimes, seeBlustein (2008Blustein ( , 2014. See alsoMargalit (2002).Content courtesy of Springer Nature, terms of use apply. Rights reserved. ...
Are we justified in keeping the demented in prison for crimes they committed when they were still healthy? The answer to this question is an issue of considerable practical importance. The problem arises in cases where very aged criminals exhibit symptoms of dementia while serving their sentence. In these cases, one may wonder whether lodging these criminals in penal institutions rather than in normal caretaking facilities is justifiable. In this paper, I argue that there are justificatory reasons for punishing the demented for their past crimes. In part 2, I examine three theories of punishment—retributivism, prevention theories and expressivism—with regard to the question of whether they provide justificatory reasons for punishing the demented. I argue that only expressivism provides these reasons. In part 3, I defend the view that expressivism, though not convincing as a general theory of punishment, is plausible if applied only to a specific subclass of punitive actions. More precisely, expressivism, or so I argue, is plausible with regard to those acts of punishment that consist in intending to inflict suffering without actually inflicting suffering. Since the punishment of demented patients falls within this class, it can be justified on an expressivist basis. In part 4, I discuss six objections to my view and rebut them.
The 1979 partial nuclear reactor meltdown at Three Mile Island was simultaneously hyper-visible and hidden from public view. It was the subject of non-stop media attention, but its causes and consequences required expert explanation. No fire or explosion marked the moment when insensible radionuclides escaped the facility. Yet, residents recalled a variety of troubling sights, sounds, odors, tastes, and sensations. Public distrust percolated in the interstices between government assertions that little radiation had escaped the facility and residents’ sense memories of the incident. This article traces intertwined networks of activists from Japan and Pennsylvania as they mobilized legally, politically, and scientifically to develop evidence about the offsite effects of Three Mile Island. Exploring the distinct cosmology of evidence that activists marshaled, the article shows how they placed the messy, contingent, dynamic living world at the center of inquiries about the meltdown’s consequences. Activists developed new practices of biological witness that reconfigured the interplay between scientific, legal, and moral authority, while concurrently reformulating sufferers’ subjectivities and notions of scientific objectivity. In the process, they suggested that environmental justice entailed epistemic justice. Their cosmology of evidence served as an argument and a material proof that the beloved but suffering living world, and the sciences used to understand it, could and should frame the governance of industrial society’s invisible harms.
Hibakusha (atomic bomb survivors) are “witnesses” of the atomic bombings, not just in a standard sense but also in the instrumental sense. For medical and scientific experts, hibakusha are biological resources of unparalleled scientific value. Over the past seventy years, the hibakusha bodies have narrated what it means to be exposed to radiation. In this paper, I explore studies at the Atomic Bomb Casualty Commission (ABCC) that examined hibakusha bodies as sites where risk could be read. I focus on a period from the mid-1950s to 1975, during which new methods, practices, and technologies allowed ABCC scientists to investigate chromosomes as a way to study radiation exposure and human risk. By focusing on chromosomal aberrations, ABCC scientists connected their work directly to the emerging infrastructure for radiobiology at the time. ABCC administrators actively sought out such prestige, especially given their relationship with the Atomic Energy Commission (AEC). The shift in approach would also alleviate some public relations problems with which the institution was struggling. Launching a cytogenetics program required some older practices that had assumed American privilege and dominance to be abandoned. Eventually, the decision to let chromosomes speak of radiation exposure brought about fundamental changes in ABCC, which came to symbolize the model for future studies at the organization, especially as ABCC was transitioning to a US-Japan binational organization. More broadly, this case highlights the intricate scientific negotiation of radiation risk where uncertainties necessarily prevail.KeywordsAtomic Bomb Casualty Commission (ABCC)
Hibakusha
CytogeneticsChromosomesRadiation risk
This article examines the representation, transmission, and circulation of war memory, and the role of personal and collective memory in shaping meanings, attitudes, and identities. The discussion will alternate between two aspects of the topic: the particular claim to truth that witness literature puts forward, and the process that leads from catastrophe to creativity, turning the victim into a writing witness who can undo forgetting and denial. War memory and its intersection with the concept of trauma is explored in the works of authors Xhevdet Bajraj and Ivana Bodrožić, renowned poets of contemporary literature in their respective countries. Their views provide a geopoetic and cultural background for a theoretical discussion of literary and cultural aspects of war memory. The main objective is to examine the concept of poetry as testimony and its relevance to contemporary literature in Croatia and Kosovo. The theorizing introduction is followed by poems by authors, but at the end there is a theoretical offshoot on the topic.
This chapter examines the ethical aspect of human-animal relations in the pentateuchal narratives and historiographical writings (Joshua, Judges, Samuel, Kings, and Chronicles)—the creation stories, the account of the first generations, and the patriarchal narratives in Genesis, the Exodus, Balaam and his donkey, the Samson cycle, the return of the Ark from Philistia, the prophet from Bethel, etc. Although analyzed in light of their historical background, the texts are explored primarily from an ethical perspective, framed in the scholarly literature on human-animal ethics.
Friendship-and-love expresses musings about well-being—while the object of the musings, i.e., “well-being,” is the economist’s substantive satisfaction. Insofar as altruism is about well-being and not the musings, it cannot be subsumed under friendship-and-love. However, what is the basis of the difference between the economist’s substantive satisfaction and friendship-and-love? The answer can be found in Adam Smith’s Theory of Moral Sentiments, chapter 2: how “mutual sympathy” differs from substantive satisfaction. Smith scholars generally miss the uniqueness of “mutual sympathy” and, indeed, fold it under Smith’s “sympathy” (and “empathy”)—with one exception. Robert Sugden highlights the uniqueness of mutual sympathy. However, he goes to the other end, that is, he folds Smith’s sympathy-and-empathy under mutual sympathy. This paper aims to avoid the folding in either direction. Indeed, it argues that each fellow-feeling deals with a question that is orthogonal to the other. Mutual sympathy originates love-based sociality (friendship-and-love), which can be juxtaposed to interest-based sociality, i.e., substantive satisfaction, such as altruism. These genera of sociality are about the nature of satisfaction or preferences, and hence in contrast to sympathy-and-empathy that are basically about judgments. As judgments, sympathy-and-empathy are ultimately about the nature of decision making, irrespective of whether the decisions concerning love-based or interest-based preferences.
Why would decision makers (DMs) adopt heuristics, priors, or in short “habits” that prevent them from optimally using pertinent information—even when such information is freely-available? One answer, Herbert Simon’s “procedural rationality” regards the question invalid: DMs do not, and in fact cannot, process information in an optimal fashion. For Simon, habits are the primitives, where humans are ready to replace them only when they no longer sustain a pregiven “satisficing” goal. An alternative answer, Daniel Kahneman’s “mental economy” regards the question valid: DMs make decisions based on optimization. Kahneman understands optimization not differently from the standard economist’s “bounded rationality.” This might surprise some researchers given that the early Kahneman, along with Tversky, have uncovered biases that appear to suggest that choices depart greatly from rational choices. However, once we consider cognitive cost as part of the constraints, such biases turn out to be occasional failures of habits that are otherwise optimal on average. They are optimal as they save us the cognitive cost of case-by-case deliberation. While Kahneman’s bounded rationality situates him in the neoclassical economics camp, Simon’s procedural rationality echoes Bourdieu’s “habitus” camp. To abridge the fault line of the two camps, this paper proposes a “two problem areas hypothesis.” Along the neoclassical camp, habits satisfy wellbeing, what this paper calls “substantive satisfaction.” Along the Bourdieu camp, habits satisfy belonging, love, and bonding with one’s environment, what this paper calls “transcendental satisfaction.”
В коллективной монографии анализируются эпистемологические,
культурные, политические и социальные аспекты индивидуальной и коллективной памяти, и вызовы, создаваемые памяти процессами цифровизации. Авторы предлагают комплексный взгляд на проблемы индивидуальной и коллективной памяти в контексте технологических и социальных трансформаций современности. Представлены теоретико-методологический анализ проблем памяти с философской, политологической и культурологической точек зрения, а также результаты социологического исследования коллективной исторической памяти россиян.
If working through the past is going to heal a nation, it has to come from within. This paper explores two senses of historical responsibility: the responsibility we bear for healing the wounds of the past or working-off-the-past, and the responsibility we may have in fulfilling the promises of the defining moments of the past (redeeming or cashing in on the past). By utilizing these two conceptual tools, the paper carves out a normative space Adwa ought to occupy in a just and ethical revitalisation of our collective memories. It argues that the process of coming to terms with divisive historical legacies must pass ‘the Adwa test’ that it ought to be comprehensively liberating, universalizable, and thus has the ability to translate ‘the past as future.’ The victory in Adwa passes on the responsibility to birth our future in the image of its Volksgeist or spirit of the people (in the Hegelian sense indicating dialectical unfolding of the self, and not in the Fichtean sense where the past is defined in puritan terms) and by cultivating a national character commensurate with it. This paper posits that engagement with the positive experience of freedom from colonialism and the attendant sense of individual and collective autonomy that Adwa provides is one part of the equation for what Adorno calls “reconciliation” of the subject with object (history). The other part is a genuine recognition of the collective memory that past harm brought forth in the present, which we often reject as inherently unlike us. While Adwa offers the ground we stand on, embracing historical contradictions will serve as a condition for genuine reconciliation. The responsibility to come to terms with, atone for, and rectify the legacies of our history must be underpinned by an equal responsibility to fulfil Adwa’s promises.
Politics, a cognitive behaviour, with its phenomenal spectrum is believed to be elementary for social formation. Despite its capacities politics spontaneously and almost innately patronised the exercise of power in every stage of human relations from interpersonal to international and subversively contributed to the darkest part of history with narratives of human sufferings. This article identifies the loose ends of the power narrative through the contrivance of an ethical archetype of Political Forgiveness. The didactic paradigm of forgiveness is pitted against Realism which has ever remained triumphant spoiling the innate dark sides of human nature. It might, however, seem merely an academic thought practice but this article has adequately identified slippages where humanity prevailed over crude power through predicaments with congruent contextuality of philosophical logic and arguments based on regular political theories. Besides the ideas of Hannah Arendt, Jacques Derrida this piece of writing incorporated the thoughts of John Rawls, Thomas Nagel, Charles Beitz and others in prioritising the notion of cooperation and forgiveness while weighing the chances of Cosmopolitanism in global politics. This is an attempt to challenge the idea of global justice in identifying the paradoxes of Realpolitik while exposing the back out of ethics from politics endangering a rudimentary element of social living.
Número 33 de L'Atalante. Revista de estudios cinematográficos dedicado a la nueva generación de mujeres cineastas españolas.
Shaila García Catalán, Aarón Rodríguez Serrano, Marta Martín Núñez (coords.).
Autores (Authors): Goksu Akkan (Baheşehir University), Sue Aran-Ramspott (Universitat Ramon Llull), Loreto Ares (investigadora independiente), Laura Calvo Gens (Universidade de Santiago de Compostela), Manuel Canga Sosa (Universidad de Valladolid), Sergio Cobo Durán (Universidad de Sevilla), Susana Díaz (Università degli Studi di Firenze), Pietsie Feenstra (Université Paul Valéry 3 Montpellier), Samuel Fernández-Pichel (Universidad Pablo de Olavide), Shaila García Catalán (Universitat Jaume I), Tecla González Hortigüela (Universidad de Valladolid), Josep Lambies Barjau (Universitat Pompeu Fabra), Marta Martín Núñez (Universitat Jaume I), Sergio Meijide Casas (Universidade de Santiago de Compostela), Francisco Javier Miranda García (Universidad Rey Juan Carlos), Tamara Moya Jorge (Universidad Carlos III de Madrid), Víctor Navarro Remesal (TecnoCampus, Universitat Pompeu Fabra), Beatriz Pérez Zapata (Valencian International University; TecnoCampus, Universitat Pompeu Fabra), Aarón Rodríguez Serrano (Universitat Jaume I), Ernesto Taborda-Hernández (Universidad Rey Juan Carlos), Klaus Zilles (Universitat Ramon Llull).
In 2003, the President's Council on Bioethics released a report that analyzed possible drugs to dampen traumatic memories. Such drugs hold promise for victims of terrorism, military conflict, assault, car accidents, and natural disasters who might otherwise suffer from intense, painful memories. While the Council acknowledged potential benefits of memory dampening, many members were quite troubled by it. In this chapter, I describe some ethical issues that could arise from memory dampening and argue that many of the Council’s concerns were founded on controversial premises that unjustifiably privileged our natural cognitive abilities. While memory dampening may eventually require thoughtful regulation, broad-brushed restrictions are unjustified: We have a deeply personal interest in controlling our own minds that entitles us to a certain freedom of memory.
Recent developments in Europe suggest that the dynamic of globalization and transnational integration rather fuels than obstructs aspirations to alter political borders drawn in pre-democratic times. All evidence at hand at present indicates that self-determination will continue to be one of the most pressing issues on the world’s political agenda. The demands for sovereignty articulated over the last ten years in Catalonia are an obvious manifestation of this trend. However, the Catalan “process” is a complex phenomenon. This book aims at helping the reader to grasp and interpret this complexity. It brings into focus those political events and constellations in Catalonia’s recent history that are central for an appropriate understanding of the process. The book also shows that the process has a political relevance that goes way beyond the Spanish-Catalan context and relates to key issues concerning the interplay of democracy, sovereignty and statehood in the 21st century. The main rationale underlying the different views presented in this volume is precisely the conviction that what has been, and still is, going on in Catalonia opens up important insights when it comes to grasping some of the most salient challenges democratic governance faces in an age that – in Europe as in other parts of the world – combines identity politics and globalism in often surprising ways.
This document gathers references from an essay (abbreviated in a chapter in the academic aggregation) on the issue of remembrance that articulates dimensions of history, memory and cultural heritage-in general and in Europe. It is a conceptual framework that in the essay also dialogues with images and modern/contemporary art and heritage. This work comes from a line of research and teaching that has been developed for over a decade with studies, a transdisciplinary seminar, and a series of courses/workshops on European themes.
Cultural heritage, manifest in public monuments, plays an important role in education, providing tangible artefacts that chart the history of a society, its achievements, tragedies and horrors, contributing to human understanding and well-being. The educational impact is lifelong—everyone from schoolchildren to senior citizens visit and take in heritage sites. How heritage is to be approached, however, is a complex question, with conflicting narratives vying for prominence. Kingston, Ontario, where my university is situated, is the hometown of Canada's first prime minister, John A. Macdonald, whose ambition to unite the country sea-to-sea brought Canada into being. Today debate rages about how to understand Macdonald's legacy of colonialism, his actions against the Indigenous peoples, whose lands and children were taken from them, and against the families of Chinese workers, who built Canada's railway and were then impeded from making their homes in this country. In a climate of increasing awareness of racial oppression, exemplified particularly by the protests of Black Lives Matter, Kingston is in the grip of debate and demonstration, centering on calls for the removal of a prominent statue of Macdonald from a downtown park. This paper explores the problem of historic monuments to suggest that a focus on education can enable an understanding of heritage that seeks to provide the necessary conditions in which historic wrongs can be understood.
It is a familiar idea that showing respect for someone requires an effort to take account of how she sees the world. There is more than one way we might do this. Williams suggests that each person is owed an effort at identification, whereas Rawls remarks that “mutual respect is shown … in our willingness to see the situation of others from their point of view.” The author explores these ideas as they apply to people with profound and multiple learning difficulties and disabilities (PMLD), whose condition raises special difficulties in the way of complying with the conduct described here. The author examines the ideas of having a point of view and identifying with the person whose point of view it is, and shows how much—and also how little—these views can contribute to a principle of respect that includes people with PMLD.
As noted in part I of this paper (published in the June 2021 issue of Pastoral Psychology), freedom is typically framed in terms of justice, equality, rights, reason, and agency. In this second part, I describe social and political freedom from the perspective of care and faith. I first discuss briefly what I mean by care and faith. Once this is accomplished, I begin with a description of the pre-political space or communicative space of the parent-child interaction. This is a necessary step in distinguishing between two related but distinct concepts, namely, social and political freedom. I contend that the parent’s social freedom is expressed in their care of the child, which includes the parent’s recognition of the infant as a person and, correspondingly, the parent’s decision to limit themself for the sake of addressing the needs of the child. Parental care or attunement fosters a communicative space of trust wherein the child obtains a sense of self-esteem, self-respect, and self-confidence and nascent agency in asserting their needs and desires—a proto-social freedom. Included here is a brief discussion of the process of bridging the proto-social freedom experienced in the pre-political, communicative space of a good-enough family to the capacity for and experiences of social-political freedom in the larger world. I conclude by addressing questions regarding the relation between the pre-political space of the family and the larger political-public spaces.
Déanann an páipéar seo iniúchadh ar thrí dhán le Máirtín Ó Direáin ina bpléann sé le laochra 1916. Is iad na dánta atá i gceist ná: ‘Séamus Ó Conghaile’ (Aiséirighe 1941, Coinnle Geala 1942); ‘Ár Laochra’ (Feasta 1960; Ár Ré Dhearóil 1962) agus ‘Éire ina bhFuil Romhainn’ (Deirdre 1958; Ár Ré Dhearóil 1962). Is éard a áitítear ná go bhfuil áit lárnach ag an gcodarsnacht mar theicníc liteartha sna dánta agus go bhfuil siad á stiúradh go háirithe ag an gcodarsnacht idir dhá dhualgas fhileata thraidisiúnta (an aoir agus an moladh). I ngach ceann de na dánta, tugann Ó Direáin an aoir agus an moladh le chéile. Ag an leibhéal is simplí, molann sé na laochra agus cáineann sé ceannairí na haoise ina maireann sé. Ag leibhéal níos doimhne, ámh, cuireann Ó Direáin ceannairí 1916 i láthair mar phearsana nach bhfuil muintir a linne féin ag teacht lena chéile maidir lena dtábhacht agus éiríonn leis seasamh cinnte a thógáil ar a son agus in aghaidh na fuarchúise agus an dearmaid. Cé go ndéanann na dánta ceap milleáin de na ceannairí reatha, tá dóchas sna dánta go léir as muintir na hÉireann agus go háirithe as a cumas fís shóisialta cheannairí 1916 maidir leis an gceartas a chur i gcrích. Tríd an anailís a shuíomh laistigh de chíoradh ginearálta ar fheidhmeanna na codarsnachta agus an chuimhneacháin, cuireann an t-alt seo i gcás go sábhálann an dóchas sainiúil sin na dánta ón taobh is diúltaí d’éadóchas na haoire agus go méadaíonn sé, dá réir, ar a n-éifeacht eiticiúil agus ar a n-éifeacht aeistéitiúil.
In this article we will analyse a series of speeches commemorating the Malvinas War, delivered by Néstor Kirchner during his presidency. Using the theoretical framework of Speech Analysis, we will observe how a re-foundational spirit and the construction of a collective memory intersect in these speeches in a special way. In contrast with other pronouncements by the Argentine leader, his attempts to commemorate Malvinas do not lean on generational traits identified with the 1970s and militancy; the intention here is to extol a respect for the institutions of the state while mobilising traditional ideas regarding the correspondence between nation and territory. We will show that from these axes Kirchner delineates a collective identity understood in terms of political belonging to the nation, re-signifying the Malvinas question as a matter of social inclusion. We will also see how the notion of “internal exile” links the figure of the Malvinas veteran to a Kirchnerist spirit of national re-foundation. For this analysis we will work with a corpus formed by speeches paying homage to Malvinas war veterans, delivered by Néstor Kirchner every 2 April, during his time in office (2003–2007).
Mexico has a unique history of deploying man-hunting drones in its milita- rized arsenal of security patrols to control narco traffickers, bandas criminales and dissident populations. Considered to be the drone capital of Latin America with one of the first Drone Academies to teach the myriad aspects of drone piloting, Mexico is at the forefront of drone surveillance technology. It is also at the vanguard of Drone Art Performance. Angered by what is perceived as militarized surveillance warfare and a violent culture of corruption that operates with impunity, Mexican phygital graffiti artists and activists have responded in collective protest to these post-panopticon tactics with its own counter-hegemonic warfare—Droncita, Mexico’s first grafitera drone. Droncita is an emerging art form that combines the ethical and subversive aesthetics of graffiti street art to physical spaces high above the ground to offer new models of spectatorship, testimony, participation, and political agency. First deployed after the disappearance of 43 students from Ayotzinapa teacher training college, Droncita represents a discursive space to revision art and humanity. This qualitative research demonstrates how surveillance technologies have been refocused and redeployed as an aesthetic genre of political activism and performance to challenge dominant discourses on militarized power.
Hibakusha (atomic bomb survivors) are “witnesses” of the atomic bombings, not just in a standard sense but also in the instrumental sense. For medical and scientific experts, hibakusha are biological resources of unparalleled scientific value. Over the past seventy years, the hibakusha bodies have narrated what it means to be exposed to radiation. In this paper, I explore studies at the Atomic Bomb Casualty Commission (ABCC) that examined hibakusha bodies as sites where risk could be read. I focus on a period from the mid-1950s to 1975, during which new methods, practices, and technologies allowed ABCC scientists to investigate chromosomes as a way to study radiation exposure and human risk. By focusing on chromosomal aberrations, ABCC scientists connected their work directly to the emerging infrastructure for radiobiology at the time. ABCC administrators actively sought out such prestige, especially given their relationship with the Atomic Energy Commission (AEC). The shift in approach would also alleviate some public relations problems with which the institution was struggling. Launching a cytogenetics program required some older practices that had assumed American privilege and dominance to be abandoned. Eventually, the decision to let chromosomes speak of radiation exposure brought about fundamental changes in ABCC, which came to symbolize the model for future studies at the organization, especially as ABCC was transitioning to a US-Japan binational organization. More broadly, this case highlights the intricate scientific negotiation of radiation risk where uncertainties necessarily prevail.
This chapter turns to the figure of the whistleblower in order to illustrate how certain features of Levinasian normativity might find practical application. The chapter traces the origin of whistleblowing to the conflicting loyalties the whistleblower faces—to an organisation that must be given the opportunity to correct its wrongdoing; or to a society which will be harmed by such wrongdoing and has no way to discover such wrongdoing. The chapter follows Andrade who argues that the whistleblower should be understood as the ethical, and flexible boundary of the organisation, which requires that who qualifies as a recipient of a disclosure of wrongdoing remain flexible (2015). It is then shown how the flexibility of organisational boundaries illustrate the provisionality of Levinasian normativity. On this reading, the whistleblower is better understood as the ethico-politico boundary of the organisation. The retaliation that the whistleblower suffers as a result of their disclosure also demonstrates that, like the (im)possible sacrifice of the provisional saint and hero, the whistleblower’s sacrifice also amounts to an (im)possible sacrifice. I then turn to a reading of Alford’s (2007) paper on whistleblower narratives to argue that ‘choice-less choice’ and ‘narratives stuck in static time’ illustrate a whistleblowing subjectivity that already reveals an affirmation of a supererogatory attitude. The autonomy of undecidability, I argue, makes better sense of whistleblowing autonomy understood as choiceless choice, while the recursive oscillation of Levinasian normativity offers a way to escape the prison of static time.
The author draws cognitive frameworks for the category of witness, critically approaching the most significant concepts and discussions around this category—or better said, around many categories that appear in the constellation of witness: bystander, witness, moral witness, participant. She demonstrates that simultaneously with the Shoah, the Polish memory politics concerning this event was already forming. Memory politics is defined as a meta-narration, formulating recurring motifs, common places, fabularizations, and taboos. The figure of a Polish witness as the only admissible and canonical form of commenting on the Polish role in the Shoah emerged already during the war. The author analyzes press publications, proclamations, manifestos, early diaries, and essays, pointing out the recurring motifs and ways of thinking about the Polish witness.
According to Gabriella Elgenius, the societal significance of holidays lies in the preservation of collective memory. Annually repeated shared rituals reinforce the memory of those events and personalities that are expected to be familiar to all the members of the community, in effect pushing all other ones into the shadow of collective forgetting. What is more, the emotionally charged commemorations remind members of the community about their social ties and shared history, reinforcing their national identity. The same process occurred in the newly-formed Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, where the key players exploited national ceremony to implement their (re)interpretations of the past (as the dark age of national dispersion and slavery to foreign masters) and their new agenda for the future. The Unification Day, celebrated on 1 De-cember, as well as the other state holidays, were supposed to contribute to the formation and reinforcement of the narrative image of a community that defined itself as Us and feels like One. The purpose of the Unification Day was to stage national unity and collectively express the will to belong to a firm and lasting community, in order to make sense of the death of past martyrs who gave their lives for Vidovdan ideals. A nation-state cannot exist without national unity. Regretfully, the ruling elites in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes failed, for various reasons, to nationalise the collective memory of the past and construct an efficient, internalised nationalist ideology. Thus, the Kingdom entered history as the single nation-state without its own nationalism, which meant it was missing the greatest mobilisation force, one that in the modern period has proved itself stronger than geography or religion and more stable than political and economic interests. Even though at the end of the war the citizens of the newly established kingdom were all rooting for Yugoslavia, the new nation-state failed to create the Yugoslavians as a people. It would seem that up until King Alexander's declaration of dictatorship it had channelled its powers, and even its violence, mostly into the creation of the Serbs.
The present paper begins with the particulars of clinical practice in Ireland. Through clinical example, it examines the emotion of shame, widely paired with blame, as a socially acceptable admission of psychological functioning, both in exercising and in denying the communication of more profound feeling. As a necessary emotional outlet, shame authorizes aggressions both large and small. Shame demands that certain acts, often seemingly random and subjective, are to be judged disgraceful in others. Shame demands that someone, everyone, endures hurt, at least through social judgement. Passing through the armoring of shame as social defense, clinical examples focus on the defensive action of foreclosure as an interpersonal act of nihilation, reducing another to no-thing, while at the same time diminishing one's own sense of inadequacy. Discerning this clinical pattern, the author generalizes from practice in a particular place to similar observable patterns, both with different populations, and in different contexts.
Dana 2. lipnja 2018. godine navršila se deseta obljetnica od smrti mađarsko-francuskog pisca, publicista i povjesničara Ferenca Fejtöa, a 31. kolovoza 2019. stodeseta obljetnica njegova rođenja. Dvostruki jubilej Katedra za hungarologija Filozofskog fakulteta Sveučilišta u Zagrebu prigodno je obilježila manjom znanstvenom konferencijom na kojoj smo željeli evaluirati vrijednost Fejtöva književnog i publicističkog rada, a potom ga staviti i u nova razmatranja. Fejtöv književni prvijenac, djelo Sentimentalno putovanje, koje je na mađarskom jeziku prvi puta objavljeno 1936. godine, a zatim nakon dugog prešućivanja i 1989, da bi od 2003. bilo dostupno i na hrvatskom, posvećeno je Hrvatskoj, odnosno Zagrebu gdje je pisac kao dječak – prije svega u vrijeme školskih praznika – kod roditelja svoje majke proveo ključna razdoblja svoga života. Zagrebački doživljaji imali su na njega snažan utjecaj tijekom cijelog njegova života, pa je tako i kasnije ostao odan Hrvatskoj. Za vrijeme domovinskog rata Fejtö je u francuskom tisku redovito davao glas gledištima koja su podupirala samostalnost Hrvatske. Hrvatska država 2007. godine odlikovala je Fejtöa redom Danice hrvatske s likom Marka Marulića za osobite zasluge u kulturi. Stoga smo smatrali da bi održavanje simpozija i objavljivanje zbornika s izlaganjima koja smo na njemu čuli moglo pridonijeti dostojanstvenom obilježavanju ove dvije obljetnice.
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