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P Public Choice: The Origins and Development of a Research Program
... Dentre os estudiosos mais reconhecidos, James Buchanan se destacou pelo emprego de técnicas e métodos da economia tradicional no estudo dos fenômenos políticos. Apontou "falhas de mercado" denominando-as de "fracassos políticos" do governo democrático (Buchanan, 2003). Em 1986 recebeu o Prêmio Nobel da Academia de Estocolmo em Economia Política Constitucional pelo desenvolvimento da Public Choice Theory (BUCHANAN, 2003), por explicar a natureza da exploração nos sistemas eleitorais, o interesse próprio dos políticos e dos burocratas, o poder dos grupos de interesse e o papel potencial que as restrições constitucionais poderiam ter no processo da tomada de decisões políticas (BUTLER, 2012). ...
... Apontou "falhas de mercado" denominando-as de "fracassos políticos" do governo democrático (Buchanan, 2003). Em 1986 recebeu o Prêmio Nobel da Academia de Estocolmo em Economia Política Constitucional pelo desenvolvimento da Public Choice Theory (BUCHANAN, 2003), por explicar a natureza da exploração nos sistemas eleitorais, o interesse próprio dos políticos e dos burocratas, o poder dos grupos de interesse e o papel potencial que as restrições constitucionais poderiam ter no processo da tomada de decisões políticas (BUTLER, 2012). ...
... Os primeiros impulsos para o desenvolvimento da teoria surgiram no século XX, após a segunda guerra mundial, época em que a economia estava fundamentada no bem-estar Keynesiano e, o socialismo era predominante entre os filósofos e cientistas sociais centrados em falhas de mercados e na concorrência imperfeita (BUCHANAN, 2003;CONGLETON, 2002;QUAESNER et al., 2017). Com essa perspectiva, estudiosos como Duncan Backer, Kenneth Arrow, Anthony Downs, William Riker, James Buchanan, Gordon Tullock e Mancur Olson, investigaram as motivações e as consequências econômicas da autoridade dos políticos, sobre a vida de uma população, exercida por meio de leis, normas e tributos. ...
A teoria da escolha pública é um programa interdisciplinar que aplica métodos tradicionais das ciências econômicas ao setor público para explicar como a maximização do autointeresse dos diversos atores do sistema político podem influenciar o processo da tomada de decisão. Diante do cenário político em que se encontra o Brasil atualmente, a teoria tem se revelado adequada para estudos empíricos. Nesse sentido, o objetivo do estudo foi mapear os trabalhos científicos fundamentados na Teoria da Escolha Pública. Sob essa ótica, foi realizado um levantamento bibliométrico e aplicação de métricas da cientometria em trabalhos científicos fundamentados na teoria da escolha pública do período de 2007 a 2016. Os resultados indicaram que a Teoria da Escolha Pública foi utilizada como plataforma teórica em pesquisas e trabalhos acadêmicos de relevância como Teses e Dissertações de diversos campos do conhecimento, no entanto, embora Ciências Econômicas e Ciências Contábeis tenham apresentado destaque dentre todas as áreas, pode-se perceber direcionamento e aprofundamento dos estudos em contabilidade.. Em relação às organizações educacionais, a USP e a UFBA se destacaram na produção científica e o autor mais citado foi o teórico fundador da escolha Pública, James Buchanan. Acerca da continuidade das pesquisas, apenas 37,5% resultaram em outras obras ou estudos, além da própria Tese ou Dissertação. Esses elementos revelam que a teoria ainda está sendo pouco discutida na literatura brasileira e observa-se que há necessidade de se desenvolver um novo caminho científico que possa auxiliar a contabilidade na explicação de fenômenos inerentes ao processo da tomada de decisão dos gestores públicos e no aperfeiçoamento do modelo gerencial público, sendo que a discussão e divulgação desta teoria para a área é a principal contribuição deste estudo.
... As texts, Calculus and 'Covenants' are classic exemplars of the first and second generations of public choice analysis. Calculus was an exploratory venture that emerged out of a confluence of post-war concerns over democratic decision making, social choice, preference aggregation and the role of the state in the economy (Grandjean, 2021;Buchanan, 2003). As a study in 'what we think the state ought to be', Calculus was fundamentally normative Tullock, 2004 [1962]: 3). ...
... Ostrom won in 2009; she 'challenged the convention wisdom by demonstrating how local property can be successfully managed by local commons without any regulation by central authorities or privatization' (see: www.nobelprize. org/prizes/economic-sciences/2009/ostrom/facts/). 4 In response, see Brennan and Buchanan (1988) and Buchanan (2003). For a critique of the recent accusations, see Fleury and Marciano (2018b). ...
We recently marked the 60th anniversary of the book that established the field of public choice – The Calculus of Consent by James M. Buchanan and Gordon Tullock. It was also the 30th anniversary of Elinor Ostrom et al’s ‘Covenants with and without a sword’, in which she demonstrated the capacity of individuals for self-governance without submission to an external authority. This article considers these two foundational works as a starting point from which to explore the intellectual tradition of ‘democratic optimism’ in public choice. The Buchanan/Ostrom legacy is an unshakable faith in the capacity of individuals for self-governance, a significant departure from more orthodox thinking that presumed the necessity of a social planner to oversee, coordinate and enforce collective actions. Their work also illustrates the importance of questioning the assumptions of economic models and modes of thought. Examination of antecedent assumptions is useful not only for understanding the depth and complexity of economic and political choices, but also for thinking about the history of the economics discipline, the viability of research programmes and the ‘danger of self-evident truths’.
... Подолання «парадоксів легітимності» є навіть більш складним завданням, аніж подолання парадоксів демократії. Воно потребує виходу за межі домовленостей між елітними групами та звернення до суспільної підтримки, суспільного вибору та раціональності [6]. Раціоналізм у розумінні легітимності передбачає справедливий розподіл права на владу, навіть якщо частина суспільства не підтримує це. ...
... «Руссо, наприклад, ставить «загальну волю» в центр легітимності держави, а Гегель стверджує, що людська воля непостійна і ненадійна, і її здійснення не могло стати основою легітимної держави. Раціоналізм і волюнтаризм -це теорії, які зосереджені винятково на одному з цих двох елементів, тоді як інші теорії ми можемо розглядати як спроби гібридних теорій» [6]. ...
... 2) La burocracia está conformada por individuos racionales que en primera instancia buscarán maximizar sus beneficios personales antes que el bien común. Los tres pilares de la elección pública son: el individualismo, la racionalidad y la política como intercambio(Buchanan, 2003). Haciendo una paráfrasis, los individuos racionales utilizarán todo su conocimiento para maximizar su ganancia en la acción colectiva que emana del Estado.La irresponsabilidad fiscal de ambos, votantes y políticos, generaron contradicciones en el Estado de bienestar. ...
The article explores the emergence of the public value manager through the juxtaposition of the origins and tasks performed by the Weberian rational bureaucrat, on one side, and the manager with entrepreneurial spirit, on the other; being the last ones the thesis and antithesis of the public administration, as inalienable element of the governing process of the State; from which is obtained, as synthesis, the public value manager, an agent whose vision is focused on the governance paradigm and is able to confront the challenges that are facing the public administration in the complexity age
... Fuente: Elaboración propia basada en Buchanan 2003 Para Buchanan, el grueso de los economistas suele estudiar la economía dentro de los dos cuadros más pequeños, es decir, dentro de lo que concierne a las reglas del juego ya creadas, pues consideran el proceso de creación de reglas como exógeno y, "en este sentido, la investigación reciente 53 ha incluido la elección de las restricciones" (Buchanan, 2003, pág. 213). ...
https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.14330/TES01000829233
Tax Expenses
... X -vedação de inclusão nos benefícios, para efeito de percepção destes, de parcelas remuneratórias pagas em decorrência de local de trabalho, de função de confiança ou de cargo em comissão, exceto quando tais parcelas integrarem a remuneração de contribuição do servidor que se aposentar com fundamento no art. 40 De acordo com Buchanan (2003), no momento em que a disputa eleitoral é levada em consideração, os políticos tendem a ignorar os interesses da população para enfocar o processo eleitoral, deixando de lado os interesses dos cidadãos que os elegeram. ...
The article consists of an analysis on the actuarial situation of the Own Social Welfare Scheme (PSUR) of the municipality of Campo Grande - MS with the purpose of investigating whether the actuarial situation is stable, improving or worsening. The object of the study is composed by the RPPS of the municipality of Campo Grande - MS. The data collection was carried out on the website of the Secretariat of Social Security (SPREV), the portal of transparency of the municipality and in the services of accounts sent to the Court of Auditors of the State of Mato Grosso do Sul -TCE/MS, for the years 2011 to 2021. The descriptive statistic was used to verify whether the actuarial situation of the PSUR is stable, improving or worsening. Finally, it was concluded that the PSUR showed actuarial deficit growth for most of the period analyzed and that there is a need for specific studies on the continuity of the PSUR, since, according to the results, municipal resources could be significantly committed to paying social security expenses.
... L'impact des systèmes politiques sur les politiques économiques est un objet d'étude de longue date (Buchanan, 2003 ;Mueller, 2003) 6 . Ces travaux ont cependant connu un renouveau important à la fin des années 1990. ...
Si les dépenses publiques ont donné lieu à des débats nourris sur leurs finalités, leur efficacité, leur impact sur le solde budgétaire des administrations publiques, particulièrement dans le contexte européen, ou encore leurs effets sur la dynamique macroéconomique, l’examen de leurs déterminants a été peu présent dans le débat économique national. Pour y remédier, nous proposons une revue critique de la littérature de ces déterminants à l’échelle internationale. Depuis la fin du XIX e siècle, la croissance économique, la configuration des systèmes politiques, le mouvement de démocratisation des sociétés et les demandes sociales conflictuelles qui en résultent, plus récemment, les conséquences de l’internationalisation croissante des économies, ont été autant de déterminants majeurs mis en avant pour expliquer les évolutions des dépenses publiques. Cependant, les résultats économétriques qui ressortent des comparaisons internationales sont souvent contradictoires et ne permettent pas de trancher sur l’importance respective des variables explicatives. Pour sortir de cette impasse, nous proposons une démarche alternative appliquée aux économies européennes. Dans le cadre d’une approche socio-économique attentive au rôle de l’histoire et des institutions, nous mettons en avant, dans un premier temps, l’importance des complémentarités institutionnelles constitutives des modèles de croissance nationaux en Europe et le rôle qu’y jouent les dépenses publiques. Puis, dans un second temps, nous réinscrivons ces dynamiques dans le cadre des processus spécifiques d’intégration à l’œuvre au sein de l’Union économique et monétaire susceptibles de rendre compte des déterminants, au cours des deux dernières décennies, des trajectoires des dépenses publiques des États qui en sont membres.
... Public choice theorists in general, and Buchanan in particular, leaned heavily toward a classical liberal view of government, limited in scope and power, but necessary to preserve an orderly society. Buchanan (1992Buchanan ( , 2000 explicitly states his classical liberal orientation, and Buchanan (2003) discusses the tendency of those involved in the public choice research program to have a similar orientation. In the early 1970s public choice was heavily oriented toward understanding how processes of collective decision-making worked, and how they might be designed to better reflect the political preferences of those in the collective. ...
Prior to the introduction of rent seeking into public choice, the research program was focused primarily on collective decision-making. The incorporation of rent-seeking into public choice shifted the emphasis of the research program toward analyzing causes of government failure. Although Gordon Tullock’s 1967 article clearly lays out the concept of rent-seeking, the transformation of the public choice research program by the theory of rent-seeking did not occur until after the publication of Anne Krueger’s 1974 article on the rent-seeking society. This paper explains why Krueger’s presentation of the paper at the Public Choice Center at Virginia Tech was instrumental in this transformative shift in the public choice research program.
... L'impact des systèmes politiques sur les politiques économiques est un objet d'étude de longue date (Buchanan, 2003 ;Mueller, 2003) 6 . Ces travaux ont cependant connu un renouveau important à la fin des années 1990. ...
Si les dépenses publiques ont donné lieu à des débats nourris sur leurs finalités, leur efficacité, leur impact sur le solde budgétaire des administrations publiques, particulièrement dans le contexte européen, ou encore leurs effets sur la dynamique macroéconomique, l'examen de leurs déterminants a été peu présent dans le débat économique national. Pour y remédier, nous proposons une revue critique de la littérature de ces déterminants à l'échelle internationale. Depuis la fin du XIX e siècle, la croissance économique, la configuration des systèmes politiques, le mouvement de démocratisation des sociétés et les demandes sociales conflictuelles qui en résultent, plus récemment, les conséquences de l'internationalisation croissante des économies, ont été autant de déterminants majeurs mis en avant pour expliquer les évolutions des dépenses publiques. Cependant, les résultats économétriques qui ressortent des comparaisons internationales sont souvent contradictoires et ne permettent pas de trancher sur l'importance respective des variables explicatives. Pour sortir de cette impasse, nous proposons une démarche alternative appliquée aux économies européennes. Dans le cadre d'une approche socio-économique attentive au rôle de l'histoire et des institutions, nous mettons en avant, dans un premier temps, l'importance des complémentarités institutionnelles constitutives des modèles de croissance nationaux en Europe et le rôle qu'y jouent les dépenses publiques. Puis, dans un second temps, nous réinscrivons ces dynamiques dans le cadre des processus spécifiques d'intégration à l'oeuvre au sein de l'Union économique et monétaire susceptibles de rendre compte des déterminants, au cours des deux dernières décennies, des trajectoires des dépenses publiques des États qui en sont membres.
Mots clés : dépenses publiques, déterminants, loi de Wagner, démocratie, mondialisation, diversité des capitalismes et intégration européenne.
... Government failures (Coase, 1964;McKean, 1965), according to the school of Public Choice (Buchanan, 2003), represent the inefficiencies and iniquities that may be associated with public action (Wolf, 1979;Keech and Munger, 2015). Ofria and Mucciardi (2022), studying the surge in NPLs that marked the global financial crisis of [2007][2008][2009], confirm that the proxies of government failures (corruption and public debt as % of GDP), significantly affected the NPLs of EU countries and of these neighboring states: Switzerland, Iceland, Norway, Montenegro and Turkey. ...
Purpose
Non-performing loans (NPLs) may determine an overall weakness of the banking system within a country. The purpose of the present study is to analyze the impact of government failures on NPLs in Asian countries in the time span 2000–2020. The variables employed as proxies of government failures are public debt as % of gross domestic product (GDP) and a government ineffectiveness index proposed by the World Bank.
Design/methodology/approach
The econometric approach employed is a panel generalised time series (GLS) model with heteroskedasticity and autocorrelation specific to each panel.
Findings
The results confirm that public debt as % of GDP and governmental ineffectiveness impacted significantly on NPLs for Asian countries in the observed period.
Originality/value
The literature offers similar results only for some individual Asian countries, while a wider analysis is lacking for Asian macroareas. The present paper considers 31 Asian countries, and supports the idea that a healthy financial sector is correlated to institutional quality and political regime. Hence, policy makers are advised to monitor governance indicators to reduce NPLs.
... Por una parte, se encuentran las explicaciones de cuño sociocéntrico (tanto en su vertiente liberal-pluralista como marxista), donde las políticas estatales surgen de las demandas sociales, por la presión ejercida por distintos actores sociales o grupos de interés (O'Donnell, 1977;Offe, 1980;Olson, 1980). Por otro, las de matriz estadocéntrica, en donde las políticas se explican por objetivos propios de las elites estatales y/o de las condiciones institucionales en cada momento histórico (Buchanan, 2003;Rosa, 2001). ...
Resumen: El objetivo de la investigación consiste en analizar cómo incidió el poder empresarial de los actores de la industria automotriz argentina en el diseño e implementación de las políticas públicas de comercio exterior en el sector durante la posconvertiblidad. La estrategia metodológica que se empleó combinó el uso de fuentes documentales, entrevistas a informantes clave y herramientas provenientes de la estadística descriptiva. A partir de ello se establece que las terminales automotrices contaron con mayor poder en la primera etapa del período, obteniendo mayores beneficios en materia de política de comercio exterior. Sin embargo, los cambios macroeconómicos y políticos de Argentina a partir de 2008 afectaron el poder de este actor, generando menores concesiones en política comercial.
... Las soluciones propugnadas por los neokeynesianos se concentran en corregir las fallas, por ejemplo la información imperfecta (Stiglitz y Weiss, 1981). Las soluciones propugnadas por académicos de la elección u opción pública (public choice) se centran en dejar la asignación de los recursos en manos de los mercados (que tal vez puedan subsanar sus fallas por sus propios medios) (Buchanan, 2003). Si bien la teoría de las fallas de mercado plantea ideas interesantes, en el mejor de los casos resulta útil para describir un estado estacionario en el que la política pública está orientada a parchar las trayectorias existentes ofrecidas por los mercados. ...
La economía internacional atraviesa un período de profundos desequilibrios que comprometen la continuidad del crecimiento y que generan intensas tensiones políticas, tanto en el mundo desarrollado como en los países en desarrollo. Es urgente cambiar dichos patrones y avanzar en la dirección de un nuevo modelo que promueva la productividad y que sea sostenible en lo ambiental e inclusivo en lo social.
Se trata, por un lado, de lograr un salto en términos de productividad y capacidades tecnológicas que permita salir de la trampa del bajo crecimiento y el bajo aprendizaje. Se requiere de un conjunto articulado de inversiones en varias áreas, que superen los problemas de coordinación que frenan la diversificación y la absorción de tecnología. El impulso a la inversión debe sentar las bases para que las economías transiten por sendas bajas en carbono. El desafío del cambio técnico es especialmente urgente en América Latina y el Caribe. El auge de los precios de los recursos naturales no fue acompañado de una visión estratégica que apuntara a la ciencia, la tecnología y la innovación como factores clave del desarrollo. Una transformación a esa escala debe tener necesariamente en su centro la política industrial. Por eso es necesario repensar estas políticas de una forma más osada que en el pasado.
Este documento, elaborado con el apoyo de la cooperación alemana, a través de la Agencia Alemana de Cooperación Internacional (GIZ), es un importante aporte a la discusión y el diseño de la nueva generación de políticas que requieren los países de la región, y busca contribuir a esa reflexión de dos maneras. Por un lado, a nivel conceptual, mediante una nueva discusión de las teorías que ayudan a entender el rol de la política industrial en el desarrollo en una era de revolución tecnológica y, por otro, mediante un diagnóstico de cuánto ha hecho la región en este campo, cuáles han sido sus éxitos y cuáles sus fracasos
... Bu durum, özellikle Kamusal Seçiş Teoremi ile tartışılmaya başlanan devletin başarısızlıklarını gündeme getirmiştir. Teoriye göre, siyasal karar alma sürecinde yer alan politikacılar oy, seçmenler fayda, bürokratlar bütçe, çıkar ve baskı grupları ise rant maksimizasyonu temelinde davranmakta ve böylece devletin koşulları açısından optimal politikalardan sapmalar yaşanabilmektedir (Downs, 1957;Buchanan & Tullock, 1969;Mueller, 2003;Buchanan, 2003;Buchanan, 2009). Hizmet kayırmacılığı da politikacıların oy maksimizasyonu amacı doğrultusunda olmasından dolayı siyasal arz kaynaklı devletin başarısızlıklarından biri olarak kabul edilmektedir (Küçükkalay, 2015: 484). ...
Tam rekabetçi olmayan piyasa ekonomisinde başarısızlıklar, devletin ekonomiye müdahalesini meşru kılmaktadır (Tresch, 2002: 9). Bu müdahaleler arasında gelir dağılımı, ekonomik istikrar, ekonomik büyüme, çevre kalitesinin yanı sıra kaynakların tahsisi fonksiyonu bulunmaktadır (Musgrave, 1959: 5-6; Musgrave & Musgrave, 1989: 3-14; Ihori, 2017: 4). Siyasal karar alma süreci kapsamında yapılan kaynak tahsisinde toplumdaki fayda-maliyet dağılımının yanı sıra politik ve ideolojik faktörler de etkili olabilmektedir (Hillman, 2009: 22-23). Çalışmanın inceleme konusu olan hizmet kayırmacılığı da devletin kaynak tahsisi fonksiyonu kapsamında yer almaktadır. Piyasa başarısızlıklarına yönelik yapılan devlet müdahaleleri her zaman etkin sonuçlar üretmemektedir (Jha, 2010: 120). Bu durum, özellikle Kamusal Seçiş Teoremi ile tartışılmaya başlanan devletin başarısızlıklarını gündeme getirmiştir. Teoriye göre, siyasal karar alma sürecinde yer alan politikacılar oy, seçmenler fayda, bürokratlar bütçe, çıkar ve baskı grupları ise rant maksimizasyonu temelinde davranmakta ve böylece devletin koşulları açısından optimal politikalardan sapmalar yaşanabilmektedir (Downs, 1957; Buchanan & Tullock, 1969; Mueller, 2003; Buchanan, 2003; Buchanan, 2009). Hizmet kayırmacılığı da politikacıların oy maksimizasyonu amacı doğrultusunda olmasından dolayı siyasal arz kaynaklı devletin başarısızlıklarından biri olarak kabul edilmektedir (Küçükkalay, 2015: 484). Ayrıca siyasi kayırmacılık ve siyasal yozlaşma türleri arasında yer almaktadır (Bayrakçı, 2000: 135-139; Özkanan & Erdem, 2014: 185). Çalışmanın amacı, Türkiye’de parlamenter sistemin uygulandığı 2003-2018 dönemi4 için kamu yatırımları tahsisini etkinlik ve hizmet kayırmacılığı çerçevesinde panel ampirik yöntemler ile analiz etmektir. Bu bağlamda ilk bölümde, hizmet kayırmacılığının teorik boyutu ve belirleyicileri incelenmektedir. İkinci bölümde, ampirik analizde bağımlı değişken olan kamu yatırımları ve Türkiye’deki görünümüne değinilmektedir. Üçüncü bölümde, teorik temellere dayanarak parti merkezli hipotezin neden Türkiye için test edildiği açıklanmakta ve veri seti ile uygulanan panel yöntemlerin metodolojileri yer almaktadır. Çalışma, uygulamanın yapıldığı dördüncü ve bulguların tartışıldığı sonuç bölümleri ile sonlanmaktadır.
... Die Public Choice Theorie (oder auch: Neue Politische Ökonomie) ist der Versuch, ein realistischeres Modell des Staates insgesamt sowie seiner politischen Akteure in die Wirtschaftswissenschaft zu integrieren. Ziel des Forschungsprogramms ist die positive Analyse der Strukturen und des tatsächlichen Verhaltens von Individuen in der Politik sowie daraus abgeleitet eine kohärente Erklärung politischer Handlungs-und Entscheidungsprozesse mit Hilfe der ökonomischen Methodik (Mueller 2003;Buchanan 2004;Kirsch 2004 ...
Wirtschaftspolitik schlägt eine Brücke zwischen Ökonomie und Staat. Als angewandte Wissenschaft steht sie dabei im permanenten Spannungsfeld zwischen gesellschaftlichen Forderungen, wirtschaftstheoretischen Einsichten und politischer Machbarkeit. Angesichts der vielfältigen Gegensätze in Bezug auf ihre Ausrichtung und Zielsetzung ist eine einheitliche Theorie der Wirtschaftspolitik nicht in Sicht. Vor diesem Hintergrund zeichnet der Beitrag die historische Entwicklung der Disziplin nach und beleuchtet die wirtschaftspolitischen Akteure und Handlungsfelder sowie verschiedene Ansätze zur Systematisierung einer allgemeinen Wirtschaftspolitik.
... Die Public Choice Theorie (oder auch: Neue Politische Ökonomie) ist der Versuch, ein realistischeres Modell des Staates insgesamt sowie seiner politischen Akteure in die Wirtschaftswissenschaft zu integrieren. Ziel des Forschungsprogramms ist die positive Analyse der Strukturen und des tatsächlichen Verhaltens von Individuen in der Politik sowie daraus abgeleitet eine kohärente Erklärung politischer Handlungs-und Entscheidungsprozesse mit Hilfe der ökonomischen Methodik (Mueller 2003;Buchanan 2004;Kirsch 2004 ...
Wirtschaftspolitik schlägt eine Brücke zwischen Ökonomie und Staat. Als angewandte Wissenschaft steht sie dabei im permanenten Spannungsfeld zwischen gesellschaftlichen Forderungen, wirtschaftstheoretischen Einsichten und politischer Machbarkeit. Angesichts der vielfältigen Gegensätze in Bezug auf ihre Ausrichtung und Zielsetzung ist eine einheitliche Theorie der Wirtschaftspolitik nicht in Sicht. Vor diesem Hintergrund zeichnet der Beitrag die historische Entwicklung der Disziplin nach und beleuchtet die wirtschaftspolitischen Akteure und Handlungsfelder sowie verschiedene Ansätze zur Systematisierung einer allgemeinen Wirtschaftspolitik.
... Environmental policy must therefore be on its guard. Benefits of government intervention must outweigh the costs (Buchanan 2003). This can be achieved by a gradual start, testing and cooperation with established companies who are willing to change. ...
The German Energiewende (energy transition) started with price guarantees for avoidance activities and later turned to premiums and tenders. Dynamic efficiency was a core concept of this environmental policy. Out of multiple technologies wind and solar power—which were considered too expensive at the time—turned out to be cheaper than the use of oil, coal, gas or nuclear energy for power generation, even without considering externalities. The German minimum price policy opened doors in a competitive way, creating millions of new generators and increasing the number of market participants in the power sector. The fact that these new generators are distributed, non-synchronous and weather-dependent has caused contentious discussions and specific challenges. This paper discusses these aspects in detail and outlines its impacts. It also describes Swiss regulations that successfully launched avoidance technologies or services and asks why exactly Pigou's neoclassical economic approach to the internalization of damage costs (externalities) has rarely worked in policy reality, while sector-specific innovations based on small surcharges have been more successful. Based on the model of feed-in tariffs, a concept for the introduction of low-carbon air traffic is briefly outlined.
Graphic Abstract
... O principal argumento era de que, fosse no mercado, fosse na política, os indivíduos comportavam-se de mesma maneira, ou seja, motivados pelos interesses próprios. Buchanan (2003) a define como "política sem romance", afastando a imagem que os agentes políticos buscam sempre o bem do coletivo. Conclui ainda, que a escolha pública não emana uma nova visão ou descoberta da ciência social, mas sim, incorpora uma compreensão sobre a natureza humana um pouco diferente, e propõe a análise por meio do estudo de elementos que compõem e interferem na tomada de decisões pelos agentes políticos. ...
O estudo objetivou analisar o desenvolvimento da produção acadêmica brasileira acerca da Teoria das Escolhas Públicas no período compreendido entre ao anos de 1996 e 2015. Os pontos teóricos abordados foram a trajetória, principais conceitos e abordagens da Teoria das Escolhas Públicas. A metodologia quanto aos objetivos, é descritiva, quanto à abordagem do problema, quantitativa e quanto aos procedimentos, documental, por meio de análise bibliométrica. Realizou-se uma análise por meio das leis bibliométricas nas bases Sientific Periodicals Electronic Libray (Spell); Portal de Periódicos CAPES/MEC; anais do Encontro da Associação Nacional de Programas de Pós-Graduação em Ciências Contábeis (ANPCONT); anais do Congresso USP de Controladoria e Contabilidade e Scientific Electronic Library Online (Scielo). Como principais resultados, foram encontrados 17 artigos com as palavras-chave “Teoria das Escolhas Públicas”, “Escolha Pública”, “Escolhas Públicas” e “Buchanan”, escritos por 27 autores vinculados a 23 instituições. Destes, 8 artigos caracterizam-se como análise documental e 9 trabalhos são levantamentos teóricos. Com relação ao degree (grau), a autora que apresenta maior grau de formação de laços na rede de relacionamentos é a autora Francisca Francivânia Rodrigues Ribeiro Macêdo, da Universidade Estadual Vale do Aracaju (UVA). O periódico que apresenta maior número de publicações referentes à teoria é a Revista de Administração Pública, seguida da Lua Nova.
... Buchanan, J. M. 2003. "Public Choice: The Origins and Development of a Research Program", Center for Study of Public Choice at George Mason University. ...
1986 yılında James M. Buchanan’ın Kamu Tercihi ve Anayasal İktisat araştırma alanına katkıları dolayısıyla Nobel ekonomi ödülü ile onurlandırılmasının üzerinden yaklaşık 35 seneye yakın bir zaman geçti. Geçen bu 30 küsur sene zarfında ülkemizde iktisatçıların, siyaset bilimcilerinin ve anayasa hukukçularının Kamu Tercihi ve Anayasal İktisat adı verilen araştırma programlarına ilgisiz kaldıklarını görmek fazlasıyla şaşırtıcı bir durumdur. Bu kitapta sözkonusu ilgisizlik/bilgisizlik üzerine eleştirel yazılarımız yer almaktadır.
Universal school choice programs are rapidly expanding in the United States. One argument in support of school choice is that it unleashes the power of competitive markets to improve schools and satisfy customers. This article reexamines the idea that school choice is a consumer choice. It does so, first, by comparing school choice with other forms of consumer choice, like the choice of a breakfast cereal, along eight dimensions. The comparison shows that school choice functions very differently than it does with other types of consumer goods or services. Second, using the work of German sociologist Georg Simmel, the article looks at how competitive markets have been said to advance human relationships and create communities. The article then seeks to find a way to reconcile the potential upsides of consumer choice with the benefits of public deliberation, advocating for a renewed attention to choice programs within public schools, formulated in certain ways.
Beginning in the 1960s, subfields claimed a central place in the production and dissemination of economic knowledge. Generalists were replaced by economists who specialized in the study of international economics, public economics, labor economics, or econometrics. New infrastructure emerged, including field-specific societies and field-specific journals (Backhouse and Cherrier 2017; Cherrier 2017; Cherrier and Rebours 2023; Desmarais-Tremblay, Johnson, and Sturn 2023; Desmarais-Tremblay and Svorenčik 2021; Svorenčik 2021). Some of the earliest movers were those interested in social choice and the political economy of governance. In 1963, a coalition of economists and political economists established the Committee for Non-Market Decision Making; a preliminary conference led to the creation of the Public Choice Society, an annual conference, and a specialized journal, Public Choice (Buchanan 2003; Medema 2011). ¹ Public Choice was quickly followed by the Journal of Human Resources (1965), the Journal of Economic Education (1969), the Journal of International Economics (1971), the Journal of Public Economics (1972), the Journal of Econometrics (1973), the Journal of Urban Economics (1974), the Journal of Environmental Economics and Management (1974), and the Journal of Comparative Economics (1977), all attached to newly formed societies and associations.
It is argued that the natural and human vicissitudes of the Northern Hemisphere—or at least western European history between 1315 and 1648—provide a preview of the sort of consequences for humanity and its demography that will result from the serious if not catastrophic climate change that is now anticipated by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). Game theory suggests that at least some nation-state players in the strategic problem that climate change raises will not choose Nash equilibria that mitigate the problem. The only feasible solution will be the discovery or invention of some non-greenhouse-gas-emitting energy source so cheap that its owner will be indifferent to free-riding by all other users of energy. Recent efforts to develop fusion reactors do not provide much hope for this eventuality.
This chapter examines the events and circumstances preceding the enactment and formulation of the Domestic Violence Act (hereafter DVA) in Ghana. The struggle to pass this Act opened fresh wounds and brought to bear all the challenges that women face in this patriarchal society. It also demonstrated the power imbalance between women and men in Ghana’s parliament. This debate has been mainly between women groups who have lobbied and petitioned for this Act on the one hand and the male-dominated parliament. The DVA is a product of such a divided debate. This chapter is not interested in the impact of the Act. On the contrary, it is concerned with how the DVA came into being. Specifically, it focuses on how interest groups catapulted it onto the public policy spectrum and sustained and bulldozed it through parliament from a societal concern to a government policy and Act. Focusing on the advocacy coalition framework as a theoretical lens, the chapter examines the various actors, their roles, resources, and how they used all these to get the Act promulgated. In addition, it analyzes policy coalitions and mobilization efforts in Ghana and how this success can be replicated in other developing countries.
This chapter conceptualizes state-owned enterprises (SOEs) as colonial relics used as political, economic, developmental, and even punitive and coercive policy instruments and commercial entities. These SOEs were used to advance a developmental agenda and to prosecute the policies of the state. The point of departure in this study is that contemporary research on this subject tends to adopt a narrow conceptualization predicated on “private is better” claims and, subsequently, value for money. Such a restrictive approach, as argued, narrowly limits SOEs’ organizational performance to the three Es, efficiency, efficacy, and economy, while marginalizing heterogeneous environmental contingency factors (social, political/administrative culture) and circumventing critical governance concerns such as accountability and transparency. There is therefore the need to re-examine how these competing arguments and ideas are either addressed or ignored in SOE reform, management, and governance programme. The chapter uses the complexities involved in the SOE development and reform programme in Ghana to argue that the only reason SOEs, especially those not financially profitable, continue to exist is because of their nation-building roles, not economic viability.
The varieties of human culture, governance, governing systems, social security systems, health care systems, legal systems, also with largely varying overall complexities, and impact—hindering and enabling impacts alike—are tremendous. Their effects on human lives, on freedom, health, wealth, and well-being of humans across the world is not to be underestimated. This is the analytical starting point for this book, as in policy sciences, as well as in social sciences in general, including economics, we need to learn to understand all of human actions, in their private, in their economic, and in their public lives. This chapter introduces the reader the scientific world of human action from an economical, societal and philosophical perspective.
In this chapter we are extending the concept and reach of the theory of X-Efficiency, as set up by Harvey Leibenstein before. At the end of this study/chapter, we arrive at a behavioral theory that explains efficiency/performance shortfalls, including comparative personal/behavioral, economic and public (administrative) efficiency shortfalls that is useful for all social sciences, and not just microeconomics as Leibenstein did (where he was investigating the behavior of a firm, and the people in it). The new theory depicts different groups of causal factors impeding and/or supporting all sorts of efficiency levels, including governmental/managerial, physical/natural environmental, life-world environmental, and personal levels. This new theory can be called Z-Efficiency Theory. Same as in the case of Leibenstein’s theory, here too, the Theory of Z-Efficiency predicts different general levels of efficiency in different cultural, geographic/societal and historical/time settings; and here too, these efficiency shortcomings/losses can be empirically measured and compared.
In the world we live in today things are not often the way they seem, or they are meant to be, and what we are told they would be. Public choice theory, some decades ago, brought about a new reckoning and threw new spotlights onto what is really going on in politics, policymaking, governance and rank-and-file administrations. This study/chapter dives into the explanatory world of public choice theory, i.e. the world of behavioral micro-economics, and applies also a transdisciplinary perspective, bringing in also sociological theories, connecting and thus enriching/strengthening both of which. The main focus and purpose of this study is the development of an additional micro-economic/behavioral general theory, that of Distorted Choice Theory, which explains wrong and/or sub-optimal choices in general, in the field of public (‘non-market’) choice-making, as well as in the field of private (economic and personal) choice-making. This theory serves as a starting point and springboard to new scientific endeavors and undertakings, in a variety of behavioral or behavioral-interested disciplines.
Public Choice theory: an assessment
1970’li yıllarla birlikte kamu tercihi teorisi üzerine gündeme gelmiş olan anayasal iktisat yaklaşımı, devletin ekonomik alanda güç ve yetkilerinin sınırlandırılması gerektiğini savunmaktadır. Devlete verilmiş güç ve yetkilerin nasıl ve ne tür araçlarla sınırlandırılacağı, her ülkenin kendi ekonomik ve siyasi pratiklerine içkin kuralların yeniden düzenlenmesiyle mümkün olduğu gibi, uluslar üstü oluşumların ekonomik bütünleşme misyonuyla hayata geçirdikleri antlaşmalarla da belirlenebilir. Bu kapsamda, Avrupa Birliği üye ülkelerinin ekonomik ve parasal birliğe katılabilmek için uymak zorunda oldukları kuralları içeren Maastricht (yakınlaşma) Kriterleri, hükümetlerin bütçe politikaları üzerindeki güçlerine sınırlamalar getirmektedir. 2005 yılı itibariyle Avrupa Birliği’ne tam üyelik sürecinin başlatıldığı Türkiye, son yıllarda özellikle siyasi kriterler nedeniyle bu idealden uzaklaşmış olsa da, günümüzde Türkiye’nin ekonomik kriterleri yerine getirebilme gücünün değerlendirilmesi, ülkenin belli bir ekonomik ve rekabet düzeyine ulaşması için önem arz etmektedir. Bu çalışmada, anayasal iktisat teorisinin temel felsefiyle birlikte ele alınacak olan Maastricht Kriterleri’nin 2016-2022 yılları dikkate alınarak Türkiye açısından uyumu incelenmiştir.
How states develop the capacity to tax is a question of fundamental importance to political science, legal theory, economics, sociology, and history. Increasingly, scholars believe that China's relative economic decline in the 18th and 19th centuries was related to its weak fiscal institutions and limited revenue. This book argues that this fiscal weakness was fundamentally ideological in nature. Belief systems created through a confluence of traditional political ethics and the trauma of dynastic change imposed unusually deep and powerful constraints on fiscal policymaking and institutions throughout the final 250 years of China's imperial history. Through the Qing example, this book combs through several interaction dynamics between state institutions and ideologies. The latter shapes the former, but the former can also significantly reinforce the political durability of the latter. In addition to its historical analysis of ideological politics, this book makes a major contribution to the longstanding debate on Sino-European divergence.
Devletin ekonomideki hacmi gerek iktisadi yaklaşımlardan gerekse devletin üstlendiği fonksiyonlardan zaman içinde etkilenmiştir. Devletin ekonomiye müdahalesi bir yandan piyasa başarısızlıklarını ortadan kaldırma amacına hizmet ederken, diğer yandan devletin başarısızlıklarının artmasının da nedeni olmuştur. Devletin başarısızlıkları arasında yer alan hizmet kayırmacılığı, politikacıların kamu kaynaklarını tekrar seçilme amacıyla dağıtmaları sonucunda, ekonomik etkinsizliklere yol açan bir siyasal yozlaşma türüdür. Ülkelerde uygulanan seçim sistemi, bütçe süreci, komisyonların varlığı, siyasi rejim, ideolojik ve partizan tutumlar gibi faktörler hizmet kayırmacılığını etkilemektedir. Türkiye’de ise hizmet kayırmacılığı genellikle parti politikaları çerçevesinde gerçekleşmektedir.
A partir de la obra de Keynes, y del consenso que surgió con la síntesis neoclásica, parecía que se vislumbraba en el horizonte una situación en que el control de la economía era posible. Pronto se evidenciaron las limitaciones de este planteamiento. Por un lado, los policymakers actúan sobre una realidad compleja e incierta en la que los agentes diseñan estrategias que afectan a la eficacia de las actuaciones públicas. Por otro, se cuestionó que los decisores públicos tengan la omnisciencia y benevolencia para maximizar la función de bienestar social. Sobre esa base, se han fortalecido las soluciones de mercado y el escepticismo respecto a la eficacia de una política discrecional. No obstante, existe un amplio margen para el perfeccionamiento de la política económica basada en la redefinición de sus objetivos básicos, en la importancia que han demostrado tener las instituciones y en las propuestas de solución de problemas concretos.
Markets are taken as the norm in economics and in much of political and media discourse. But if markets are superior why does the public sector remain so large? Avner Offer provides a distinctive new account of the effective temporal limits on private, public, and social activity. Understanding the Private–Public Divide accounts for the division of labour between business and the public sector, how it changes over time, where the boundaries ought to run, and the harm that follows if they are violated. He explains how finance forces markets to focus on short-term objectives and why business requires special privileges in return for long-term commitment. He shows how a private sector policy bias leads to inequality, insecurity, and corruption. Integrity used to be the norm and it can be achieved again. Only governments can manage uncertainty in the long-term interests of society, as shown by the challenge of climate change.
Il contributo propone una analisi dei diversi approcci che hanno caratterizzato la gestione delle aziende pubbliche. Partendo dalle prime suggestioni di Machiavelli sono riportati i diversi approcci in modo cronologico, evidenziando per ciascun modello l'aspetto concettuale mag-giormente rappresentativo. Ogni modello risente dell'assetto istituzionale di rife-rimento che definisce priorità e finalità, ed è così che partendo dallo stato di dirit-to si arriva a quello che è comunemente definito lo Stato relazionale. Nel tempo cambia il focus dell'azione della pubblica, che dapprima si concentra sulle procedure e le regole per poi per poi focalizzarsi sui risultati. Negli ultimi an-ni, poi, nella gestione pubblica diventano rilevanti le istanze provenienti dai di-versi attori e organismi sociali intermedi. La prospettiva fondamentale diventa la costruzione di relazioni, interazioni collaborative e partenariati tra soggetti pub-blici e privati. Attraverso poi la metafora dell'analisi sistemica per ciascun mo-dello si evidenzia l'elemento costitutivo dell'organizzazione pubblica (struttura, meccanismi operativi e processi) che diventa predominante. In conclusione in ragione della rappresentazione fornita, il lavoro si sofferma sull'evoluzione del ruolo della popolazione di riferimento di ogni pubblica amministrazione.
The paper aims to identify the factors that influence the methods and outcomes of interdisciplinary and multidisciplinary synthesis in economics, in particular with natural science, social studies and humanities. Our analysis focused on neuroeconomics resulting from an interdisciplinary synthesis of economics and neuroscience. We also considered the multidisciplinary economic socio-cognitive-neurobiological synthesis of Peter C. Whybrow and Matthew D. Lieberman. Third, we analyzed the multidisciplinary synthesis of psychology, economics and sociology by Y. I. Alexandrov and S. G. Kirdina-Chandler. We compared these cases of modern interdisciplinary synthesis and showed that the experimental ideal of the natural sciences which neuroeconomics is oriented at creates methodological constraints for the research of socio-economic processes, aspects of human society and culture. In other words, these processes and phenomena are reduced to biological or physical ones. Thus, neuroeconomics can serve as an example of ‘unequal interdisciplinary relation’. The multidisciplinary synthesis of Wybrow and Lieberman is more successful. It provides a comprehensive description of both the economic agent and the social reality in which it resides and it explains economic interactions within a broader perspective. However, this synthesis is still at the initial stage, since most of the statements are hypothetical and require additional experimental verification. We believe that the multidisciplinary synthesis of Alexandrov and Kirdina-Chandler (Alexandrov, Kirdina, 2012) is the most promising for economic research. We distinguish two main factors for the success of interdisciplinary and multidisciplinary synthesis in economics: either none of the sciences involved in the synthesis dominates or the synthesis is based on the general picture of the world, including objects and methods from different sciences and relies on a single meta-methodology or paradigm methodology.
Wirtschaftspolitik schlägt eine Brücke zwischen Ökonomie und Staat. Als angewandte Wissenschaft steht sie dabei im permanenten Spannungsfeld zwischen gesellschaftlichen Forderungen, wirtschaftstheoretischen Einsichten und politischer Machbarkeit. Angesichts der vielfältigen Gegensätze in Bezug auf ihre Ausrichtung und Zielsetzung ist eine einheitliche Theorie der Wirtschaftspolitik nicht in Sicht. Vor diesem Hintergrund zeichnet der Beitrag die historische Entwicklung der Disziplin nach und beleuchtet die wirtschaftspolitischen Akteure und Handlungsfelder sowie verschiedene Ansätze zur Systematisierung einer allgemeinen Wirtschaftspolitik.
We explore themes in Nobel Prize–winning economist James M. Buchanan’s work and apply his Ethics and Economic Progress to problems facing individuals and firms. We focus on Buchanan’s analysis of the individual work ethic, his exhortations to “pay the preacher” of the “institutions of moral-ethical communication,” and his notion of law as “public capital.” We highlight several ways people with other-regarding preferences can contribute to social flourishing and some of the ways those who have “affected to trade for the public good” might want to redirect their efforts. We show how Buchanan’s work has considerable implications for business ethics. Just as his economic analysis of politics changed how we understand government, we think his economic analysis of ethics can (and should) change how we understand business.
A public option is a government-provided social good that exists alongside a similar privately provided good. While the public option is typically identified with health care policy, public options have been a longstanding feature of American life in a variety of sectors, ranging from libraries to swimming pools. Public schools, for example, coexist alongside private schools. However, there is surprisingly little research on 'public options' as a general category. Rather, over the last few decades, considerable scholarly and popular efforts to ensure access to important social goods have focused on market subsidies (like vouchers) or privatization – which both face increasing criticism. Uniting scholars from across disciplines, this volume delves into the theory of the public option, explores several important case studies, and shows how public options could be a corrective to the trend toward privatization and subsidies. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core.
Kamu tercihi ve anayasal politik iktisat disiplinlerinin her ikisi ayrı ayrı büyük bir devrimdir. Nedenlerini kısa başlıklar altında yazmaya çalışayım:
İlk olarak 20. Yüzyılda sosyalizmin çöküşü ve tarihe gömülmesinde entelektüel katkı boyutunda en büyük paya sahip olan düşünce akımı Kamu Tercihi olmuştur. İktisadi düşünce okulları içerisinde Chicago İktisat Okulu, Avusturya İktisat Okulu ve Mülkiyet Hakları İktisadı’nın katkıları da bu entelektüel başarıda Virginia Politik İktisat Okulu’na (Kamu Tercihi Okulu) eşlik etmiştir.
İkinci olarak kamu tercihi sadece sosyalizmin iflasını değil aynı zamanda devlet müdahaleciliğini savunan Keynezyen İktisat ve ondan doğan Fonksiyonel Maliye’nin yanlışlarını görmemize ve anlamamıza yardımcı olmuştur. Kamu tercihi iktisatçıları tarafından geliştirilen devlet başarısızlığı (government failure) teorisi tek başına iktisat bilimine devrim niteliğinde katkılar sunmuştur.
Üçüncü olarak kamu tercihi geleneksel siyaset bilimine (conventional political science) çok önemli bir bakış açısı sağlaması dolayısıyla da bir büyük devrim olarak kabul edilebilir. Siyaset bilimi siyasal karar alma sürecindeki aktörlerin davranış, karar ve eylemlerini inceler. Kamu tercihi teorisinin ana inceleme konusu da siyaset yani politikadır. Kamu tercihi teorisi “metodolojik bireycilik”, “politik mübadele” (catallaxy) ve “rasyonalite” gibi temel ilkelerden hareket ederek siyasal süreçteki aktörlerinin davranışları ile iktisadi süreçteki aktörlerin davranışları arasında benzerlik kurarak siyaset biliminin bakış açısından farklı sonuçlara ulaşır. Siyaset bilimi penceresinden siyasetin amacı “kamu yararı” (public interest) kavramı etrafında incelenirken, kamu tercihi konuyu siyasi aktörlerin “özel çıkar” (self interest) kavramı ile açıklar.
Dördüncü olarak kamu tercihinin “tanı” olarak ortaya koyduğu sorunların çözümü “anayasal politik iktisat” adı verilen disiplinin doğuşuna yol açmıştır. Kamu tercihinden sonra anayasal politik iktisat ikinci büyük devrimdir. 20. Yüzyılda anayasa hukukçularının başaramadığı ya da başka bir ifadeyle etkili bir şekilde savunamadıkları anayasacılık (constitutionalism) felsefesi anayasal politik iktisat alanında yapılan çalışmalarla çok daha iyi anlaşılmıştır.
Birbirini tamamlayan iki araştırma programını alın ve bunların iktisat, siyaset bilimi ve hukuk alanlarına eşsiz ve ufuk açıcı katkılar sunduğunu düşünün. Kamu tercihi ve anayasal politik iktisat bunu yapmış ve bunu başarmıştır. Sosyal bilimlerde inter-disipliner ve multi-disipliner araştırmaya örnek aranıyorsa buna en güzel örnek Kamu tercihi ve anayasal politik iktisat disiplinleridir.
Many jurisdictions around the world have laws promoting sustainable development. Yet these measures have not stopped the depletion of natural capital and global life-support systems, fuelling arguments for degrowth and a transition to a steady-state economy. Crucially, there has been little effort to use existing planning legislation to implement such macro-economic sufficiency-oriented policies. To fill this gap, we offer the novel approach of using scarcity multiplier theory (SMT) to make existing planning laws produce sustainable development. We demonstrate this approach by applying SMT to the Australian island state of Tasmania to show that new commercial development cannot be the ‘sustainable development’ required by that State’s planning laws. We also use SMT to demonstrate three deficiencies of those laws: They only address the sustainability of supply, while neglecting the potential of want to destroy that sustainability; they do not fully state what must be sustained; and they ignore the unsustainability of development proposals that do not directly impact natural and physical capital. This case study illustrates how SMT may be applied in jurisdictions with circumstances similar to those of Tasmania to: (1) apply their own laws to reject environmentally damaging developments; (2) broaden those laws to make all development sustainable; and (3) reform their institutions of government so that all development is subject to rational democratic choice. These three applications indicate the extent to which we need to reform our governance processes to produce sustainability, even in democratic jurisdictions with laws that require developments to be sustainable.
Keywords
Political ecology, Galbraith, Dependence Effect, government failure, economic geography, planning, de-growth, Steady state economy.
State-owned enterprises (SOEs)—refer to Sect. 1.2.1 below for a definition—are important, especially in an Asian context. According to Fortune Magazine’s (2018) 500 list, three out of the world’s top-10 largest companies by revenues were Chinese SOEs: State Grid (rank 2), Sinopec (rank 3), and China National Petroleum (rank 4). Depending on the degree of direct and indirect government support, the next five ranks contain at least a group of near-state enterprises—near-state meaning companies in which the state either is a minor shareholder or has an institutionalized stake: Royal Dutch Shell, Toyota Motor, Volkswagen, BP, and Exxon Mobil. This only leaves two of the world’s ten largest companies neither belonging to nor being backed by the state, Walmart (rank 1) and Berkshire Hathaway (rank 10).
Le fonctionnement du régime politique démocratique fait aujourd’hui l’objet de nombreuses théories inquiètes. Cette inquiétude n’est cependant pas nouvelle. En économie au moins, de nombreux travaux pessimistes quant au fonctionnement démocratique ont émergé dès le milieu du XXe siècle, au moment où naissait l’analyse économique du politique telle qu’on la connait aujourd’hui. Les travaux de James M. Buchanan, Anthony Downs et Gordon Tullock sont particulièrement révélateurs de cette inquiétude. Mais leur étude révèle des disparités qui accompagnent ce sentiment commun. Ces dernières ont notamment trait à la méthodologie employée : tantôt positive, tantôt normative ; entre impérialisme économique et ouverture disciplinaire.
Eine Rationalitätstheorie des Rechts muss die Art und Weise berücksichtigen, wie sich das Recht selbst in der Gesellschaft präsentiert. Unter diesem Aspekt muss sowohl der Zugang zum Recht als auch der Bezug des Rechts zu seinen Gegenständen bestimmt werden. Mit Zugang zum Recht ist nicht ZugangzumGericht gemeint. Ausgangspunkt der Überlegungen ist hier vielmehr die Trennung zwischen rechtlicher Erwartungsbildung und der diese Erwartungsbildung beschreibenden Semantik. Die Orientierung des Rechts an dieser Trennung stellt insofern eine Rationalisierungsleistung dar, als sie im Laufe der Handlungspraxis des Rechts die Kreisläufe von Regelsetzung und Regelbefolgung beeinflusst (I). In einem zweiten Schritt wird die rechtliche Bedeutung außerrechtlicher Rationalitätsanforderungen an das Recht angesprochen, die mit Blick auf das Spannungsverhältnis zwischen rechtlicher Erwartungsbildung und Semantik formuliert werden (II). Anschließend wird darauf eingegangen, dass das Recht selbst Rechtspraxis und Wissenschaft auseinanderhält und der Rationalität der Rechtspraxis (III) gegenüber der Rationalität einer wissenschaftlichen Beschäftigung mit Recht den Primat gewährt (IV). Da Rechtspraxis und Rechtswissenschaft mit Realitätsannahmen operieren, unterliegt dieses rechtlich relevante Wissen Richtigkeitsbzw. Bewährungsbedingungen, die als Rationalitätsanforderungen formulierbar sind (V). Damit geht einher, dass die Fähigkeit des Rechts die nichtrechtliche Rationalität seiner Regelungsgegenstände zu identifizieren und für seine Regelungsziele dienstbar zu machen, eine Rationalitätssteigerung für das Recht mit sich bringt (VI).
Dalam perjalanannya, pilkada langsung justeru melahirkan para investor politik. Vedi Hadiz (2007) menyebutnya sebagai oligarki. Oligark yang sibuk mengurus dirinya dan orang-orang yang telah mendukungnya. Sehingga, apa yang ditengarai Jeffrey Winters (2011) sebagai pembajakan demokrasi (hijack of democracy) seperti tampak nyata di depan kita. Bagaimana tidak, kepala daerah yang dipilih langsung oleh rakyat dengan menghabiskan dana puluhan hingga ratusan miliar rupiah, justeru menjadi tersangka kasus korupsi. Dari tahun 2016-2019 ada 608 tersangka kasus korupsi oleh Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK), termasuk diantaranya 71 kepala daerah, yang terdiri dari Gubernur, Bupati dan Walikota (Kompas, 17/12/2019).
Menurut data Kementerian Dalam Negeri Republik Indonesia, sejak pilkada langsung digelar pada 2005 lalu, ada 300 kepala daerah terjerat kasus korupsi (CNN, 21/11/2019).
Sebelas di antaranya adalah kepala daerah yang berada di Provinsi Jawa Timur.
Ini adalah masalah demokrasi kita, masalah integritas sistem politik kita, dan masalah kualitas kepemimpinan daerah kita bersama. Kehadiran pilkada langsung juga ternyata menciptakan ruang gelap (the dark room) dalam demokrasi dan sistem politik kita. Ruang gelap terjadinya perselingkuhan antara orang-orang yang punya uang, berasyik masyuk dengan penguasa yang telah didukungnya, dan abai terhadap kepentingan publik. Perselingkuhan dalam ruang gelap itu selanjutnya menciptakan kegelapan yang lebih dalam (the deep darkness) dalam labirin kehidupan publik. Publik seperti tidak memiliki
kemampuan apapun, saat menyaksikan di depan mata kepalanya sendiri, kepala daerah yang dipilih tidak memberi pelayanan secara maksimal, mengabaikan kewajibannya dalam pembangunan, bahkan akhirnya menjadi tersangka kasus korupsi. Daulat rakyat pun dirampas, saat ada kepala daerah yang menjadi tersangka kasus korupsi, maka yang memilih penggantinya adalah partai politik pengusung, bukan rakyat lagi secara langsung.
Penumpang gelap dalam pilkada langsung, selanjutnya dalam penelitian ini disebut dengan investor politik. Mengapa disebut investor politik? Karena secara langsung
dan tidak langsung, pihak yang memberi modal kepada calon kepala daerah yang dipilih rakyat secara langsung mendapat berbagai keuntungan, setelah calon kepala daerah yang didukung menang dan memimpin daerah.
Today head local elections not by the legislature body but by the people is improve the quality of local democracy, because the people involved in determining who becomes the heads. In determining the choice of the people having these considerations, it is not always the candidate who carried the major parties win elections. This study intends to find out what factors are significant actual or prospective determinant decisive victory in the Batang Head Local Election 2011, after previous similar studies conducted in Semarang City Election, 2010. This type of research is a descriptive analysis, conducted on 120 respondents from voters selected by multistage random sampling technique. The data was collected using questionnaire techniques, interview and documentary study. Quantitative data were obtained from a questionnaire prepared by the descriptive statistical analysis so that can know the frequency distribution. While the qualitative data obtained from open-ended questions were processed and classified according to their degree of importance. The study found a figure significantly influence candidate winning candidate in the Batang Head Local Election 2011. While the sociological factors, psychological factors and the economic factors influence, but not significant. This study also found that voters consider money politics for granted, but the money was not a major factor for consideration in choosing a candidat. A. PENDAHULUAN Perubahan sistem pemilihan kepala daerah dari sistem pemilihan yang tidak langsung, yaitu melalui demokrasi perwakilan (DPRD) ke sistem pemilihan dengan memberikan hak pada rakyat secara langsung untuk menentukan kepala daerah, merupakan sebuah prestasi bagi perkembangan demokrasi di negeri ini. Dalam demokrasi langsung ini akan menampakkan perwujudan kedaulatan di tangan rakyat. Betapa tidak karena dengan sistem ini maka rakyat lah pada akhirnya yang akan menentukan kepala daerahnya sendiri. Dengan demikian maka dalam pemilukada akan terjadi kompetisi kemampuan kandidat dalam merebut hati rakyat dipertaruhkan disini. Siapa sebenarnya kandidat yang akan dapat merebut hati orang banyak itu? Apakah petahana (incumbent)? Apakah kandidat yang diusung oleh partai besar? Apakah kandidat yang memiliki tingkat popularitas yang tinggi? Apakah karena persoalan personality yang dimiliki sang kandidat? Atau kandidat yang mampu memberikan imbalan/membeli suara rakyat (money politics)? Tentu masih banyak lagi alasan-alasan yang dijadikan pijakan pemilih dalam menjatuhkan pilihannya, tetapi tidak ada kepastian akan jawaban yang dapat ditarik secara general. Hampir sebagian besar kandidat melakukan berbagai hal strategi politik yang sama, seperti misalnya melakukan sosialisasi diri, program serta visi-misinya, menggunakan berbagai media sosialisasi yang sama (baliho, iklan di media elektronik dll media komunikasi) melakukan dan meningkatkan intensitas kunjungan/pertemuan/silaturohmi dengan rakyat, adanya tim sukses, adanya kampanye, debat publik, hingga melakukan "money politics". Lantas faktor-faktor determinan apa sebenarnya yang menjadikan kemenangan seorang kandidat
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