No full-text available
To read the full-text of this research,
you can request a copy directly from the author.
From AntiNatalist to Ultra-Conservative
Abstract
This article examines Peru's population policy since the 1994 International Conference on Population and Development and assesses to what extent its policies and programmes have affected reproductive health and rights. It is drawn from data collected during ongoing monitoring of sexual and reproductive health policies and programmes in Peru since 1998 for the Center for Health and Gender Equity (CHANGE). Accomplishments since 1994 in Peru demonstrate good faith on the part of the government and foreign donors to make progress towards fulfilling the ICPD agenda by addressing key reproductive health concerns and promoting women's rights. Unfortunately, this progress has not been consistent. It has been overshadowed by two periods of anti-choice policies and interventions. The first, in 1996–97 under the Fujimori government, was a demographic approach that used numerical targets and undue pressure on women to accept sterilisation as the government's main poverty reduction strategy, which led to documented abuses. The second, in 2001–03 under the Toledo government, was a far-right approach that worked to limit access to essential services, including emergency contraception, condoms and post-abortion care. In spite of their contradictory nature, these two policy approaches have been the greatest obstacles to making long-lasting improvements to reproductive health and rights in Peru.
Résumé
Cet article examine la politique démographique du Pérou depuis la Conférence internationale de 1994 sur la population et le développement et évalue dans quelle mesure ses politiques et programmes ont influencé la santé et les droits génésiques. Il s'inspire de données recueillies lors du suivi des politiques et programmes de santé génésique au Pérou mené depuis 1998 pour le Centre for Health and Gender Equity (CHANGE). Les progrès enregistrés depuis 1994 prouvent la volonté du Gouvernement péruvien et des donateurs étrangers d'avancer vers les objectifs de la Conférence en s'attaquant aux principales préoccupations en matière de santé génésique et en protégeant les droits des femmes. Malheureusement, ces progrès n'ont pas été réguliers et ont été éclipsés par deux périodes de politiques et d'interventions opposées à l'avortement. La première, en 1996–1997, sous le gouvernement de Fujimori, était une approche démographique qui utilisait des objectifs numériques et faisait pression sur les femmes pour leur faire accepter la stérilisation comme principale stratégie gouvernementale de réduction de la pauvreté, ce qui a conduit à des violations avérées. La deuxième, en 2001–2003, sous le gouvernement Toledo, était une approche d'extrême droite qui souhaitait limiter l'accès aux services essentiels, notamment la contraception d'urgence, les préservatifs et les soins après avortement. Malgré leur nature contradictoire, ces deux approches ont constitué les principaux obstacles à des améliorations durables de la santé et des droits génésiques au Pérou.
Resumen
En este artı́culo se revisa la polı́tica de población del Perú desde la Conferencia Internacional sobre la Población y el Desarrollo, celebrada en 1994, y se evalúa hasta qué punto sus polı́ticas y programas han afectado la salud y los derechos reproductivos. Se basa en los datos recolectados mediante un monitoreo continuo de las polı́ticas y los programas de salud sexual y reproductiva en Perú, el cual se inició en 1998 para el Centro para la Salud y la Equidad de Género (CHANGE). Los logros alcanzados en Perú a partir de 1994 demuestran la buena voluntad del gobierno y los donantes extranjeros de hacer avances hacia el cumplimiento de la agenda de la CIPD abordando los aspectos clave respecto a la salud reproductiva y promoviendo los derechos de las mujeres. Desgraciadamente, los avances no han sido constantes. Se han visto eclipsados por dos perı́odos de polı́ticas e intervenciones en contra del derecho a decidir libremente. El primero, durante 1996–97 bajo el gobierno de Fujimori, fue un enfoque demográfico que utilizó metas numéricas y ejerció presión indebida sobre las mujeres para que aceptaran la esterilización como la principal estrategia del gobierno para disminuir la pobreza, lo cual propició abusos que han sido documentados. El segundo, en el perı́odo 2001–03 bajo el gobierno de Toledo, fue un enfoque de extrema derecha que se propuso limitar el acceso a los servicios esenciales, incluida la anticoncepción de emergencia, el condón y la atención postaborto. A pesar de su naturaleza contradictoria, estas dos polı́ticas han sido los mayores obstáculos al logro de avances duraderos en el campo de la salud y los derechos reproductivos en Perú.
Abortion mobilities emerged within political geography and the reproductive mobilities scholarship to address extant theoretical and empirical gaps in these fields. This paper seeks to highlight and assess the abortion mobilities scholarship to date. Starting with a working definition of abortion mobilities, this paper argues for the relevance of abortion to political geography and outlines three key themes in political geography that abortion mobilities address: borders, states and anti‐genderism, intersectional politics and reproductive justice, and activism and abortion pills.
In 1996, Alberto Fujimori introduced the National Program for Reproductive Health and Family Planning 1996–2000, the first publicly funded family planning program in Peru’s history, under which at least 10,000 Indigenous women were forcibly sterilized. This program was aided by what I came to identify as the Reproductive and Sexual Rights (RSR) assemblage – a group of feminists working in reproductive and sexual rights in Peru. This was made possible by Fujimori’s co-optation of the reproductive rights discourse and the rise of neoliberal governmentality, which enlisted the expertise of non-state actors in projects of governance. Moreover, in their heartfelt desire to bring reproductive rights to Peru, the RSR did not appreciate Indigenous women’s inclusive exclusion from citizenship – their inclusion in the settler colonial nation as marginal members whose bodies could be instrumentalized for national projects. Through the National Program, Fujimori instrumentalized Indigenous women’s bodies to create statistics showing a reduction in poverty for international lenders. A similar reading of the RSR’s actions is possible. By downplaying the magnitude of the forced sterilizations in the late 1990s, the RSR unwittingly contributed to the violation of Indigenous women’s rights in the name of extending reproductive rights to ‘all Peruvian women.
Der vorliegende Beitrag setzt sich mit der Funktion von „Raum“ in der Inszenierung eines biopolitischen Zugriffs auf Frauen und ihre Körper auseinander. Raum wird dabei als gesellschaftlich produziert betrachtet und Gesellschaft wiederum als verräumlicht (Belina et al.,.Vogelpohl et al.Michel et al.Lebuhn et al.Hoerning et al.Belina (Hrsg), Raumproduktionen, Westfälisches Dampfboot, Münster, 2018, S. 7). Damit ist gemeint, dass „Raum“ nicht als abstrakte Kategorie oder Idee verstanden wird, die der Gesellschaft vorausgeht und von ihr nur noch angeeignet würde, sondern als gesellschaftlich produziert, verfestigt und wirksam gemacht. Die in The Handmaid’s Tale inszenierte Form biopolitischer Herrschaft lässt sich, als eine Praxis lesen, die Staat und Zuhause als zwei Maßstabsebenen gesellschaftlicher Organisation in eine skalare Beziehung zueinander setzt. Ziel des Beitrags ist dabei allerdings keine systematische Analyse gesellschaftlicher Räumlichkeit; es geht vielmehr darum zu zeigen, dass die Weise wie das biopolitisches Programm Gileads Raum (bzw. Räume) als Herrschaftsmittel darstellt, in dem Sinn realistisch in dem eine biopolitisch-totalitäre Herrschaft durch eine bestimmte Raumordnung verwirklicht wird. Die Serie kann damit als Entwurf einer konkret gewordenen Dystopie, als mögliche Realität verstanden werden, an der sichtbar wird, dass Biomacht – eine Macht bestimmter Räume des Verwaltens, Sichern, Entwickeln und Bewirtschaftens bedarf, die jene Praktiken erst ermöglichen, die sich zum Mechanismus der Biomacht zusammenfügen. Räume werden in Relation zu Praktiken dabei verstanden als Produkt von Praxis wie auch als eine ihrer (formierenden) Bedingungen.
Inclusion of emergency contraception in national family planning programmes is consistent with international agreements that countries should strive to ensure access to a wide range of contraceptive methods and promote voluntary, informed choice. Yet in 2005, USAID/Peru requested that its NGO grantees in Peru take a “neutral” position on emergency contraception in activities or materials that involve its funds. For many decades, donor countries have viewed conservative religious forces in low-income countries as an obstacle to expanding family planning programmes. Today, however, far-right organisations in the United States are having an unprecedented influence on US public policy, including in countries such as Peru. This article analyses shifts in USAID/Peru's policy on emergency contraception in Peru since 1992. In Peru today, there is widespread official and public support for making emergency contraception available. Given USAID's long support for family planning internationally and in Peru, the current policy appears to be the result of attacks by US far-right organisations carried out in synergy with sympathetic US public officials and anti-choice Peruvian allies.
Résumé
Inclure la contraception d'urgence dans les programmes nationaux de planification familiale est conforme aux accords internationaux qui obligent les pays à assurer l'accès à un vaste éventail de méthodes contraceptives et à promouvoir un choix consenti et bien informé. Pourtant, en 2005, l'USAID/Pérou a demandé que les ONG bénéficiant de ses subventions au Pérou adoptent une position « neutre » sur la contraception d'urgence dans les activités ou les matériels utilisant ses fonds. Longtemps, les pays donateurs ont considéré les forces religieuses conservatrices dans les pays à faible revenu comme un obstacle à l'élargissement des programmes de planification familiale. Aujourd'hui, les organisations d'extrême droite aux États-Unis ont une influence sans précédent sur la politique publique américaine, par exemple au Pérou. Cet article analyse les changements dans la politique d'USAID/Pérou sur la contraception d'urgence au Pérou depuis 1992. Aujourd'hui au Pérou, un vaste mouvement officiel et public souhaite que la contraception d'urgence devienne disponible. Compte tenu du soutien apporté de longue date par l'USAID à la planification familiale au niveau international et au Pérou, la politique actuelle semble le résultat des attaques d'organisations d'extrême droite menées en synergie avec des fonctionnaires américains sympathisants et des alliés péruviens opposés à l'avortement.
Resumen
La inclusión de la anticoncepción de emergencia en los programas nacionales de planificación familiar concuerda con los acuerdos internacionales en que los países deben esforzarse por garantizar acceso a una amplia gama de métodos anticonceptivos y promover decisiones informadas y voluntarias. No obstante, en 2005, USAID/Perú solicitó que sus ONG beneficiarias en Perú asumieran una posición “neutral” respecto a la anticoncepción de emergencia en actividades o materiales financiados con sus fondos. Por muchas décadas, en los países donantes las fuerzas religiosas conservadoras en países de bajos ingresos han sido consideradas como un obstáculo a la ampliación de los programas de planificación familiar. Hoy día, sin embargo, las organizaciones ultraderechistas en Estados Unidos ejercen una influencia sin precedentes en las políticas públicas de EE.UU., incluso en países como Perú. En este artículo se analizan los cambios en las polticas de USAID/Perú respecto a la anticoncepción de emergencia en Perú desde 1992. Actualmente, en Perú existe un gran apoyo extendido, tanto oficial como público, para ampliar el acceso a la anticoncepción de emergencia. En vista de que USAID lleva muchos años apoyando la planificación familiar a nivel internacional y en Perú, las políticas actuales parecen ser el resultado de ataques de organizaciones ultraderechistas de EE.UU., realizados en sinergía con funcionarios públicos simpatizantes y aliados peruanos contra el derecho a decidir.
It is estimated that more than 200,000 women were sterilised without giving free, prior and informed consent in Peru between 1996 and 2000 during the Fujimori regime. This paper places forced sterilisation within the frameworks of precarity and reproductive justice to understand policies that legitimised the violation of women's rights irrespective of the type of political regime: forced sterilisations during a dictatorial regime and denial of access to sexual and reproductive rights during a period of democracy. Through document analysis, this paper examines narratives around sterilisation and reproduction produced by policymakers, political and religious leaders and health care practitioners during these two political periods. This paper shows the continuity of the struggle that marginalised populations face in exercising their reproductive rights in the context of symbolic and structural inequalities.
In Latin America, where abortion is almost universally legally restricted, medical abortion, especially with misoprostol alone, is increasingly being used, often with the tablets obtained from a pharmacy. We carried out in-depth interviews with 49 women who had had a medical abortion under clinical supervision in rural and urban settings in Mexico, Colombia, Ecuador and Peru, who were recruited through clinicians providing abortions. The women often chose medical abortion to avoid a surgical abortion; they thought medical abortion was less painful, easier or simpler, safer or less risky. They commonly described it as a natural process of regulating their period. The fact that it was less expensive also influenced their decision. Some, who experienced a lot of pain, heavy bleeding or a failed procedure requiring surgical back-up, tended to be more negative about it. Regardless of legal restrictions, medical abortion was being provided safely in these settings and women found the method acceptable. Where feasible, it should be made available but cost should not have to be women's primary reason for choosing it. Psychosocial support during abortion is critical, especially for those who are more vulnerable because they see abortion as a sin, who are young or poor, who have limited knowledge about their bodies, whose partners are not supportive or who became pregnant through sexual violence.
Résumé
En Amérique latine, oú l'accès à l'avortement est presque partout restreint par la loi, l'avortement médicamenteux, particulièrement avec le seul misoprostol, est de plus en plus utilisé, souvent avec des comprimés obtenus dans une pharmacie. Nous avons interrogé 49 femmes ayant subi un avortement médicamenteux sous surveillance clinique dans des environnements ruraux et urbains au Mexique, en Colombie, en Équateur et au Pérou, sur le conseil de cliniciens pratiquant les avortements. Les femmes avaient souvent choisi l'avortement médicamenteux pour éviter l'avortement chirurgical ; elles pensaient que cette méthode était moins douloureuse, plus facile, plus sûre ou moins risquée. Elles la décrivaient comme un processus naturel de régulation des menstruations. Son moindre coût avait aussi influencé leur décision. Certaines, qui avaient eu de fortes douleurs, des saignements prolongés ou qui avaient dû compléter l'avortement avec une intervention chirurgicale, étaient plus négatives. Sans se soucier de restrictions légales, l'avortement médicamenteux était pratiqué sans risque et dans ces conditions, les femmes pensaient que la méthode était acceptable. Quand c'est possible, il devrait être proposé, mais le coût ne devrait pas être la première raison du choix des femmes. Le soutien psychosocial est essentiel, particulièrement pour celles qui sont plus vulnérables parce qu'elles considèrent l'avortement comme un péché, qui sont jeunes ou pauvres, connaissent mal leur corps, dont les partenaires ne les épaulent pas ou qui sont enceintes par suite de violences sexuelles.
Resumen
En Latinoamérica, donde el aborto es restringido casi universalmente por la ley, el aborto con medicamentos, especialmente con misoprostol solo, se utiliza cada vez más, a menudo con comprimidos obtenidos de una farmacia. Realizamos entrevistas a profundidad con 49 mujeres que habían tenido un aborto con medicamentos bajo supervisión clínica en zonas rurales y urbanas de México, Colombia, Ecuador y Perú, quienes fueron reclutadas por profesionales clínicos que prestaban servicios de aborto. A fin de evitar un aborto quirúrgico, muchas mujeres eligieron el aborto con medicamentos, pues lo consideraron menos doloroso, más fácil o sencillo, más seguro o menos arriesgado. Comúnmente lo describieron como un proceso natural de regulación menstrual. El hecho de que era menos costoso también influyó en su decisión. Algunas, que experimentaron mucho dolor, sangrado abundante o un procedimiento fallido, que requirió respaldo quirúrgico, eran más negativas al respecto. Sin considerar restricciones de ley, el aborto con medicamentos estaba siendo efectuado de manera segura y en tales circunstancias las mujeres lo encontraron aceptable. Donde sea factible, debe hacerse disponible, pero el costo no debe ser la razón principal para su elección. El apoyo psicosocial durante el aborto es fundamental, especialmente para las mujeres que son más vulnerables porque ven al aborto como un pecado, son jóvenes o pobres, tienen poco conocimiento de su cuerpo, sus parejas no las apoyan, o quedaron embarazadas a causa de violencia sexual.
The Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD) in 1994 defined strategies and goals for advancing reproductive health and rights that are still far from being reached in Latin America. This paper will use elements of a framework developed by Gruskin et al¹ that analyses the interconnected factors affecting the sexual and reproductive health of people living with HIV. We use and adapt some of these elements to examine the extent to which sexual and reproductive rights have been realized in Latin America since 1994. Specifically, we consider the rights, needs and aspirations of people; the socioeconomic context; national and international law and policy; health systems, services and programmes; the opposition; the perceived high costs of political support; the role of civil society, NGO networks and coalitions; and development aid, donor policy and government funding. There are a growing number of progressive regional and national bodies, organizations, groups and individuals with a commitment to sexual and reproductive health and rights in the region, and many gains have been made in the realization of these rights. However, these gains are only partial, given the acute inequality across ethnic, socioeconomic and geographic lines, and there is evidence of widening gaps. Given the breadth of the subject and the number of countries involved, this paper can cite only a few of the enormous number of examples from the literature. We hope the paper will stimulate further in-depth, critical reviews of these issues at the country and regional level.
Résumé
En 1994, le Programme d'action de la Conférence internationale sur la population et le développement a défini des stratégies et des objectifs pour faire progresser la santé et les droits génésiques que l'Amérique latine est encore loin d'avoir réalisés. Cet article emprunte des éléments d'un cadre élaboré par Gruskin et al ¹ qui analyse les facteurs interdépendants qui touchent la santé génésique des personnes vivant avec le VIH. Nous utilisons et adaptons certains de ces éléments pour déterminer dans quelle mesure l'Amérique latine a réalisé les droits génésiques depuis 1994. Concrètement, nous examinons les droits, les besoins et les aspirations des individus ; le contexte socioéconomique ; les législations et politiques nationales et internationales ; les systèmes, services et programmes de santé ; l'opposition ; les coûts élevés du soutien politique tels qu'ils sont perçus ; le rôle de la société civile, des réseaux d'ONG et des coalitions ; et l'aide au développement, les politiques des donateurs et le financement gouvernemental. Un nombrecroissant d’organismes nationaux et régionaux,d’organisations, de groupes et d’individusprogressistes sont engagés en faveur de la santéet des droits génésiques dans la région, etbeaucoup de progrès ont été accomplis dans laréalisation de ces droits. Néanmoins, les progrèsne sont que partiels, étant donné les profondesinégalités entre les différents groupes ethniques,socio-économiques et géographiques, et il estmanifeste que les écarts se creusent. Compte tenu de l'ampleur du sujet et du nombre de pays concernés, nous ne pouvons citer que quelques-uns des multiples exemples tirés des publications. Nous espérons que l'article encouragera la réalisation de nouvelles études approfondies et critiques de ces questions au niveau régional et national.
Resumen
El Programa de Acción de la Conferencia Internacional sobre la Población y el Desarrollo, celebrada en 1994, definió estrategias y metas para promover la salud y los derechos reproductivos, que aún falta mucho por alcanzar en Latinoamérica. En este artículo se utilizan elementos de un marco creado por Gruskin et al¹, el cual analiza los factores interconectados que afectan la salud sexual y reproductiva de las personas que viven con VIH. Utilizamos y adaptamos algunos de estos elementos para examinar hasta qué punto se han realizado los derechos sexuales y reproductivos en Latinoamérica desde 1994. Específicamente, consideramos los derechos, las necesidades y las aspiraciones de las personas; el contexto socioeconómico; las leyes y políticas nacionales e internacionales; los sistemas, servicios y programas de salud; la oposición; los percibidos altos costos del apoyo político; la función de la sociedad civil, redes de ONG y coaliciones; y la ayuda financiera para el desarrollo, políticas de donantes y fondos gubernamentales. Existe un creciente número deorganismos, organizaciones, grupos y personasprogresistas, tanto a nivel regional comonacional,con un compromiso a la salud y los derechossexuales y reproductivos en la región, y se hanlogrado muchas ganancias en la realización deestos derechos. Sin embargo, estas gananciasson solo parciales, dada la aguda desigualdadentre diversos grupos étnicos, socioeconómicos ygeográficos, y hay evidencia de que las diferenciasse están acentuando. Debido a la amplitud del tema y al número de países implicados, en este artículo podemos citar sólo unos pocos del gran número de ejemplos de la literatura. Esperamos estimular más revisión crítica a fondo de estos asuntos a nivel nacional y regional.
In Peru, the adoption of a new school curriculum based on gender equality and nondiscrimination against sexual minorities led to the mobilization in 2016 of organizations connected to conservative churches under the slogan Con Mis Hijos No Te Metas (Don't Mess with My Children). This new countermovement uses street protests, the courts, and Congress to disseminate an antigender agenda that goes beyond its initial opposition to sexual education. Organizations in the countermovement consider the concept of gender to be a dangerous imperialist ideology, arguing that the state violates individual freedoms when it uses gender as one of the pillars of public policy.
The new millennium has meant a new start for Peruvian society. After decades of political violence, economic crisis, and an internal war, democracy was restored, and economic growth resumed. The many grassroots organizations that had been established to address the economic and political crisis seem to have lost their initial raison d’être. Still, they have remained in operation to this very day. In this article, we analyze the history and continued presence of two types of urban grassroots organizations: the communal kitchens and the victim-survivor organizations. Our leading question is: what is the present-day rationale sustaining these grassroots organizations that originated as responses to the political and economic turmoil from the previous decades? As we will argue, insight into the values of economic solidarity, participatory democracy, and gender equality is important to better understand the organization’s continuity. They shed light on the organizations’ changing roles and diverging meanings that their members attribute to them. Nowadays, members see the organizations as a platform for self-expression.
This article demonstrates that involuntary sterilisation procedures are generally a manifestation of intersectional discrimination and the medical profession’s use and abuse of power. Accordingly, the article uses the example of involuntary sterilisation to illuminate the multiple forms of discrimination experienced by society’s most marginalised and vulnerable people and to discuss the role of social hierarchy and existing power structures in compounding and perpetuating the expression of discrimination. It begins by referencing the power of law before considering the power of the medical profession in the context of society in general. It then analyses the gendered dimension of this power, specifically considering the example of involuntary sterilisation and discussing the importance of adopting an approach which views this issue through an intersectional lens. Finally, the article invokes a number of specific examples of involuntary sterilisation procedures being performed on marginalised groups of women to make the discussion more tangible.
In the six decades since the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) was proclaimed as a ‘common standard of achievement for all peoples and all nations’, human rights has become the hegemonic discourse for social emancipation around the world. Yet, from its inception the legalism and abstraction of the international framework have posed challenges for local resistance movements who sought to use rights in their social struggles, including struggles relating to health. Further, it has often been difficult to find allies within the health field itself, pervaded as it is by the paternalism of clinical medicine and the utilitarianism of conventional public health. It is only in the last fifteen years or so that countries have seen a proliferation of rights-based movements for health. All of these health rights movements share a common focus on issues of equality and non-discrimination, accountability and participation by the people whose lives are affected by health programmes. A central notion across all rights-based approaches to health lies in converting the beneficiaries of health and development programmes into claims-holders who can demand that the state, or other actors, comply with certain obligations.
This chapter bridges cultural and political approaches to determine why elite support for movement claims may be inconsistent across the policy process. I analyze this question empirically through 16 in-depth interviews with government officials in two regions of Peru: Arequipa and Cusco regional officials appraised feminist advocacy in two opposing ways. First, they valued feminist advocates’ contributions to policy processes,
which enabled them to advance reproductive rights and gender equity initiatives. They also perceived women as a group deserving of these initiatives and framed gender policies in terms of rights and equality.
Second, they were critical of feminist advocates’ weaknesses in mobilizing support, which hindered the officials’ own ability to advance reproductive rights and gender equity initiatives. Furthermore, regional officials
understood reproductive rights and gender equality to be thwarted by the State’s economic instrumentalism and by Catholic Church’s ultraconservatism. This research shows how a cultural approach to policy elites’ support for movement claims goes beyond their individual attitudes and calculations to capture their perceptions, frames, and understandings tied to the broader cultural context. This wider conceptualization in turn helps clarify inconsistencies in policy elites’ support for movement claims across the policy process.
The article examines how two reproductive rights coalitions in Peru adjust their framing by way of regular interactions with other collective actors. Qualitative data were gathered from the coalitions in the regions of Arequipa and Cusco. The findings demonstrate how the coalitions engage in framing practices not only among their members as they select and refine advocacy goals and strategies, but also by means of interaction, communication, and negotiation with a range of organized social and political actors. Through these interactions, coalition members adjust their framing of reproductive rights in response to what they perceive
from other actors, taking frames from them and directing frames back to them. These interactions occur within broader political and cultural contexts consisting of stable and variable opportunity structures. Thus, the coalitions’ framing practices entail stretching favorable interpretations among allies and neutral actors, while pushing back the boundaries in which the Catholic Church leadership attempts to transmit its own interpretations.
While social movement research employs “tactical repertoire” to emphasize protest tactics directed at the state, literature on youth activism globally indicates that young people do politics outside the realm of formal political spheres. Youth activism on body politics in Latin America offers evidence that enhances conceptual tools intended for understanding how young people make claims and toward whom they make them. This article takes Young activists’ strategies as its point of departure through a study that explored how young people perceived their activism to advance sexual health in Ecuador and Peru. Young activists employed a range of interconnected strategies that went beyond protests directed at the state, including responding to adult allies, carrying out social advocacy among youth, building organizations, carrying out political advocacy, and developing themselves as activists. Strategies were shaped by the degree to which young activists negotiated alternative notions of “youth” with different actors.
Scholars have provided compelling evidence of the positive impact global guidelines for human rights have had on the promotion of gender equity and citizenship rights in modernizing nations across the globe. This essay seeks to approach these successes with caution. It questions whether all citizens of a nation are equally empowered by current paradigms of progress and modernization; and it shows that changing constructions of class, ethnicity, and gender have often compromised the equalization of citizenship rights. Coercive sterilization campaigns in the United States and in Peru provide a useful lens to evaluate the diverse effects public policies can have on different populations of a nation. These campaigns took place in different national settings and time periods, and amidst radically disparate global understandings of human and women’s rights. When legislators in the United States implemented sterilization campaigns, a universal definition of reproductive rights and bodily integrity was nonexistent. When women were sterilized in Peru, international norms, endorsed by the United Nations, defined reproductive rights as a central feature of women’s human rights, and Peru signed and ratified this UN resolution. Nonetheless, both campaigns found ways to target designated ‘unwanted populations’, and disproportionally sterilized women. Acknowledging women’s agency and the diversity of women’s experiences, I recognize that some women managed to use the campaigns to increase their reproductive choices. But many others became victims of aggressive measures to control their sexuality and reproduction, even after national political leaders claimed to accept global norms of women’s reproductive rights.
In the 1990s, feminist movements in Peru began to shift strategies from a focus on community training to an emphasis on policy advocacy. Since then, they have seen many of their demands translated into public policies favoring gender equity and reproductive rights. Some scholars argue that such policy changes have a limited impact on women's daily life in Latin America and it is necessary to conceptualize the outcomes of social movements more broadly to include their cultural and political effects as well as the links between these. Findings are presented from a study of two coalitions engaged in reproductive rights advocacy in Arequipa and Cusco, Peru. The approach for evaluating the materials included participant observation, focus group discussions and individual interviews with coalition members. The study found that coalition members perceive the effects of their advocacy on government policies in terms of five dimensions: coalition–government interactions, issue visibility and recognition, policy enactments, policy implementation, and policy position. I conclude that a broader definition of social movement outcomes is needed to evaluate efficacy and models for future action and that this should take into account the complexities of social and political change, particularly concerning reproductive rights and gender equity.
La ética médica es considerada entre los profesionales de salud como la disciplina que proporciona las bases para brindar una atención adecuada a los pacientes. En los últimos años, los conceptos de calidad de atención y derechos humanos así como sus diversos discursos acompañantes se han sumado al concepto de ética médica entre los paradigmas a tener en cuenta en la atención de las personas, tanto a nivel individual, así como a nivel de políticas de salud. El presente trabajo busca analizar tales paradigmas, utilizando como estudio de caso las políticas de salud sexual y reproductiva que se dieron en Perú en los últimos 10 años.
The article analyzes the case of reproductive health policy-making in Peru in the context of recent social policy reforms. Health-sector reforms have only partially redressed Peruvian women´s unequal access to family planning, reproductive rights and maternal care. The main sources of inequalities are related to the segmented character of the health-care system, with the highest burden placed on the public sector. The majority of women from popular classes, who are not protected by an insurance plan, are dependent upon what and how public services are provided. Simultaneously, the continuing role of conservative sectors in public debates about reproductive health policy has a strong impact on public family planning services and other reproductive rights.
This paper develops the concept of reproductive governance as an analytic tool for tracing the shifting political rationalities of population and reproduction. As advanced here, the concept of reproductive governance refers to the mechanisms through which different historical configurations of actors - such as state, religious, and international financial institutions, NGOs, and social movements - use legislative controls, economic inducements, moral injunctions, direct coercion, and ethical incitements to produce, monitor, and control reproductive behaviours and population practices. Examples are drawn from Latin America, where reproductive governance is undergoing a dramatic transformation as public policy conversations are coalescing around new moral regimes and rights-based actors through debates about abortion, emergency contraception, sterilisation, migration, and assisted reproductive technologies. Reproductive discourses are increasingly framed through morality and contestations over 'rights', where rights-bearing citizens are pitted against each other in claiming reproductive, sexual, indigenous, and natural rights, as well as the 'right to life' of the unborn. The concept of reproductive governance can be applied to other settings in order to understand shifting political rationalities within the domain of reproduction.
This paper focuses on recognizing the contribution made to development by grassroots women working on a voluntary basis in long term development projects. Using the example of healthcare, the paper problematizes the widespread move towards an increased reliance on voluntary and third sector provision. Drawing on literature around women's community activism, the research considers the extent to which women carrying out health promotion work in Peru have taken on this role as more than "just voluntary work," highlighting their long term commitment during more than a decade of health promotion activities. The paper develops debates around the professionalization of voluntary work, particularly considering the issue of economic remuneration for health promoters, and emphasizing the gendered nature of their voluntarism; concluding by questioning the sustainability of poor women's long term, and largely unpaid, involvement as the linchpins of community development projects. © International Society for Third-Sector Research and The John's Hopkins University 2009.
Poor urban women in Latin America have previously been characterised by their involvement in collective survival strategies. This paper uses the theme of professionalisation to re-conceptualise grassroots women's ongoing community organising by recognising the distinct expertise that these women have accumulated during their many years of voluntary activism. I consider how women health promotion activists construct a particular brand of professionalism, based on practical experience and informal training. This professionalism involves engaging in a balancing act between being ‘experts’ in reproductive health whilst maintaining their status as community women on which their success as health promoters depends. The paper defines this process of grassroots professionalisation as one which simultaneously contests, and yet is itself a product of, neoliberal development imperatives. This construction of a particularly grassroots professionalisation allows for a more nuanced understanding of expertise within everyday political geographies and at different scales of the development process.
Medical ethics has long been considered the framework that guides the way in which health professionals should provide care. In recent years, the concepts of quality of care and human rights—and the discourses they entail—have been added to medical ethics as paradigms to consider with respect to the delivery of health care, both at the individual and health policy level. Using a case study of the sexual and reproductive health policies in Peru in the last ten years, the current essay analyzes the implications of these paradigms in a world in which health and the delivery of care have increasingly globalised dimensions.
The Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD) in 1994 defined strategies and goals for advancing reproductive health and rights that are still far from being reached in Latin America. This paper will use elements of a framework developed by Gruskin et al¹ that analyses the interconnected factors affecting the sexual and reproductive health of people living with HIV. We use and adapt some of these elements to examine the extent to which sexual and reproductive rights have been realized in Latin America since 1994. Specifically, we consider the rights, needs and aspirations of people; the socioeconomic context; national and international law and policy; health systems, services and programmes; the opposition; the perceived high costs of political support; the role of civil society, NGO networks and coalitions; and development aid, donor policy and government funding. There are a growing number of progressive regional and national bodies, organizations, groups and individuals with a commitment to sexual and reproductive health and rights in the region, and many gains have been made in the realization of these rights. However, these gains are only partial, given the acute inequality across ethnic, socioeconomic and geographic lines, and there is evidence of widening gaps. Given the breadth of the subject and the number of countries involved, this paper can cite only a few of the enormous number of examples from the literature. We hope the paper will stimulate further in-depth, critical reviews of these issues at the country and regional level.
Résumé
En 1994, le Programme d'action de la Conférence internationale sur la population et le développement a défini des stratégies et des objectifs pour faire progresser la santé et les droits génésiques que l'Amérique latine est encore loin d'avoir réalisés. Cet article emprunte des éléments d'un cadre élaboré par Gruskin et al ¹ qui analyse les facteurs interdépendants qui touchent la santé génésique des personnes vivant avec le VIH. Nous utilisons et adaptons certains de ces éléments pour déterminer dans quelle mesure l'Amérique latine a réalisé les droits génésiques depuis 1994. Concrètement, nous examinons les droits, les besoins et les aspirations des individus ; le contexte socioéconomique ; les législations et politiques nationales et internationales ; les systèmes, services et programmes de santé ; l'opposition ; les coûts élevés du soutien politique tels qu'ils sont perçus ; le rôle de la société civile, des réseaux d'ONG et des coalitions ; et l'aide au développement, les politiques des donateurs et le financement gouvernemental. Un nombrecroissant d’organismes nationaux et régionaux,d’organisations, de groupes et d’individusprogressistes sont engagés en faveur de la santéet des droits génésiques dans la région, etbeaucoup de progrès ont été accomplis dans laréalisation de ces droits. Néanmoins, les progrèsne sont que partiels, étant donné les profondesinégalités entre les différents groupes ethniques,socio-économiques et géographiques, et il estmanifeste que les écarts se creusent. Compte tenu de l'ampleur du sujet et du nombre de pays concernés, nous ne pouvons citer que quelques-uns des multiples exemples tirés des publications. Nous espérons que l'article encouragera la réalisation de nouvelles études approfondies et critiques de ces questions au niveau régional et national.
Resumen
El Programa de Acción de la Conferencia Internacional sobre la Población y el Desarrollo, celebrada en 1994, definió estrategias y metas para promover la salud y los derechos reproductivos, que aún falta mucho por alcanzar en Latinoamérica. En este artículo se utilizan elementos de un marco creado por Gruskin et al¹, el cual analiza los factores interconectados que afectan la salud sexual y reproductiva de las personas que viven con VIH. Utilizamos y adaptamos algunos de estos elementos para examinar hasta qué punto se han realizado los derechos sexuales y reproductivos en Latinoamérica desde 1994. Específicamente, consideramos los derechos, las necesidades y las aspiraciones de las personas; el contexto socioeconómico; las leyes y políticas nacionales e internacionales; los sistemas, servicios y programas de salud; la oposición; los percibidos altos costos del apoyo político; la función de la sociedad civil, redes de ONG y coaliciones; y la ayuda financiera para el desarrollo, políticas de donantes y fondos gubernamentales. Existe un creciente número deorganismos, organizaciones, grupos y personasprogresistas, tanto a nivel regional comonacional,con un compromiso a la salud y los derechossexuales y reproductivos en la región, y se hanlogrado muchas ganancias en la realización deestos derechos. Sin embargo, estas gananciasson solo parciales, dada la aguda desigualdadentre diversos grupos étnicos, socioeconómicos ygeográficos, y hay evidencia de que las diferenciasse están acentuando. Debido a la amplitud del tema y al número de países implicados, en este artículo podemos citar sólo unos pocos del gran número de ejemplos de la literatura. Esperamos estimular más revisión crítica a fondo de estos asuntos a nivel nacional y regional.
This study is aimed at examining how subsequent Peruvian governments, since 1990, have addressed reproductive rights, HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment, and sexual diversity rights, as well as the drastic policy shifts and its many contradictions. Abortion and contraception consistently generated the deepest public controversies and debates, which made progress in reproductive rights difficult. HIV/AIDS was often portrayed as having the potential to affect everyone, which allowed advocates and activists to achieve some success in advancing HIV/AIDS-related rights. Sexual diversity rights, perceived as a demand made by "others", were generally trivialised and disdained by politicians, officials, and the general population. Positive changes occurred as long as the issue was given a low political and institutional profile. The analysis of policy-making and programme implementation in these three areas reveals that: (1) Weaknesses in national institutional frameworks concerning reproductive health made it possible for governments to adopt two very different (even contradictory) approaches to the issue within the past 15 years; (2) Policies were presented as rights-based in order to garner political legitimacy when, in fact, they evidenced a clear disregard for the rights of individual citizens; and (3) By favouring low-profile "public health" discourses, and marginalising "the sexual" in official policies related to sexuality, advocacy groups sometimes created opportunities for legal changes but failed to challenge conservative powers opposing the recognition of sexual and reproductive rights and the full citizenship of women and sexual minorities.
This article analyzes the politics of reproductive health policy-making in Peru in the context of healthcare reform initiatives undertaken since the early 1990s. In Latin America, women's body politics are emerging within a complex architecture of institutionalized social stratification and religious lobbies. The case of Peru is approached from a gendered, specifically South-World analysis, revealing the deep embedding of a vast constellation of reproductive healthcare issues within the nascent social welfare policy-making process. Through limited national public health insurance schemes, a new social policy model, based on a targeted poverty-reduction paradigm, is now partially addressing the reproductive health needs of the majority of Peruvian women. Policy implementation, however, is highly contested, fragile, and has been subject to setbacks and deadly abuses. The article shows that, in addressing developing countries such as Peru, the role of international actors and the impact of unconsolidated democratic institutions are two key variables in the comparative analysis of social policy regime formation.
According to the World Bank, Honduras is a health and development success story. Over the past few decades, it has experienced economic growth, expanded public health infrastructure, and improved key health indicators. However, these achievements do not serve as evidence of success for global public health agencies, such as the World Health Organisation (WHO) and the Pan American Health Organisation (PAHO). The WHO has identified Honduras as a 'priority country' due to extreme levels of poverty, inequality, indebtedness, and poor health. What accounts for these divergent evaluations, and what are their consequences for vulnerable and marginalised populations? I argue that the framing of health is important and demands examination because it reveals political dynamics and shapes policy options. Furthermore, individual frames are incomplete, differentially inclusive, and ultimately inadequate as explanatory and analytic frameworks.
In Latin America, where abortion is almost universally legally restricted, medical abortion, especially with misoprostol alone, is increasingly being used, often with the tablets obtained from a pharmacy. We carried out in-depth interviews with 49 women who had had a medical abortion under clinical supervision in rural and urban settings in Mexico, Colombia, Ecuador and Peru, who were recruited through clinicians providing abortions. The women often chose medical abortion to avoid a surgical abortion; they thought medical abortion was less painful, easier or simpler, safer or less risky. They commonly described it as a natural process of regulating their period. The fact that it was less expensive also influenced their decision. Some, who experienced a lot of pain, heavy bleeding or a failed procedure requiring surgical back-up, tended to be more negative about it. Regardless of legal restrictions, medical abortion was being provided safely in these settings and women found the method acceptable. Where feasible, it should be made available but cost should not have to be women's primary reason for choosing it. Psychosocial support during abortion is critical, especially for those who are more vulnerable because they see abortion as a sin, who are young or poor, who have limited knowledge about their bodies, whose partners are not supportive or who became pregnant through sexual violence.
Inclusion of emergency contraception in national family planning programmes is consistent with international agreements that countries should strive to ensure access to a wide range of contraceptive methods and promote voluntary, informed choice. Yet in 2005, USAID/Peru requested that its NGO grantees in Peru take a “neutral” position on emergency contraception in activities or materials that involve its funds. For many decades, donor countries have viewed conservative religious forces in low-income countries as an obstacle to expanding family planning programmes. Today, however, far-right organisations in the United States are having an unprecedented influence on US public policy, including in countries such as Peru. This article analyses shifts in USAID/Peru's policy on emergency contraception in Peru since 1992. In Peru today, there is widespread official and public support for making emergency contraception available. Given USAID's long support for family planning internationally and in Peru, the current policy appears to be the result of attacks by US far-right organisations carried out in synergy with sympathetic US public officials and anti-choice Peruvian allies.
Résumé
Inclure la contraception d'urgence dans les programmes nationaux de planification familiale est conforme aux accords internationaux qui obligent les pays à assurer l'accès à un vaste éventail de méthodes contraceptives et à promouvoir un choix consenti et bien informé. Pourtant, en 2005, l'USAID/Pérou a demandé que les ONG bénéficiant de ses subventions au Pérou adoptent une position « neutre » sur la contraception d'urgence dans les activités ou les matériels utilisant ses fonds. Longtemps, les pays donateurs ont considéré les forces religieuses conservatrices dans les pays à faible revenu comme un obstacle à l'élargissement des programmes de planification familiale. Aujourd'hui, les organisations d'extrême droite aux États-Unis ont une influence sans précédent sur la politique publique américaine, par exemple au Pérou. Cet article analyse les changements dans la politique d'USAID/Pérou sur la contraception d'urgence au Pérou depuis 1992. Aujourd'hui au Pérou, un vaste mouvement officiel et public souhaite que la contraception d'urgence devienne disponible. Compte tenu du soutien apporté de longue date par l'USAID à la planification familiale au niveau international et au Pérou, la politique actuelle semble le résultat des attaques d'organisations d'extrême droite menées en synergie avec des fonctionnaires américains sympathisants et des alliés péruviens opposés à l'avortement.
Resumen
La inclusión de la anticoncepción de emergencia en los programas nacionales de planificación familiar concuerda con los acuerdos internacionales en que los países deben esforzarse por garantizar acceso a una amplia gama de métodos anticonceptivos y promover decisiones informadas y voluntarias. No obstante, en 2005, USAID/Perú solicitó que sus ONG beneficiarias en Perú asumieran una posición “neutral” respecto a la anticoncepción de emergencia en actividades o materiales financiados con sus fondos. Por muchas décadas, en los países donantes las fuerzas religiosas conservadoras en países de bajos ingresos han sido consideradas como un obstáculo a la ampliación de los programas de planificación familiar. Hoy día, sin embargo, las organizaciones ultraderechistas en Estados Unidos ejercen una influencia sin precedentes en las políticas públicas de EE.UU., incluso en países como Perú. En este artículo se analizan los cambios en las polticas de USAID/Perú respecto a la anticoncepción de emergencia en Perú desde 1992. Actualmente, en Perú existe un gran apoyo extendido, tanto oficial como público, para ampliar el acceso a la anticoncepción de emergencia. En vista de que USAID lleva muchos años apoyando la planificación familiar a nivel internacional y en Perú, las políticas actuales parecen ser el resultado de ataques de organizaciones ultraderechistas de EE.UU., realizados en sinergía con funcionarios públicos simpatizantes y aliados peruanos contra el derecho a decidir.
Although governments develop family planning policies to guide program design and implementation, these poli- cies can have both intended and unintended consequences. As a result, policies may need periodic revision to achieve the desired outcomes. Over the last two decades, the gov- ernment of Peru has instituted a series of laws and policies designed to enhance access to family planning services and commodities. In practice, these policies have not always had their desired effect. This paper examines the policies Peru's Ministry of Health has developed and implement- ed to promote access to family planning for all, and how those policies have affected contraceptive prevalence, method mix and source mix. In this article, we review policies and laws relevant to family planning and provide insight on how the family plan- ning policies have evolved and affected access to services, as well as how characteristics of and trends in the family planning market* have changed over time. Our assessment draws on multiple information sources, including family planning market segmentation data and literature on Peru's family planning program. Additional sources, such as om- budsman reports, user and provider interviews and health facility studies, clarify specific points. A historic overview of key family planning policies and programs implemented in Peru, focusing on three time pe- riods, 1985-1995, 1995-2000 and 2000-2004, provides information on policies that have been put in place and the degree to which they have affected access to family plan- ning among the poor.
El presente estudio desarrolla una metodología sólida para estudiar el maltrato, así como la documentación del problema de la violencia contra las mujeres, especialmente la que es ejercida por su pareja y trata de analizar sus consecuencias de manera comparable en contextos culturalmente diversos.
In Latin America, not only do the timing and pace of fertility decline seem to be weakly correlated with explicit fertility policies, but the relationship between policies and programs is also far from straightforward. Countries like Peru, with explicit population policies, often have weak official family planning programs and modest contraceptive prevalence rates, while others like Brazil, which lack a policy commitment to induce fertility decline, show high contraceptive prevalence (although a very limited method choice predominates). The process by which policy, programs, and prevalence relate to one another in Ecuador, Bolivia, and Peru is illustrated. -from Author
El documento presenta un estudio sobre las cifras y los medios como se realiza el aborto clandestino en el Perú. Analiza los antecedentes, el contexto social y demográfico peruano y el uso de anticonceptivos. Expone los resultados de una encuesta de opinión sobre el aborto a profesionales y no profesionales. Realiza una estimación del número de abortos inducidos por año. Incluye cuadros estadísticos y anexos.
La Encuesta Demográfica y de Salud Familiar del 2000 (ENDES IV o ENDES 2000), es una investigación desarrollada por el INEI a solicitud del Ministerio de Salud en el marco de la fase IV del Programa Mundial de Encuestas de Demografía y Salud DHS, también conocido como: Measure/DHS+. Su fin principal es proporcionar a quienes diseñan y administran programas de salud y de planificación familiar y otro tipo de programas de carácter social, información actualizada para el país y sus departamentos, sobre los niveles actuales de fecundidad y mortalidad infantil, conocimiento y uso de métodos de planificación familiar y fuentes de obtención de los métodos, salud materno infantil, nutrición, SIDA y violencia doméstica. La Encuesta Demográfica y de Salud Familiar (ENDES 2000) tiene como población objetivo: Los hogares particulares y sus miembros: las personas que son residentes habituales y aquéllas que no siendo residentes habituales pernoctaron en la vivienda la noche anterior al día de la entrevista. La encuesta fue financiada principalmente por la Misión en Perú de la Agencia para el Desarrollo Internacional (USAID/Perú). Agencia de Estados Unidos para el Desarrollo Internacional - USAID
This study examined the prevalences of antibodies to Treponema pallidum, Chlamydia trachomatis, and herpes simplex virus type 2 in a sample of Peruvian adults.
Among adults seeking health certification in Lima, Peru, 600 were randomly selected to undergo interviews and serologic testing.
Men's reported mean lifetime number of partners (10.6) far exceeded women's (1.1), yet antibody to sexually transmitted infection pathogens among sexually experienced participants was 2.8 times more prevalent among women than among men. Among men, female sex workers accounted for 37% of recent partners, and only sex with female sex workers while using condoms less than half of the time was independently associated with antibody (odds ratio = 3.6, 95% confidence interval = 1.5, 8.8). among women, number of partners was associated with any sexually transmitted infection antibody, while intercourse before 18 years of age was associated with C trachomatis antibody. At every level of perceived risk, sexually transmitted infection antibody was more frequent among women.
Men having unprotected sex with female sex workers had the greatest risk of acquiring infections and (by inference) of transmitting them to women.
Reporte de Derechos Humanos sobre la Aplicació n de la Anticoncepció n Quirú rgica en el Perú 1996-1998. Lima: Comité de América Latina y el Caribe para la Defensa de los Derechos de la Mujer
- G Nada Tamayo
- Personal
Tamayo G. Nada Personal:
Reporte de Derechos Humanos
sobre la Aplicació n de la
Anticoncepció n Quirú rgica
en el Perú 1996-1998. Lima:
Comité de América Latina y
el Caribe para la Defensa de
los Derechos de la Mujer,
1999.
Centro de la Mujer Peruana Flora Tristán
- D Ferrando
Informe Principal de la Encuesta Demográfica y de Salud Familiar 1991-92
- A Padilla
- Ochoa
- Marckwardt
Padilla A, Ochoa LH, Marckwardt
A. Informe Principal de la
Encuesta Demográfica y de
Salud Familiar 1991-92. Lima:
Instituto Nacional de Estadística
e Informática, 1992.
Inversiones en salud, población y nutrición en el Perú
- C V Baffigo De Panillos
- Neves
- Villa
Mid-term review of the Post-Abortion Care Project, mission report
- A Colombo
- Coe
- Lewis
Colombo A, Coe A, Lewis D.
Mid-term review of the Post-Abortion Care Project, mission
report. Lima: DFID/Peru, 2001.
Cuando los fundamentalismos se apoderan de las polı́ticas públicas
- S Chávez
- Cisneros
Informe de la participación en los talleres de educación sexual con profesores. 26 de febrero-15 de marzo
- F Carrasco
Carrasco F. Informe de la
participació n en los talleres de
educació n sexual con profesores.
26 de febrero-15 de marzo 1996.
Lima: Movimiento Manuela
Ramos, 1996.
Después de Beijing, qué ha hecho el estado peruano
- Salud Reproductiva En El Perú
Silence and Complicity: Violence Against Women in Peruvian Public Health Facilities
- G Tamayo
Tamayo G. Silence and
Complicity: Violence Against
Women in Peruvian Public
Health Facilities. New York:
Comité de América Latina y el
Caribe para la Defensa de los
Derechos de la Mujer, Center
for Reproductive Law and
Policy, 1998.
La aplicación de la anticoncepción quirúrgica voluntaria y los derechos reproductivos II: casos investigados por la Defensorı́a del Pueblo
- R Villanueva
Communiqué published in various daily newspapers
- F Carbone
Carbone F. Communiqué
published in various daily
newspapers. Lima: Ministerio
de Salud, 28 May 2002.
Disponibilidad asegurada de insumos anticonceptivos: derecho y responsabilidad de todos. Resumen ejecutivo
- G Suberia
Suberia G. Disponibilidad
asegurada de insumos
anticonceptivos: derecho y
responsabilidad de todos.
Resumen ejecutivo. Lima: Policy
Project, 2004.
Memorandum to USAID/Peru on the implications of its coca-eradication strategy for USAID's health, family planning and nutrition programs
- A Coe
- Jacobson
Coe A with Jacobson J.
Memorandum to USAID/Peru
on the implications of its
coca-eradication strategy for
USAID's health, family planning
and nutrition programs.
Letter to the Center for Health and Gender Equity
- R Martin
Martin R. Letter to the Center
for Health and Gender
Equity. Lima: USAID/Peru,
15 June 2001.
Balance del grado de cumplimiento de la Plataforma de Acció n Mundial en el Perú . A cinco añ os de la IV Conferencia Internacional sobre la Mujer. Lima: Grupo Impulsor Nacional Mujeres para la Igualdad Real
- Murrillo Hernández
- R Informe
Murrillo Hernández R. Informe:
Balance del grado de
cumplimiento de la Plataforma
de Acció n Mundial en el Perú.
A cinco añ os de la IV
Conferencia Internacional sobre
la Mujer. Lima: Grupo Impulsor
Nacional Mujeres para la
Igualdad Real, 2000.
Derechos de las Mujeres y Equidad de Género: Estado Actual de su Cumplimiento por el Estado Peruano
- J Dador
- Chávez
- Gutiérrez
Anticoncepción quirúrgica voluntaria I: casos investigados por la Defensorı́a del Pueblo
- R Villanueva
Villanueva R. Anticoncepció n
quirú rgica voluntaria I: casos
investigados por la Defensoría
del Pueblo. Serie Informes
Defensoriales No 7. Lima:
Defensoría del Pueblo, 1998.
Resolución Ministerial No.0738-92-SA/DM. 1992; Ministerio de Salud: Lima
- Manual De Salud Reproductiva
Manual de Salud Reproductiva.
Resolució n Ministerial
No.0738-92-SA/DM. Lima:
Ministerio de Salud, 1992.
Peru: Providers' Compliance with Quality of Care Norms. 1999; Population Council: Frontiers in Reproductive Health
- F León
Leó n F. Peru: Providers'
Compliance with Quality of
Care Norms. Lima: Population
Council, Frontiers in
Reproductive Health, 1999.
La aplicación de la anticoncepción quirúrgica voluntaria y los derechos reproductivos III: casos investigados por la Defensorı́a del Pueblo. Serie Informes Defensoriales No.69
- R Villanueva
- K Ramos
- Velazsco
Ataque contra la salud y los derechos sexuales y reproductivos de las mujeres
- E Marshall
- La
- Guerra De
- Bush
Informing Choices: Expanding Access to Emergency Contraception in Peru
- A Coe
Coe A. Informing Choices:
Expanding Access to Emergency
Contraception in Peru. Takoma
Park MD: Center for Health and
Gender Equity, 2002.
Diagnó stico de Salud Reproductiva en el Perú . Proyecto: Seguimiento del Programa de Acció n de la Conferencia Internacional de Població n y Desarrollo, El Cairo, 1994. Lima: Movimiento Manuela Ramos, Centro de la Mujer Peruana Flora Tristán
- M E Mannarelli
Mannarelli ME. Diagnó stico de
Salud Reproductiva en el Perú.
Proyecto: Seguimiento del
Programa de Acció n de la
Conferencia Internacional de
Població n y Desarrollo,
El Cairo, 1994. Lima:
Movimiento Manuela Ramos,
Centro de la Mujer Peruana
Flora Tristán, 1997.
Derechos de las Mujeres y Equidad de Género: Estado Actual de su Cumplimiento por el Estado Peruano. Lima: Movimiento Manuela Ramos
- J Dador
- S Chávez
- R Gutiérrez
Dador J, Chávez S, Gutiérrez R,
et al. Derechos de las Mujeres y
Equidad de Género: Estado
Actual de su Cumplimiento
por el Estado Peruano. Lima:
Movimiento Manuela Ramos,
2001.
Cuando los fundamentalismos se apoderan de las políticas pú blicas. Lima: Centro de la Mujer Peruana Flora Tristán
- S Chávez
- R Cisneros
Chávez S with Cisneros R.
Cuando los fundamentalismos
se apoderan de las políticas
pú blicas. Lima: Centro de la
Mujer Peruana Flora Tristán,
2004.
Estado actual de la mortalidad materna en los hospitales del Perú
- L Távara
- D Sasca
- O Frisancho
Távara L, Sasca D, Frisancho O,
et al. Estado actual de la
mortalidad materna en los
hospitales del Perú. Ginecología
y Obstetricia (Perú ) 1999;45:
38-42.
El aborto clandestino en el Perú . Hechos y cifras. Lima: Centro de la Mujer Peruana Flora Tristán
- D Ferrando
Ferrando D. El aborto clandestino
en el Perú. Hechos y cifras. Lima:
Centro de la Mujer Peruana
Flora Tristán, Pathfinder
International, 2002.
- M R Garate
- X Salazar
- E Cobían
Garate MR, Salazar X, Cobían E,
et al. Hombres Como Socios en
Salud. Lima: Population
Council, 1998.
Violencia Sexual y Física contra las Mujeres en el Perú . Estudio multicéntrico de la OMS sobre la violencia de pareja y la salud de las mujeres. Lima: Centro de la Mujer Peruana Flora Tristán, Universidad Peruana Cayetano A Coe / Reproductive Health Matters
- A Gü Ezmes
- N Palomino
- M Ramos
Gü ezmes A, Palomino N, Ramos
M. Violencia Sexual y Física
contra las Mujeres en el Perú.
Estudio multicéntrico de la
OMS sobre la violencia de
pareja y la salud de las mujeres.
Lima: Centro de la Mujer
Peruana Flora Tristán,
Universidad Peruana Cayetano
A Coe / Reproductive Health Matters 2004;12(24):56-69
World Health Organization
- Heredia
Heredia, World Health
Organization, 2002.
Memorandum No.012-2002-MINSA sent to the Dirección General de Salud de las Personas
- F Carbone
Carbone F. Memorandum
No.012-2002-MINSA sent to
the Direcció n General de Salud
de las Personas. Lima: Ministerio
de Salud, 1 April 2002.
Cambios y continuidades en la identidad masculina: varones en Lima, Cuzco e Iquitos. Paper presented at VI Congreso Latino-Americano de
- N Fuller
Fuller N. Cambios y
continuidades en la identidad
masculina: varones en Lima,
Cuzco e Iquitos. Paper
presented at VI Congreso
Latino-Americano de Ciencias
Sociales y Salud, Lima, 10-13
June 2001.
Peru president says free contraception vital. Reuters
- J Parker
Parker J. Peru president says
free contraception vital. Reuters,
13 September 1995.
Ligaduras a cambio de comida
- A Leó N
Leó n A. Ligaduras a cambio de
comida. Unidad de
Investigació n. Diario La
Repú blica, 7 December 1997.
p.1, 32-33.
Open letter to President Alberto Fujimori signed by 13 representatives of women's rights groups
- H Pinella
- A Vásquez
- R Vásquez
Pinella H, Vásquez A, Vásquez R,
et al. Open letter to President
Alberto Fujimori signed by 13
representatives of women's
rights groups. 18 February 1998.
Estado actual de la mortalidad materna en los hospitales del Perú. Ginecologı́a y Obstetricia (Perú)
- L Távara
- Sasca
- Frisancho
Lejos de las garras de Sida
- M Noriega
Noriega M. Lejos de las garras
de Sida. Diario El Comercio, 4
March 2001. Section F, p.4.
Existen metas mensuales de esterilizaciones
- M J Urrunaga
Urrunaga MJ. Existen metas
mensuales de esterilizaciones.
Unidad de Investigació n. Diario
El Comercio, 11 February 1998.
p.1, A9.
Analysis of UNFPA's Country Program in Peru, internal report
- A Coe
Coe A. Analysis of UNFPA's
Country Program in Peru,
internal report. Takoma Park
MD: Center for Health and
Gender Equity, 16 January 2002.
Inversiones en salud
- V Baffigo De Panillos
- C Neves
- E Villa
Baffigo de Panillos V, Neves C,
Villa E. Inversiones en salud,
població n y nutrició n en el
Perú 1994-2005. Lima: USAID/
Peru, 2000.
Annual Congressional presentations and budget justifications for Peru program for multiple years
USAID. Annual Congressional
presentations and budget
justifications for Peru program
for multiple years. At: <www.
usaid.gov>. Accessed
15 October 2000.
Quinto programa de asistencia técnica y financiera entre el gobierno de Perú y el Fondo de Població n de las Naciones Unidas
Quinto programa de asistencia
técnica y financiera entre el
gobierno de Perú y el Fondo de
Població n de las Naciones
Unidas. Lima: UNFPA, 1997.
Del Compromiso a la Acció n. Después de Beijing, qué ha hecho el estado peruano. Lima: Grupo Impulsor Nacional Mujeres para la Igualdad Real
- Salud Reproductiva En El Perú
Salud Reproductiva en el Perú.
Del Compromiso a la Acció n.
Después de Beijing, qué ha
hecho el estado peruano. Lima:
Grupo Impulsor Nacional
Mujeres para la Igualdad Real,
1997. p.83-104.
La aplicació n de la anticoncepció n quirú rgica voluntaria y los derechos reproductivos III: casos investigados por la Defensoría del Pueblo
- R Villanueva
- M Ramos
- K Velazsco
Villanueva R, Ramos M,
Velazsco K, et al. La aplicació n
de la anticoncepció n quirú rgica
voluntaria y los derechos
reproductivos III: casos
investigados por la Defensoría
del Pueblo. Serie Informes
Defensoriales No.69. Lima:
Defensoría del Pueblo, 2002.