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Building XVI and the Neo-Assyrian Sacred Precinct at Tell Tayinat

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L'article presente une partie des resultats de fouilles de 2008 et 2009 a Tayinat. Il se concentre sur le bâtiment XVI et l'enceinte sacree datant de la periode neo-assyrienne. Le but est de fournir la meilleure documentation possible sur le contexte archeologique ou onze tablettes cuneiformes ont ete retrouvees.

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... For the Iron Age, interpretation of inscriptional evidence has led to suggestions that by at least the 11 th century BCE, early Iron Age Tell Tayinat represented the center of a kingdom named Palastin or Walastin, with one king being a certain Taita, "Hero and King of Palastin", best known from inscriptions in the Aleppo Temple [60][61][62][63]. Later historical records, dating to the 9 th -early 8 th centuries BCE, refer to the kingdom as Patina or Unqi [64][65][66]. The Assyrians took control of the city in 738 BCE and the region became part of their province of Kinalia under an Assyrian governor [65][66][67][68][69]. ...
... Later historical records, dating to the 9 th -early 8 th centuries BCE, refer to the kingdom as Patina or Unqi [64][65][66]. The Assyrians took control of the city in 738 BCE and the region became part of their province of Kinalia under an Assyrian governor [65][66][67][68][69]. ...
... Although new inscriptional evidence is beginning to provide a historical framework for this period, the precise chronology of these historical developments remains fluid, uncertain, and largely based on paleographical grounds as newly emerging finds regularly require the revision of historical chronologies and king lists [60-62, 98, 99]. In the 9 th -8 th centuries BCE, historical documentation becomes more frequent from Neo-Assyrian records, as a result of their increasing contacts with this region, and then their takeover and administrative control from the late 8 th century BCE onward [65][66][67][68]100]. Following the conquest of Kunulua-the ancient name in this period for Tell Tayinat-by the Assyrian ruler Tiglath-pileser III in 738 BCE, Tayinat became the capital of the Assyrian province of Kinalia [58,64,65,101]. ...
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There has been considerable focus on the main, expansionary, and inter-regionally linked or 'globalising' periods in Old World pre- and proto-history, with a focus on identifying, analyzing and dating collapse at the close of these pivotal periods. The end of the Early Bronze Age in the late third millennium BCE and a subsequent 'intermediate' or transitional period before the Middle Bronze Age (~2200-1900 BCE), and the end of the Late Bronze Age in the late second millennium BCE and the ensuing period of transformation during the Early Iron Age (~1200-900 BCE), are key examples. Among other issues, climate change is regularly invoked as a cause or factor in both cases. Recent considerations of "collapse" have emphasized the unpredictability and variability of responses during such periods of reorganization and transformation. Yet, a gap in scholarly attention remains in documenting the responses observed at important sites during these 'transformative' periods in the Old World region. Tell Tayinat in southeastern Turkey, as a major archaeological site occupied during these two major 'in between' periods of transformation, offers a unique case for comparing and contrasting differing responses to change. To enable scholarly assessment of associations between the local trajectory of the site and broader regional narratives, an essential preliminary need is a secure, resolved timeframe for the site. Here we report a large set of radiocarbon data and incorporate the stratigraphic sequence using Bayesian chronological modelling to create a refined timeframe for Tell Tayinat and a secure basis for analysis of the site with respect to its broader regional context and climate history.
... Archaeological research focused towards the Amuq with the Oriental Institute of Chicago's surveys and excavations (Braidwood 1937;Yener 2005) and with excavations in Alalakh (Woolley 1955;Yener 2013). In the Iron Age, the Amuq region was the seat of the Syro-Hittite kingdom of Unqi (Bryce 2012) whose capital city was located on the site of Tell Tayinat (Harrison 2009;Harrison, Osborne 2012). Recent research on the site of Alalakh yielded a series of well stratified Iron Age deposits. ...
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The site of Alalakh is located in the modern province of Hatay, southern Turkey. The recent discovery of Iron Age levels at the site offered the perfect opportunity to shed new light on the Iron Age I and the beginning of the Iron Age II (12th-9th century BC). This paper will focus on the analysis of cooking vessels retrieved from the Iron Age levels of the site. Studies on cooking and food preparation activities represent a long-standing lacuna in the archaeology of the Ancient Near East. The analysis of cooking vessels’ typology and function can offer a deep understanding of social habits and cultural behaviours and add new data towards the interpretations of the Iron Age in the site and in the Northern Levant.
... Returning to the legal aspect of the temple, yet another cultural practice of the ancients needs to be stressed, namely, the tradition of preserving oaths of loyalty and treaties in the temple. Such practice is attested in Hittite treaties 21 and by the spectacular archaeological finds at Tell Tayinat (Harrison and Osborne 2012;Lauinger 2012). Not only does it reflect the belief that the gods were the ultimate supervisors of the treaty, but it also reveals faith in the agency of the temple as a physical environment that imbues treaties with divine sanction and authority. ...
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In ancient Mesopotamia, the functions of the temple were manifold. It could operate as an administrative center, as a center of learning, as a place of jurisdiction, as a center for healing, and as an economic institution, as indicated in both textual and archaeological sources. All these functions involved numerous and diverse personnel and generated interaction with the surrounding world, thereby turning the temple into the center of urban life. Because the temple fulfilled all these functions in addition to housing the divinity, it acquired agency in its own right. Thus, temple, city, and divinity could merge into concerted action. It is this aspect of the temple that lies at the center of the following considerations.
... As explained in §35b, the grounds for the deification of the tablets were that the tablets were sealed by the god Aššur. It is an important piece of evidence that the Tayinat version had been excavated in situ, in the innermost room of the old temple at Tell Tayinat (see Harrison and Osborne 2012;2014). This was surely a demonstration of obedience of the instruction in §35b. ...
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The recent discovery (2009) and publication (2012) of the Tayinat version of Esarhaddon’s Succession Oath Documents (ESOD, promulgated in 672 BC) have enabled us to imagine much more vividly than before how every tablet of the documents was adored as a god in the temples of each district under the Assyrian dominion. The Documents explicitly demanded that the tablets be treated as gods by all oath takers. This adoration had a precedent in Assyrian history. Apparently, under Tukultui-Ninurta I, the Assyrian king in the 13th century BC, the adoration of the ‘Tablet of Destinies’ was already being practiced, and the ‘Tablet of Destinies’ was assumed to have been sealed by the god Aššur. Three seals of the god Aššur used for the sealing the tablets of ESOD also show depictions of ‘worshipping scenes’ on them. The wide dissemination of these documents and their deification indicate a form of a globalized ‘Tablet of Destinies’ as well as a new religious and cultural policy in the Assyrian dominion.
... 34. The findspot of the pyxis is discussed in Harrison andOsborne, 2012: 135. 35. ...
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Previous studies of the marzeaḥ in Amos 6.1-7 have tended to put forth one of two opposing views. Scholars who focus on the religious or ritual aspects of the banquet have claimed that the marzeaḥ was lewd, ‘pagan’, and ‘syncretistic’. Calling into question the assumptions of Israelite exceptionalism underlying this approach, a second group argues that the prophetic critique is economic rather than religious in nature. Both approaches are potentially reductive. This paper analyzes the marzeaḥ of Amos 6 in the context of ancient Middle Eastern banquets, with a focus on commensality as a means for human-divine communication. I conclude that the marzeaḥ functioned as an offertory event, in which participants focalized divine presence through ritualized consumption in honor of a patron deity. Banqueters could hope to accrue divine favor through their own feasting. Amos 6.1–7 condemns the affluent for believing that they can give Yahweh their cake and eat it too.
... 2:3. 22 Kunulua corresponds to modern Tell Tayinat, in the southern Turkey province of Hatay, where recent excavations carried out by the University of Toronto's expedition have revealed a new temple dated to the Neo-Assyrian period and displaying a group of texts dated to the times of king Esarhaddon: this find corroborates the identification of the site with Pattina/Unqi/Kunulua, named in later Assyrian times as Kunalia (Lauinger 2011: 9;Harrison, Osborne 2012) 23 Female singers and a large cattle (as represented on the reliefs B-8b and B-5b) are among the tributes for the Assyrian king from Lubarna, king of Kunulua, and constitute the key element for the identification of the walled town with Kunulua (Matthiae 1988: 363-365). The last circular elements to be considered are those depicted on the rounded fortifications in slab B10-a, where the schematic rounded representation has been usually interpreted as the Assyrian military camp, return goal of the Assyrian king and his troops after the siege of the towns in the north (Fig. 15a); 24 Paolo Matthiae (1988: 361-363), without ruling out the hypothesis of the identification with the Assyrian military camp, suggests that the city so carefully represented as a circular walled settlement could be identified with Tushkha, a city of the north within the Bit Zamani kingdom, where the Assyrian king received a massive tribute of horses and where he stored barley and straw and recovered enfeebled Assyrian soldiers; 25 in Tushkha Ashurnasirpal II also claims to 24 Winter 1981: 11;Winter 1983: 21;Meuszyński 1981: pl. ...
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Abstract. The aim of this paper is to discuss the issue of the employment of coloured glazed devices in architecture in the Iron Age Northern Levant, in light of current researches and archaeological evidence from old and recent excavations in Northern Syria and Southern Anatolia. Glazed ceramics from Tell Afis (Syria) and Zincirli (Turkey) are discussed in light of their provenance contexts, comparing such artefacts with a wide spectrum of visual sources both from the Northern Levant and North Mesopotamia. This analysis aims at understanding the possible function of these glazed ceramics, hypothesizing their possible employment in the architectural decorations of ancient buildings. Keywords. Glaze, Iron Age, Syria, Levant, Architecture.
... Iron Age II temples of varying sizes and construction have been excavated at sites such as Tell Tayinat in southern Turkey (Haines 1971, pp. 53-55;Harrison and Osborne 2012), Tel Dan (Davis 2013) and Arad in Israel (Aharoni 1968;Herzog et al. 1984), and Deir ʿAlla in Jordan (Franken 1969;Hoftijzer and Kooij 1991;Ibrahim and Kooij 1991). Small yet public cultic spaces have been discovered at gates such as at Bethsaida (Bernett and Keel 1998). ...
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In the Iron Age II (ca. 1000–500 BCE), the region around Amman, Jordan, was home to a sociopolitical group known as the Ammonites (literally, “the sons of Ammon”). This paper investigates the religious traditions of the Ammonites through an analysis of the extant archaeological and textual sources. The analysis leads to the conclusion that the religious tradition of the Ammonites is a specimen of the broader religious tradition of the Iron Age II Levant. One distinguishing feature of Ammonite religion is the state god Milkom, whose name is probably an epithet for the god ʾEl, and who appears to be represented in a tradition of stone sculptures that have been found in the vicinity of Amman. The rest of the non-physical realm was understood to be inhabited by gods, goddesses, a variety of other non-human beings, and dead ancestors. Also visible in the extant evidence is a blending of local and foreign elements, especially those from Mesopotamia. Unique in this respect is the probable temple to the moon-god at Rujm al-Kursi, which most likely reflects a local tradition of lunar worship influenced by the iconography of the Mesopotamian moon-god Sîn.
... Exemplars and fragments of this adê were also recovered at Assur (Weidner 1939(Weidner -1941Frahm 2009: nos. 70-1) and Tell Tayinat (T-1801; Lauinger 2011Lauinger , 2012Lauinger , 2013Harrison and Osborne 2012). See further, Fales (2012a); Watanabe (2014), for the construction and elements of these documents. ...
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Archaeological evidence alongside textual sources allow for a deep reading of the meaningful encounters ancient peoples had with their built environments and the ways in which these spaces were connected to cultural values and priorities. This paper argues that the sensory affordances of the first-millennium b.c . temples of Nabu, the god of wisdom and writing, manifested the exclusive, specialised knowledge that was associated with this god in a manner that differentiated these built environments within the active, sensory landscape of the Neo-Assyrian royal citadel. This potential of the Nabu temples is best shown in the most well-preserved examples at the capital cities of Kalḫu (modern Nimrud) and Dur-Šarrukin (modern Khorsabad). These two temples of Nabu have the same combination of architectural features that produced this sensory experience, despite being in different cities and despite having different spatial layouts. These features include: (1) a sense of emphatic placement of the temples on the royal citadels and distinctive exterior features; (2) an indirect route towards the cult rooms of Nabu that passed through multiple courtyards, passage-chambers, and doorways with remarkable architectural programmes; (3) and akītu -suites, which were associated with the Assyrian akītu -festival and adê -ceremony. The appreciation of knowledge and of experts (Akk. ummânu ) materialised in these built environments expresses developments in royal ideology and the preferences of Neo-Assyrian kings, in particular during the eighth and seventh centuries b.c . This examination of the temples of Nabu demonstrates the ways in which a sensory-oriented approach adds a unique perspective to previous archaeological and textual studies, as well as insight into the relationship between cultural and ideological values and complex sensory landscapes of past societies.
... It is worth noting in this regard that a recent reconsideration of small glazed vessels from sites and cemeteries in the Zagros Mountains suggest that some glazed objects may have been produced in Iran and imported into Assyria (Hassanzadeh, 2016). Further studies matching archaeological evidence with scientific analysis, might shed further light on this topic, helping to trace the diffusion of glazing technology in the Zagros Mountains and the north Mesopotamian plains as well as the spread of "Assyrianized" materials to the east as well as to the western Syrian provinces (Harrison and Osborne, 2012;Soldi, 2009). ...
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Eighteen glazed objects from Nimrud, Hasanlu and Borsippa dated to a period from the ninth to sixth century BCE were analysed by micro X-ray fluorescence (μ-XRF), X-ray diffractometry (XRD), scanning electron microscopy (SEM) coupled with energy dispersive X-ray spectroscopy (EDS) and micro-Raman spectroscopy (μ-Raman). While calcium antimonate (CaSb2O6) and lead pyroantimonate (Pb2Sb2O7) were the main white and yellow opacifiers of the glazes, respectively, white sodium antimonate (NaSbO3) was also sporadically observed in the Nimrud glazes. Copper sulphide associated with cassiterite (SnO2) was used as colouring agent – or probably as opacifier – in a green glaze from Hasanlu. Cassiterite associated with the slag of Cu-Sn copper alloys was also observed in a green glaze from Nimrud suggesting a close tie between metallurgy and glaze-making. Pyromorphite (Pb5(PO4)3Cl) and arsenian pyromorphite were observed in spherical forms embedded in the yellow glazes of Nimrud and Borsippa.
... At Tell Tayinat, Turkey, a large clay tablet (40 x 28 cm) excavated along with other ten tablets by the Tayinat Archaeological Project of Toronto University in 2009, was identified as a copy of Esarhaddon's Succession Oath Documents (ESOD) issued by the Assyrian king Esarhaddon in 672 BC (Lauinger 2012;Harrison and Osborne 2012). These documents were known through the Nimrud version excavated at Nimrud (Kalḫu) in 1955 and published by D. J. Wiseman, as the 'Vassal-Treaties of Esarhaddon' (Wiseman 1958). ...
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Esarhaddon’s Succession Oath Documents (ESOD) are presently known through: the Nimrud version (more than nine copies) published in 1958, the Aššur version (three fragments) published in 1939-1940 and 2009, and the Tayinat version excavated in Tell Tayinat (ancient Kunalia; Turkey) in 2009 and published in 2012. At least both the Nimrud and the Tayinat version have nearly the same text, except for the lines in §1 concerning the recipients of the Documents. While the Nimrud version is addressed to the small rulers in the district of ‘Media’ with their respective personal names, the Tayinat version was issued to the Assyrian governor of Kunalia along with sixteen other titles without any personal names. There seem to be several templates of the ESOD, which vary according to the different recipients. The first verb of §30 has turned out to be in the indicative, not in the subjunctive as the present author had expected before (in Watanabe 1987), and an improved translation of the whole section can now be undertaken. In §34, it is proclaimed: “Aššur is your god! Aššurbanipal is your lord!” And from the lines in §35 restored by the Tayinat version, we can understand the demand that the sealed tablet of the ESOD should be honoured (protected) ‘as your (own) god.’ Although we don’t know the exact reason why the Nimrud version was found in Nimrud, the fact that the Tayinat version was excavated in situ, on the podium in the back chamber of the precinct, convinces us that other tablets must have in principle been enshrined all throughout the largest Assyrian domination, which could have served as effective background for Josiah’s reformation and the establishment of monotheism based on the written covenant. Furthermore, the demand of exclusive loyalty to Aššurbanipal in the ESOD has possibly been transferred to the demand of exclusive adoration of Yahweh.
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In Syria during the Late Bronze Age and the Iron Age, the megaron or the Langraum buildings have generally been interpreted as temples. However, the architectural characteristics of these buildings confirm their civil function more than religious function. The architectural characteristics of these buildings inferred the possibility of holding meetings inside them. These meetings were been held under the patronage of a primus inter pares. On the other hand, the study of ancient texts has shown that in this region, the political structure of societies at that time were composed of several collective institutions that had met to discuss various issues. As a result we find that the function of these Langraum buildings could either be just meeting buildings or temples but with several functions (religious purposes and gathering purposes).
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The delivery of a basalt fragment to the Hatay Arkeoloji Müzesi by a farmer who had found it at Tell Tayinat drew our attention to four other basalt fragments inscribed with cuneiform from Tell Tayinat that are currently in the collection of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago.1 Our study of the five basalt fragments has identified them as pieces of a hitherto unrecognized stele of Sargon II. In this article, we describe the fragments; explain why they derive from a single monumental stele; edit the cuneiform text inscribed on the fragments; discuss reasons for attributing the stele to Sargon II; and, finally, consider why Sargon II may have erected it at Tell Tayinat.
Article
Cultural values and traditions are what make societies survive. While these values comprise the histories of societies on the one hand, on the other they provide cultural continuity that can be passed on to future generations. The undeniable relationship between the past and the future, prevailing across history, exists in the field of architecture as well. 'This paper will try to show that the bit hilani, a type of plan originating from Anatolia/Northern Syria, still survives with its basic architectural characteristics representing "architectural continuity" in the rural architecture of Kahta in Adiyaman. The term "bit-hilani-like structures " is not used here as a flexible term, but intentionally to specifically define the houses in the region. But to be careful terms such as bit-hilani-like or bit-hilani- Type structures and hilani-style structures are used. Kahta s hilani-like structures occupy an important place within the concept of architectural continuity. Here, the most fundamental factor determining the plan of the houses is the historical element and all the structures have a strong affinity with the architectural tradition of the region. The continuity of the special character of the buildings in the villages, which exhibit a noticeably homogeneous societal structure, constitutes the memory of history in the region. These houses, rooted in history as the symbols of past in the region, make us acknowledge today that bit hilani is still alive with some local adaptations. These structures should be understood as a local heritage of historical hilanis tradition.
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In the course of a long and hugely successful archaeological career, Paolo Matthiae has linked his name to discoveries which revolutionized previous scholarly knowledge and / or longstanding beliefs on ancient Syria. Obviously, the earliest of such achievements concerned the art-historical sphere: thus, the Ebla reliefs and inlays came to fully confirm the seminal perspective that he had suggested in his 1962 Dissertation on Ars Syra. However, they also touched upon the textual domain, due to his retrieval of the Ebla archives but also to the subsequent promotion of an internationally-based program for their publication. At present, after some 30 years of research, the copious linguistic and philological data from Ebla have transformed the classificatory grids of most ancient Semitics and Assyriology, while at the same time populating the previously sparse historical landscape of 3rd-millennium Syria with new protagonists and institutional realities. For this remarkable capacity of his in fostering “paradigm shifts”, I thus hope that Paolo will enjoy the following essay in his honor, meant to illustrate how a recent archaeological discovery has crucially altered the outlook on a famous Neo-Assyrian text.
Article
Few subjects have excited the imagination of archaeologists working in ancient complex societies as have monumentality and urban planning. Yet the two topics are rarely explicitly theorized in a sustained integrated investigation within a single study, despite the fact that monumental architecture is often considered a primary basis for identifying the presence of urban planning. This article makes the related methodological arguments that both phenomena benefit from a more full consideration of one another, and that the meaningful aspect of monumentality and urban symbology needs to be considered in conjunction with the formal aspect of monuments and urban layouts. These positions are then implemented in a study of the Syro-Anatolian city-state system that existed in the ancient Near East during the early first millennium bc. The capital cities of these polities were characterized by a program of monumentality that brought royalty, city walls, gates and monumental sculpture into an unmistakable constellation of associations. The consistency of this pattern of monumentality and urban form suggests that at least a degree of urban planning existed.
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The discovery of Esarhaddon's Succession Treaty (EST) at Tell Tayinat confirms the Assyrian application of this text on western vassals and suggests that the oath tablet was given to Manasseh of Judah in 672 BC, the year in which the king of Assyria had all his empire and vassals swear an oath or treaty promising to adhere to the regulations set for his succession, and that this cuneiform tablet was set up for formal display somewhere inside the temple of Jerusalem. The finding of the Tell Tayinat tablet and its elaborate curses of §§ 53-55 that invoke deities from Palestine, back up the claim of the 1995 doctoral thesis of the author of this article that the impressive similarities between Deuteronomy 28:20-44 and curses from § 56 of the EST are due to direct borrowing from the EST. This implies that these Hebrew verses came to existence between 672 BC and 622 BC, the year in which a Torah scroll was found in the temple of Jerusalem, causing Josiah to swear a loyalty oath in the presence of Yhwh. This article aimed to highlight the similarities between EST § 56 and Deuteronomy 28 as regards syntax and vocabulary, interpret the previously unknown curses that astoundingly invoke deities from Palestine, and conclude with a hypothesis of the composition of the book of Deuteronomy.
Little is known about how the Syro-Anatolian kingdoms of the Mediterranean and Near Eastern Iron Age (ca. 1200–720 b.c.e.) operated politically. This paper examines the nature and extent of royal political authority in one such kingdom, the city-state known as Patina, and its capital city of Kunulua. Political power in Patina is studied through space syntax analysis of Kunulua's bīt-ḫilāni palace, and through interpretation of the iconography that was used to portray palace furniture. Historical inscriptions and works of art made in the neighboring Assyrian Empire, with whom the Syro-Anatolian city-states had a great deal of cultural and political interaction, provide the bulk of our information regarding the visual makeup of the accoutrements within the bīt-ḫilāni. The architectural form of Kunulua's palace, and the furniture and objects that populated it, are shown to have been conceived together as a coherent and totalizing message emphasizing the legitimacy and power of the king.
Article
This article investigates the relationship of state authority and territory in the city–state, using the Iron Age Syro-Anatolian culture of the ancient Near East as a case-study. Although more sophisticated spatial modeling of political authority has appeared in the past decade, archaeologists are still prone to assume that territoriality in ancient city–states operated according to a “container model” principle in which, like the modern state, political power is evenly distributed across the landscape within clear boundary divisions. The present work examines both the historical record from the Iron Age on the one hand, and regional settlement pattern data on the other, to evaluate the appropriateness of this conception of territory and power in the Syro-Anatolian city–state of Patina, located in southern Turkey. Textual accounts and gravity modeling of settlement distributions point toward a pattern of territoriality in which power was present inconsistently across the geographical extent of the city–state, and in which borderlines as conventionally drawn did not apply. I refer to this flexible relationship of authority and space as malleable territoriality.
Funerary Monuments: A Phenomenon of Tradition or Innovation? Pp
  • Syro-Hittite
Syro-Hittite Funerary Monuments: A Phenomenon of Tradition or Innovation? Pp. 189-210, in Essays on Syria in the Iron Age, ed. G. Bunnens. Louvain: Peeters.
Die Bildwerke. Mainz: von zabern
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Karatepe-Aslantaş Azatiwataya. Die Bildwerke. Mainz: von zabern.
Unqi und Arpad. Pp. 69-108 in Festschrift Otto Eissfeldt zum 60. Geburtstage 1
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Sam'al und Hamat in ihrem Verhältnis zu Hattina, Unqi und Arpad. Pp. 69-108 in Festschrift Otto Eissfeldt zum 60. Geburtstage 1. September 1947. Dargebracht von Freunden und Verehrern, ed. J. Fück. Halle an der Saale: Max Niemeyer.
Tiglath-pileser III to Sargon II (744-705 B.C.). The Cambridge Ancient History
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Assyria: Tiglath-pileser III to Sargon II (744-705 B.C.). The Cambridge Ancient History 3/2: 71-102. 1991b
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Tayinat Höyük Kazıları, 2009. Kazı Sonuçları Toplantısı 32/3: 368-84.
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Tayinat Höyük Kazıları, 2006-2007. Kazı Sonuçları Toplantısı 30/2: 503-20.
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Pp. 17-60 in Iron Age Pottery in Northern Mesopotamia, Northern Syria and South-East Anatolia. Papers Presented at the Meetings of the International "Table Ronde
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Neo-Assyrian Pottery from Kalhu/Nimrud, with special reference to the Polish excavations in the "Central Building. " Pp. 17-60 in Iron Age Pottery in Northern Mesopotamia, Northern Syria and South-East Anatolia. Papers Presented at the Meetings of the International "Table Ronde" at Heidelberg (1995) and Niebrow (1997), ed. A. Hausleiter and A. Reiche. Münster: Ugarit-Verlag.
1853 Discoveries in the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon
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Layard, A. H. 1853 Discoveries in the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon. New York: Harpers and Brothers. Lines, J. 1954
Excavations in the Palace and at a City Gate
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Khorsabad, Part I: Excavations in the Palace and at a City Gate. Oriental Institute Publications, 38. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
The Citadel and the Town
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Khorsabad, Part II: The Citadel and the Town. Oriental Institute Publications, 40. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Temples and the Traditional in antis Plan
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Syrian-Hittite Temples and the Traditional in antis Plan. Pp. 359-76 in Kulturlandschaft Syrien: Zentrum und Peripherie; Festschrift für Jan-Waalke Meyer, ed. J. Becker, R. Hempelmann, and E. Rehm. Münster: Ugarit-Verlag.
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Snow, H. in press Tayinat 1: The Neo-Hittite Citadel Remains (Building Periods 1-2) Excavated by the Syrian-Hittite Expedition. Oriental Institute Publications. Chicago: Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago.