Teen perceptions of good drivers and safe drivers: Implications for reaching adolescents
Center for Injury Research & Prevention, Children's Hospital of Philadelphia, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, USA. Injury Prevention
(Impact Factor: 1.89).
03/2009; 15(1):24-9. DOI: 10.1136/ip.2008.018572
To understand definitions of the phrases "good driver" and "safe driver" among teen pre-drivers and early drivers in order to appropriately tailor messages about driving safety.
Qualitative study using freelisting, an anthropological research technique, to explore nuances in the ways that teens define a good driver and a safe driver
Classes in six high schools each in a different state in the USA.
193 adolescent pre-drivers and early drivers, aged 15-17.
Meaning of the phrase good driver and safe driver was identified for subgroups of adolescents.
Teen pre-drivers and early drivers define a good driver and a safe driver as one who is cautious, alert, responsible, does not speed, obeys the law, uses seatbelts, and concentrates. There are subtle and potentially important differences in the way that subgroups define a good driver and a safe driver.
Injury prevention experts need to attend closely to the implicit meanings that teens attach to everyday terms. Freelisting is a method that identifies perceptions about the meaning of health communication messages and suggests differences in meaning among subgroups.
Available from: gradworks.umi.com
- "Of the 57 articles reviewed in the matrix, only one study indicated a rural population (McGeehee et al., 2007), which was produced from a small Midwestern high school in rural Iowa. Also, this researcher found only one study that utilized urban and rural comparison groups within the sample (Barg et al., 2009). "
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ABSTRACT: Urinary incontinence (UI) is common among women in the United States and worldwide. Although the biomedical model for female UI has been thoroughly examined, the cultural model women living with UI ascribe to has been less well described. The purpose of this study was to elicit salient features of a cultural model for long-term (>5 years) female UI and, in so doing, increase understanding of the conceptualization of female UI from an emic (patient-derived) perspective. Cultural models theory provided the overall framework for the study.
Freelist (n = 25) and pilesort (n = 13) exercises were completed by community-dwelling women with long-term UI. In the freelist exercise, participants listed 81 unique terms in response to the request: Please list all the terms you think of when you hear the phrase urinary incontinence. The most salient terms included: wet, embarrassed, diapers/pads, leakage, old age, urinate, annoyance, inconvenience. We then used the most culturally salient items from the freelist in three pilesort tasks.
Results of the pilesort exercises suggest that some aspects of the cultural model are shared, whereas others are highly heterogeneous.
A small core of salient emic terms reflects a shared cultural understanding of female UI. The cultural model includes emotional and physical elements. These findings are important in reframing and reexamining our understanding of female UI. Next steps include testing the cultural model by including salient terms used by women living with long-term UI in focus groups and clinical encounters.
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ABSTRACT: To compare and contrast notions of ADHD among pediatricians and parents of affected children to understand the perspectives they bring to shared decision making (SDM).
In this freelisting study, 60 parents of children with ADHD and 30 primary care pediatricians listed words reflecting their understanding of (1) Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD), (2) getting/offering help for ADHD, (3) talking to doctors/families about ADHD, and (4) "mental health." Smith's salience score established terms that were salient and cultural consensus analysis identified variation within subgroups of participants.
Parents' terms reflected ADHD's effects on the child and family, while clinicians often mentioned school. Lists suggested differing needs and goals for clinicians and subgroups of parents in SDM: "time" for clinicians, "learning" and "understanding" for non-college educated parents, and "comfort" and "relief" for college educated parents. Neither parents nor clinicians framed ADHD in the same way as "mental health."
Parents and clinicians, who conceptualize ADHD differently, should negotiate a shared understanding of ADHD as a basis for SDM. Treatment discussions should be tailored to encompass families' varied emotional and educational needs.
Fostering SDM in primary care is consonant with notions of ADHD as distinct from mental health.
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