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Notes on Recent Elections The parliamentary and executive elections in Switzerland, 2003
Abstract
The 2003 elections were among the most momentous in Switzerland's recent history. As the country is renowned for its political stability, the changes brought about by the elections constituted a minor revolution. The broad ten-year trend towards polarisation continued, with further gains for the right-wing and left-wing parties. Among them, those performing better were the 'newer' parties in the shape of the Swiss People's Party (SVP/UDC) - formerly a Protestant agrarian party, now a New Right party 1 - and the Greens (GPS/PES). The SVP/UDC emerged as the clear winner, becoming the largest party in parliament and increasing its representation in government. However, in terms of votes and seats, the SVP grew less between 1999 and 2003 than over the previous four years. The main losers were the centrist Christian-Democrats (CVP/PDC) and the centre- right Radicals (FDP/PRD) whose electorate was further eroded. Moreover, the CVP/PDC lost out significantly in the executive elections. Although the results were not dramatic in terms of the composition of Parliament, they had a fairly radical impact on the make up of the executive. The system has coped smoothly with these changes and is unlikely to undergo a sharp change of direction in the near future. But their long-term effects may significantly alter the way the Swiss political system works.
For all their differences, both Austria and Switzerland have long been considered to represent key examples of consociational democracy. Since the 1990s, both countries have however faced major challenges to their respective consociationalist regimes. One of the shared features of regime evolution and change in Austria and Switzerland, which can be meaningfully referred to as ‘de‐consociationalisation’, concerns the successful exploitation of external shocks by powerful populist parties. Taking stock of the developments in four different areas (the electoral, the parliamentary and the executive arena as well as interest group/state relations), we identify a complex dynamic which has made the two countries more similar in some respects, but more different in others. Overall, two decades into the twenty‐first century, Austria is significantly less of a consociationalist regime than Switzerland.
Bhaswati Sarkar focuses on the increasing impact of right-wing parties in Europe. In the aftermath of the Second World War, right-wing parties were discredited and pushed to the margins. However, being on the margins did not mean complete elimination. Sarkar shows that the mere continued presence of the right wing has turned the tide in their favour as these parties have been able to feed and connect with a fear of immigration, Islam, refugees, terrorism and unemployment which has come to envelop large sections of European societies. The chapter argues that though these parties may be out of power—or even when elected shunned by other parties—their agenda and their understanding of how to organise a society, economy and polity have gained common acceptance, and therefore legitimacy.
This paper attempts to define the EU system of government through an innovative approach that, taking into account both the legal framework and the political practice, focuses on the confidence relationship between the executive and legislative branches. This approach simplifies the comparative study of regime types, capturing the main distinctive features of systems that are neither presidential, nor parliamentary. The paper shows that the EU model does not belong to any of the traditional regime types; indeed, it represents a distinct system of government, characterised by a peculiar confidence scheme. Although the legal framework of the EU Treaties presents some elements of parliamentarism, the nature of the inter-institutional relations in the EU is not parliamentary; in particular, the role played by the European Council in the formation process of the Commission is not merely formal, and involves a much more complex confidence relationship.
Electoral systems determine the role that representatives’ party affiliations play in political representation. According to conventional expectations, party affiliation drives the behavior of representatives when they are elected under a proportional system, while majoritarian systems mute the role of party affiliation by forcing politicians to converge to the median position of their constituency. This study directly tests these predictions within a common party system by matching referenda decisions of constituents with voting behavior of their representatives who are elected either under a majoritarian or proportional system.
The enduring electoral success of populist parties across Europe and the increasing opportunities they have gained to access government in recent years bring once more into relief the question of whether populism and democracy are fully compatible. In this article we show how, despite playing different roles in government within very different political systems, and despite the numerous constraints placed upon them (for instance, EU membership, international law and domestic checks and balances), populist parties consistently pursued policies that clashed with fundamental tenets of liberal democracy. In particular, the idea that the power of the majority must be limited and restrained, the sanctity of individual rights and the principle of the division of powers have all come under threat in contemporary Europe. This has contributed to the continuing erosion of the liberal consensus, which has provided one of the fundamental foundations of the European project from its start.
The paper investigates the relationship between federalism and democracy, in particular whether federalism enhances democracy or hinders it. It draws on the theory of democracy and that of federalism and relates them to the historical experience of Switzerland, a country which is often held as a model of both. It explores how the interaction between federalism and democracy has evolved over time in the Swiss system in relation, among other things, to the expansion of direct democracy, the changing nature of minorities and the representation of cantonal interests at the federal level. The paper argues that despite some tension between the two, by and large there has been a positive relation between federalism and democracy in Switzerland. In particular, federalism interacts with, and reinforces, direct democracy in strengthening the democratic quality of the system. Some key elements of Swiss federalism, however, such as cantonal representation through the upper house of the federal parliament, have not lived up to the democratic expectations of the constitution's framers. Moreover, the whole federal structure itself, given its territorial nature, has lost over time some of its democratic capacity in relation to minority protection. The paper thus argues that the Swiss case study indicates the existence of a positive relationship between federalism and democracy but that the actual design of the federal system is crucial as is the nature of the demos in question. It then concludes by calling for comparative studies to strengthen or call into question the conclusions presented in this paper.
Do family members steer each other toward new and rising political parties? This article shows that the family—traditionally viewed as a bulwark for electoral stability over time—is an important locus for dynamic interpersonal persuasion. Swiss household panel data are used to unpack influence among mothers, fathers, and children with respect to support for radical right and green parties. Parents urge their offspring to support these rising parties, spouses influence each other, and—importantly—young people convince their parents. Comparing intrafamily influence for rising parties with parallel dynamics for their main electoral rivals reveals patterns that distinguish rising from stagnant parties. Most notably, direct influence between young people and their fathers exists for rising parties but not for stable or declining ones. Finally, interpersonal persuasion can be enhanced when family members’ interest in politics is high, when family members live together, and during election years.
This study aims to analyse socio-political structure of Turkish society at the basis of the results of Turkish General elections since 1950 up to 1980. Documentary and historical research techniques will be employed during the study.
This study aims to analyze socio-political structure of Turkish society at the basis of the results of Turkish General elections since 1983 up to date. Documentary and historical research techniques will be employed during the study.
List of Maps, Diagrams and Boxes Preface List of Abbreviations Introduction PART I: THE SETTING The Swiss and their History The Socio-Economic Setting The Constitutional Setting PART II: POLITICAL ACTORS AND INSTITUTIONS The People at Politics Political Parties Interest Groups Social Movements and Other Political Forces Cantons and Communes Parliament The Executive Judiciary, Police and Army PART III: POLITICAL PROCESSES The Electoral Process The Direct Democratic Process The Federal Process Consultation and the National Policy Process Informal Politics Governance and Swiss Political Style PART IV: OUTPUTS Economic Policies Social and Cultural Policies Neutrality, Security and Foreign Policy Europe and Swiss Political Integration Problems and Prospects Annexes A Guide to Further Reading
Nationalisme et populisme en Suisse: la radicalisation de la 'nouvelle' UDC. Presses Polytechniques et Universitaires Romandes
- O Mazzoleni
Mazzoleni, O., 2003. Nationalisme et populisme en Suisse: la radicalisation de la 'nouvelle' UDC. Presses
Polytechniques et Universitaires Romandes, Lausanne.
doi:10.1016/j.electstud.2004.07.001