A Profile of Roadside Squatter Settlements and their Families in Jaipur City

Abstract

This study was conducted to determine the life style of roadside squatter settlers of Jaipur city through squatter settlement and family profiles. A total of 42 such settlements and 296 families were covered under the study. An interview schedule was used to elicit information on the squatters and their family profiles. The results revealed that the settlements had very limited access to water, housing, lighting, sanitation and health facilities. No regular training or education programmes had been planned for them. The mean family size in the settlements was 5.8±1.65 members. Most of the families (84.5%) had nuclear family structure. A majority of adults and children were illiterate. About 81% of the migrants were from Rajasthan and the others from nearby states. The families had main and subsidiary occupations. The main occupations included construc-tion work, blacksmithy, decoration of trucks/buses with 'jhalars'/'laris'/'chotis' (a bunch of tassles, braids), application of films on windows of four wheelers and preparation of radium number plates, pulling rickshaws and trolleys, playing drums and pipes and making plaster of paris statuettes, etc. They lived in tents. Their possessions were meager and consisted of pots, pans, cots, trunks and clothes. Personal hygienic practices were poor and sanitation left much to be desired.

Full text

In India slums have grown in cities and towns
wherever there was space. These may be
‘underdeveloped’ or ‘developed’ in terms of
some of the basic amenities. Slums have by now
become so congested and crowded that they are
unable to accommodate fresh migrants to the
towns or cities. Consequently, new migrants
squat on pavements and vacant plots in various
areas of the cities. Surprisingly, some of these
squatters have been staying on the pavements
for generations. Squatters look just for a place to
squat on and then start looking for basic
amenities which they procure from nearby
surroundings. A tap nearby becomes the source
of water, a street light- the source of illumination,
a vacant plot in the vicinity- an area for
defecation, and so on. The settlements of these
squatters are usually occupation/caste based, -
blacksmiths, pipe and drum players, snake
charmers, plaster of paris statuette makers, etc.
There are innumerable studies of slums but
very few on squatter settlements. This study aims
at constructing a profile of the squatter
settlements on the pavements and vacant plots
alongside roads in Jaipur city.
STUDY AREA AND METHODOLOGY
No enumeration of roadside squatter
settlements in Jaipur city had been made before
the present study was conducted from April 1999
to March 2001. The Jaipur Nagar Nigam and Jaipur
Development Authority (JDA) officials provided
some information on the location of a few squatter
settlements; the rest of the information was
obtained from the residents of the squatter
settlements, their leaders and local people living
nearby. A total of 42 squatter settlements were
covered. An interview schedule was used to elicit
information on the squatters and their family
profiles. The respondent for the squatter profile
was the leader of the squatter settlement or a
male member, while the most important woman of
the family was the respondent for the family
profile.
RESULTS
Squatter Profile
The squatter settlements were located on the
pavements or vacant plots beside roads of Jaipur
city. Tents provided shelter. The average number
of tents per settlement was 23.8±43.39 (Table 1).
With respect to the community features, families
of 78.6% of the settlements had good relations
with people of similar occupations residing in
other such settlements, while the rest did not
know the people residing elsewhere. Only twelve
squatter settlements had a leader each. Any
disputes that cropped up amongst them were
© Kamla-Raj 2004 J. Soc. Sci., 9(1): 13-18 (2004)
A Profile of Roadside Squatter Settlements and their
Families in Jaipur City
Anuradha Goyle, Harsha Saraf, Preeti Jain, Neetu Shekhawat and Swati Vyas
Department of Home Science, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur 302 004, Rajasthan, India
E-mail: agoyle@rediffmail.com
KEYWORDS Squatter profile; migration; basic amenities; family profile; occupation
ABSTRACT This study was conducted to determine the life style of roadside squatter settlers of Jaipur city through
squatter settlement and family profiles. A total of 42 such settlements and 296 families were covered under the study.
An interview schedule was used to elicit information on the squatters and their family profiles. The results revealed
that the settlements had very limited access to water, housing, lighting, sanitation and health facilities. No regular
training or education programmes had been planned for them. The mean family size in the settlements was 5.8±1.65
members. Most of the families (84.5%) had nuclear family structure. A majority of adults and children were illiterate.
About 81% of the migrants were from Rajasthan and the others from nearby states. The families had main and
subsidiary occupations. The main occupations included construc-tion work, blacksmithy, decoration of trucks/buses
with ‘jhalars’/‘laris’/‘chotis’ (a bunch of tassles, braids), application of films on windows of four wheelers and
preparation of radium number plates, pulling rickshaws and trolleys, playing drums and pipes and making plaster of
paris statuettes, etc. They lived in tents. Their possessions were meager and consisted of pots, pans, cots, trunks and
clothes. Personal hygienic practices were poor and sanitation left much to be desired.

ANURADHA GOYLE ET AL.
14
solved mainly by themselves, while 21.4% went
to their leaders/elders for help.
With respect to sanitation, it was observed
that garbage littered the surroundings of all the
squatter settlements creating unhygienic
conditions. Similarly, there was no drainage
system for waste water in 90.5% of these
settlements. They had to face the ill effects of
dust, smoke, scorching sun, rain and cold. As
most of the families had settled close to main
roads, they were obliged to suffer the ill effects
of intense noise and air pollution caused by
automobiles, and also dust.
Availability of basic amenities to the squatter
settlements was abysmal. Public taps were the
source of drinking water for 64.3% families, while
14.3% used public hand pumps and 11.9% used
public wells as the source of drinking water.
Families from 31.0% settlements brought water
from nearby shops/houses. The distance of the
nearest source of water was less than half a
kilometer for most of the families, while families
of only two squatter settlements had to go a little
farther. Water was stored in earthen pots and
was kept above the ground level on a wooden
structure. All the squatter settlements lacked
electricity. The means of illumination in most of
the tents in squatter settlements was kerosene
lamps (47.6%), street lights (40.5%), lamps
operated by gas (11.9%) and lamps based on
batteries (7.1%). Some families used candles, too.
There were 8 squatter settlements that did not
have any source of lighting.
Despite financial constraints, people of 88.1%
squatter settlements turned to private clinics for
health care, while only 16.7% used government
hospitals. Children of some families of a few
squatter settlements attended schools. Young
children while not attending school played or
roamed around while the others helped in the
occupational work. The main reasons cited for
not sending children to school were absence of
schools nearby, financial constraints, children
not being interested in studies and the fact that
they did not settle down at one place for long.
Families of 18 squatter settlements reported that
their family members visited parks/movie theaters
as a source of entertainment, but usually it was
the young boys who went out. Families from all
the squatter settlements attended social
gatherings and cultural functions for which they
visited their native places at times. Most of the
squatter settlements had a place of worship. The
families of most of these settlements (85.7%)
bought clothes and utensils from the main city
markets while those of six got all their necessities
from their own villages. Vegetables and food
grains were purchased from nearby shops or
vendors. Families of only 15 squatter settlements
preferred the main markets nearby. The means of
transport used for bringing raw materials and
selling trade goods was city buses (64.3%),
bicycles (14.3%) and rickshaws (9.5%). Families
from 42.9% settlements used to go on foot and a
few used their own trucks, too; these were
purchased on hire-purchase basis.
No training programmes were held in the
squatter settlements. They had no regular
arrangements for educating the children.
Table 1: Squatter profile of squatter settlements
of Jaipur city Squatter settlements
(n=42)
Average number of tents/squatter 23.8±43.39
Sanitation
Is garbage littered around
Yes 42(100.0)
Water drainage system
No system 38(90.5)
Kaccha drain 4(9.5)
Water
Source of drinking water*
Public taps 27(64.3)
Nearby shops/houses 13(31.0)
Public hand pumps 6(14.3)
Public wells 5(11.9)
Water tankers 1(2.4)
Illumination
Source of illumination in tents*20(47.6)
Kerosene lamps 25(59.5)
Street lights 17(40.5)
Lamps operated by Gas 5(11.9)
Lamps based on battery 3(7.1)
No source 8(19.0)
Health facility*
Health facility availed
Private clinic/hospitals 37(88.1)
Government hospitals 7(16.7)
Shops 2(4.8)
Education
Children sent to school
Yes 5(11.9)
No 37(88.1)
Reasons for not sending children to school*
No school nearby 13(30.9)
Cannot afford 10(23.8)
Not interested in studies 10(23.8)
Do not settle at one place for long 4(9.5)
Work or help in family occupation 2(4.8)
Figures in parentheses denote percentages.
*n>42 due to multiple responses.

ROADSIDE SQUATTER SETTLEMENTS AND THEIR FAMILIES 15
However, 10 settlements had some sort of
arrangement where teachers came either in the
morning or in the evening to teach the children,
though not very regularly. As for the major needs
and demands of the people, most of them (76.2%)
wanted a plot/land/house for permanent
settlement, while 66.7% demanded water/
electricity, 33.3% wanted schools/medical
facilities/toilets, 11.9% demanded employment
and some wanted loans to start new work.
Family Profile
The mean family size among the 296 families
covered was 5.8±1.65. The average number of
adults per family was 2.3±0.81 (Table 2). Adults
comprised grandparents, other relatives and
siblings of the subjects, above 18 years of age.
The family size was small as the mothers of most
of the families were young and had not completed
their families. The average number of children
per family was 3.5±1.44 that included 1.9±1.28
boys and 1.6±1.04 girls per family. As regards
their structure, 84.5% of the families in the present
study were of the nuclear type and 15.2% families
had an extended family structure, that is one
where the grandparents were staying with them.
One family had a joint family structure with
married uncles and aunts staying with them. By
religion, 228 families were Hindu and 68 were
Muslim. Regarding the languages spoken, 58.4%
spoke Marwari/Rajasthani and 5.1% spoke Hindi,
as these are the local languages of Rajasthan. Of
the rest, 23% spoke Urdu, and the others Bengali,
Haryanvi or Punjabi.
The educational status of the squatters
presented a dismal picture. Out of the 296 families
covered, there were 89.2% fathers and a much
higher percentage of mothers (98.3%) who were
illiterate. Among the fathers who were literate,
6.8% were able to read or read and write, and
only 4.0% had acquired education till primary or
secondary levels. Three mothers were able to
read or read and write, and a mere two had primary
education. Among the boys of school going age,
16 boys were able to read/read and write, 9 had
started going to school, and 16 had studied up
to or were in classes I to VIII, while the rest were
illiterate. Among the girls, 3 were going to school
and 5 had studied up to class V while the rest
were illiterate, so that a higher percentage of girls
than boys were illiterate.
These data demonstrate lack of awareness
Table 2: Family profile of squatter settlements
of Jaipur city
Families (n=296)
Average family size 5.8±1.65
Number of adults per family 2.3±0.81
Number of children per family 3.5±1.44
Family structure
Nuclear 250(84.5)
Extended 45(15.2)
Joint 1(0.3)
Religion
Hindu 228(77.0)
Muslim 68(23.0)
Education status - Illiterate
Father 264(89.2)
Mother 291(98.3)
Place from where migrated
Rajasthan 241(81.4)
Gujarat 15(5.1)
Haryana 11(3.7)
West Bengal 8(2.7)
Uttar Pradesh 8(2.7)
Bangladesh 5(1.7)
Madhya Pradesh 4(1.3)
New Delhi 3(1.0)
Punjab 1(0.3)
Time since migrated
<1 year 35(11.8)
1-10 years 127(42.9)
11-20 years 95(32.1)
21-50 years 36(12.2)
>50 years 3(1.0)
Reasons for leaving native place
In search of work 269(90.9)
No work in villages 9(3.0)
Lack of agricultural work in villages 7(2.4)
Selling articles 7(2.4)
Staying at present place since a long time 2(0.7)
Drought in villages 1(0.3)
No good harvest 1(0.3)
Figures in parentheses denote percentages.
regarding the importance of education among
the squatters. They neglected sending children
to schools. The reasons reported for this were
lack of an educational facility in close vicinity,
girls spending most of their time in household
chores and looking after their siblings, their
nomadic nature not letting them settle at one place
for long, unsafe road crossings between homes
and schools and the illiteracy of the parents. It is
high time these people were made to realize the
importance of education and induced to send
their children to school.
Most of the squatters move from one place
to another in search of a living. The findings of
the present study revealed that out of the 296
families covered, about 81% had migrated from
various parts of Rajasthan. The rest had migrated

ANURADHA GOYLE ET AL.
16
from other states. The ancestors of some of the
families had migrated to Jaipur long ago but, kept
moving from one place to another in the city.
Migrants from other states usually come in search
of work or to sell their goods in Jaipur. Out of the
total, 35 families (11.8%) had migrated in less than
a year’s time, while 42.9% had been staying for 1-
10 years and 32.1% families for 11-20 years at
their present place of residence. There were 36
families who were staying for 21-50 years at the
same place. Some families (92/296) moved from
one place to another in less than a year, while
others moved less frequently. Visits to their native
places depended on the distance from Jaipur. A
few families (28/296) visited their relatives once
in 1-4 months, while most (135/296) visited their
native place once or twice a year. Some families
never visited their native places. These families
had nothing left behind, as their ancestors had
migrated a long time ago. Now, their great-
grandchildren are also living with them at the
present place of residence. Out of the 296 families
covered, 269 had come in search of work;
according to them, the city has more
opportunities for getting work and earning money,
and also offers a better avenue for selling their
goods.
The families of the squatter settlements were
engaged in certain occupations which served as
their main source of income, and in some
subsidiary occupations which augmented their
income (Table 3). The main occupations
comprised construction work (24.3%),
blacksmithy (8.8%), decoration of trucks/buses
with ‘jhalars’/‘laris’/‘chotis’ (a bunch of tassles,
braids), application of films on windows of four
wheelers and preparation of radium number plates
(7.8%), pulling rickshaws and trolleys (7.1%),
playing drums and pipes (7.1%) and making
statuettes (5.1%). Besides these, the other main
occupations were iron/rag picking, digging and
selling of sand/mud, fitting seats in trucks and
buses, making and selling aryuvedic medicines/
pestles and mortars/embroidery needles,
repairing canisters and buckets, snake charming,
sweeping and mopping of floors in houses and
many other such small jobs. For some families,
apart from these main occupations, there were
some subsidiary occupations which added to
their income when they were not engaged in their
main occupations or were taken up by family
members other than those engaged in the main
occupations. The subsidiary occupations
included mainly rag/iron picking and
construction work. Some others were making and
selling dumrus, begging from door to door, selling
bed sheets/blankets, cleaning of ears, selling of
‘chatais’ (mats), mosquito nets, shell curtains,
umbrellas, pulling rickshaws, carrying lights at
weddings, tacking quilts, etc. All the families
reported spending the entire day in work with
random rest periods.
The average number of tents per family was
1.1±0.46. None of the families had kachha houses.
They resided in tents made of polythene sheets,
cloth or blankets or even without tents (Table 3).
About 51% of the families owned tents made of
polythene supported by tree trunks or bamboo
poles. Some others (45.6%) owned tents made of
polythene, sacks, blankets, flattened card-board
cartons, cloth, or tarpaulin supported by wooden
planks, tree trunks, bamboo poles and other
props. There were 11 families who lived on the
pavements without any tents. Some of the
families had separate cooking areas distinct from
the living areas in either partitioned tents or in
the open.
The belongings which the squatters
possessed were very meager. The average
number of cots per family was 1.2±1.25. There
were 87.8% families who had steel/silver
ornaments and 26.0% had brass ornaments,
these included nose-pins, ear rings, borlas (an
ornament worn on head), bichias (rings worn on
toe fingers), etc. About 24.7% families owned
domestic animals, which included goats, hens
and camels and these served as a source of
income for them. A few of them kept bears and
monkeys for ‘tamashas’. Radios (18.2%),
televisions (4.4%), and cassette players (2.0%)
were owned by these families as a means of
entertainment. Some of the families also owned
two-wheelers, bicycles, rickshaws, trolleys and
tractors which they had acquired through loans.
Their other possessions consisted of clothes,
blankets, pots and pans, boxes and other small
items.
Regarding personal hygiene practices of the
families, 34.4% of the mothers took a bath daily
as compared to 48.0% of the children. Regarding
the frequency of cleaning teeth, 82.4% of the
mothers cleaned their teeth daily, while the others
did it less frequently. About 33-35% of the
women changed and washed their clothes daily
while the rest did it less often. Women bathed
behind a cot or tent or inside an enclosure made

ROADSIDE SQUATTER SETTLEMENTS AND THEIR FAMILIES 17
with either a saree, sack or cloth. Most of the
women (45.3%) bathed inside such an enclosure
or behind a cot or a sheet (27.4%). Some women
(12.8%) took bath on the roadside without
undressing, some (12.2%) inside a tent and a few
(2.4%) at night. Likewise, for defecation and
urination too, they had to search for a place of
privacy. Most of them (82 to 86%) used a patch
of open space/vacant plot for this purpose.
In the present study, the mode of cleaning
the teeth was also studied. The results revealed
that charcoal powder was used by 39.2%, tooth
powder/tooth paste by 29.4%, neem/babool twigs
by 21.3% and mud/ash by 10.5% families. Some
families reported that they did not use anything
for cleaning teeth. For washing clothes, all of
them used soap bars/detergents available for sale
at small provision stores near their tents.
The houses were cleaned inside and out once
daily (87-92%). Waste, which was collected
throughout the day, was disposed off near the
tent (42.6%) or away from tent (42.2%), or thrown
on the road (14.5%) or burnt (0.7%). As many as
92.9% families had no outlet for waste water
drainage, while 7.1% families had kuchha drains
which they had dug themselves. The
surroundings of some of the squatter settlements
were very unhygienic. As far as the general
appearance of children is concerned, only 2.7%
children appeared neat, taking into account their
standard of living. The interiors of 36.1% tents
were tidy. There were 46 families whose children
were without any clothes at the time of the survey.
The rest were scantily clad in shirts or knickers.
Regarding the habits of the heads of the families,
60.1% smoked bidis, 13.8% chewed tobacco and
10.8% used to drink alcohol. The heads of 28.4%
families were free from these habits.
DISCUSSION
The street dwellers, unfortunately have no
fixed place of dwelling as they sleep under a tree
by the roadside, under a balcony or a portico
(Bhargava, 1985). Such is the condition of
roadside pavement dwellers and squatters.
Saraswathi and Dhillon (1985) were of the view
that the usual criteria for the settlement area for
pavement dwellers were access to water (taps),
nearness to the market place and, if possible,
place of work. Pollution, environmental
degradation and lack of public health facilities
such as clean water and sanitation accompanied
squatter settlements. Squatter settlements have
also been reported to suffer from unsatisfactory
conditions with regard to housing, toilets,
drainage, lighting, garbage disposal and general
living conditions (McGee, 1967; Bhargava, 1985;
Table 3: Occupation and possessions of families
of squatter settlements
Families (n=296)
Main occupation
Construction work 72(24.3)
Blacksmithy 26(8.8)
Decoration of trucks/buses 23(7.8)
with ‘jhalars’/ ‘laries’/ ‘chotis’,
applying films on window glasses,
preparation of radium number plates
Pulling rickshaws/trolleys 21(7.1)
Playing/drum/pipe 21(7.1)
Statuette making 15(5.1)
Iron/rag picking 14(4.7)
Selling readymade ‘jhumars’, 11 (3.7)
shell ‘jhumars’, ‘chatais’
Making dholaks 10(3.4)
Digging and selling of sand by tractor 9(3.0)
Making chachlas 9(3.0)
Snake charming 8(2.7)
Polishing shoes 7(2.4)
Others* 50(16.9)
Subsidiary occupation (n==99)a
Rag/iron picking 25(25.2)
Construction work 23(23.2)
Making and selling dumrus 9(9.1)
Others* 66(66.7)
Average number of tents per family 1.1± 0.46
Type of tents
Polythene on wooden planks/bamboo 150(50.7)
poles/stones/iron nails
Polythene/cloth/blanket/sack/ 135(45.6)
tarpaulin on wooden planks/
bamboo poles/stones/iron nails/
other props
No tent 11(3.7)
Possessions
Average number of cots per family 1.2±1.25
Steel/silver ornaments 260(87.8)
Brass ornaments 77(26.0)
Animals (goat, hen, camel, bear, monkey) 73(24.7)
Wrist watch 66(22.3)
Radio 54(18.2)
Bicycle 40(13.5)
Television 13(4.4)
Trolley 10(3.4)
Others (wall clock, two wheeler, 41(13.8)
tractor, rickshaw, cassette player, tape,
fan- battery, auto rickshaw)
*fitting seats in trucks and buses; making bats; begging
from home to home; making guldastas; making and
selling of pestle-mortars; repairing canisters and buck-
ets; wax work; madari; runs a shop; selling bedsheets/
blankets; selling cell watches; painting; cleaning ears;
kabari; selling edible gum, etc.
Figures in parentheses denote percentages.
a 99 families engaged in more than one subsidiary occu-
pation.

ANURADHA GOYLE ET AL.
18
Ali, 1995; Cho and Park, 1995; Sethuramalingam
and Palaniswamy, 1995; Lu, 1995; Son, 1996) as
was observed in the present study.
The mean family size of the squatters in the
present study was 5.8±1.65. Ray et al. (1999)
recorded a figure of 4.04 for family size for
pavement dwellers in Kolkata city. The dismal
picture that emerged in this study as regards the
educational status of adults and children is
corroborated by the observations made in other
studies (Ali, 1995; Cho and Park, 1995) and those
cited by Singh and de Souza (1980). The reasons
for not sending children to school included lack
of schools close by, financial constraints, not
keen on education and children being useful in
domestic work. Most of the pavement dwellers
were migrants. In Kolkata city amongst the
pavement dwellers, 53.1% of the migrants had
come within the previous five years, another
27.9% within 5-15 years and 19.0% more than 15
years earlier. A significant proportion of the
pavement dwellers were temporary migrants, 24%
were seasonal migrants, 4.5% were regular
visitors for odd jobs or business, and 4.7% were
casual visitors from other states for only short
periods, while 64% were permanent migrants
(Singh and de Souza, 1980). The reasons for
migration cited included unemployment,
underemployment, unproductive landholdings,
adverse agricultural conditions, and more
employment opportunities in the cities
(Saraswathi and Dhillon, 1985; Sethuramalingam
and Palaniswamy, 1995). Sarawathi and Dhillon
(1985) stated that the employment of the
pavement dwellers of Baroda city was primarily
related to manual labour. In Shanghai, China,
people of squatter settlements were mainly
rickshaw pullers or pedicab drivers (Lu, 1995).
They lived in small wooden boats grounded on
river banks, huts made from the boat’s parts or
straw shacks. In South Korea, the major material
of dwellings in the squatter areas consisted of
inexpensive cement blocks (Cho and Park, 1995).
In India, the pavement dwellers have various
kinds of temporary or improvised shelters. In
Mumbai, pavement dwelling consisted of a
shelter made of a tarpaulin roof supported by
bamboo poles with gunny bag walls, built against
the wall of a building or boundary wall; of
building projections over the pavements, lorries,
sheltered bus stop structures, and cable rollers
(Singh and de Souza, 1980).
CONCLUSION
Roadside squatter settlements in India are not
organized. Migrants squat on any available land
in the pursuit of their trade. Squatter settlements
are unhygienic and exposed to environmental ill
effects. They have inadequate access to basic
amenities. The squatters are mainly migrants
engaged in jobs generating low incomes.
In the present study, this state of affairs is
evident. Squatter settlements are mushrooming
in both big and small cities and comprise a
neglected segment of the urban population.
Efforts should be made to bring them within the
ambit of city planning and improve the quality of
their lives.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
The first author is thankful to the UGC for
financial assistance through Minor Research
project.
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