Article

Media Policy Paradigm ShiftsTowards a New Communications Policy Paradigm

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Abstract

This article deals with communications and media policy paradigms. In the US and Western Europe three paradigmatic phases of communications and media policy may be distinguished: the paradigm of emerging communications industry policy (until the Second World War); the paradigm of public service media policy (1945-1980/90); and the current phase (from 1980/90 onwards) in which a new policy paradigm is searched for. In Phase I, communications and media policy primarily referred to the emerging technologies of telegraph, telephony and wireless. Communications policy in that era was mainly pursued for reasons of state interest and financial corporate benefits. After the Second World War, media policy was dominated by sociopolitical rather than economic or national strategic concerns. In this paradigmatic phase, lasting until 1980/90, the ideal of public service broadcasting was at its height, notably in Western Europe. From 1980 onwards, however, technological, economic and social trends fundamentally changed the context of media policy. In many countries, governments opted for policies of breaking monopolies in media and communications and privatizing as much as possible. The old normative media policies have been challenged and policy-makers are searching for a new communications policy paradigm. In this new paradigm, there seems to be a shift in the balance of component political, social and economic values that shape the definition of the public interest that media and communications supposedly serve. The authors conclude by sketching the core principles of the new communications policy paradigm that currently seems to be emerging.

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... Atendiendo a los sistemas de radiodifusión de los distintos países existen también dos formas principales de estructurar la radiotelevisión ( Van-Cuilenburg & McQuail, 2003): el modelo estadounidense, en el cual se otorgan licencias al sector privado para que éste las administre, y el modelo europeo donde se planificaban las políticas de emisoras gestionadas públicamente y sin fines de lucro. Como ya se ha mencionado, la mayoría de los países de Europa, África y Asia definieron sus sistemas mediáticos como de servicio público e, incluso, el servicio fue directamente brindado por el Estado. ...
... Por último, no puede olvidarse que el origen de las políticas de comunicación se encuentra en la interacción entre la búsqueda de los intereses nacionales de los Estados y las operaciones comerciales e industriales de las empresas privadas de comunicación (Van Cuilenburg y McQuail, 2003). Y en este sentido resulta destacable la lenta transposición de la Directiva en los países localizados más al sur de Europa, como en el caso español. ...
... https://www.ebu.ch/publications/research/membersonly/report/funding-of-public-service-media Van Cuilenburg, J. yMcQuail, D. (2003). Cambios en el paradigma de la política de medios: hacia un nuevo paradigma de política de comunicación. ...
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En tiempos dominados por la sobreabundancia de medios y estímulos, en los que es difícil distinguir la información de la desinformación y en el que los hechos exigen un análisis cada vez más complejo, la reflexión sobre el rol de los medios públicos se vuelve más necesaria que nunca. ¿Son realmente necesarios los medios públicos en este nuevo entorno digital y multiplataforma?¿Qué valor o valores aportan a nuestra sociedad y cómo medir su impacto?¿Cómo pueden captar la atención de los ciudadanos sin vulnerar su privacidad, cuando los datos mueven los sistemas de personalización y recomendación? Estas son algunas de las preguntas que buscan respuesta en este libro que, editado por Manuel Goyanes y Marcela Campos Rueda, reúne el trabajo de prestigiosas investigadoras e investigadores del campo de la comunicación en el sur de Europa y América Latina. A través de una mirada crítica y, en ocasiones, provocativa, este volumen reflexiona sobre las oportunidades y desafíos que navegan los medios públicos, contribuyendo a clarificar sus funciones normativas, relevancia y necesidad.
... Atendiendo a los sistemas de radiodifusión de los distintos países existen también dos formas principales de estructurar la radiotelevisión ( Van-Cuilenburg & McQuail, 2003): el modelo estadounidense, en el cual se otorgan licencias al sector privado para que éste las administre, y el modelo europeo donde se planificaban las políticas de emisoras gestionadas públicamente y sin fines de lucro. Como ya se ha mencionado, la mayoría de los países de Europa, África y Asia definieron sus sistemas mediáticos como de servicio público e, incluso, el servicio fue directamente brindado por el Estado. ...
... Por último, no puede olvidarse que el origen de las políticas de comunicación se encuentra en la interacción entre la búsqueda de los intereses nacionales de los Estados y las operaciones comerciales e industriales de las empresas privadas de comunicación (Van Cuilenburg y McQuail, 2003). Y en este sentido resulta destacable la lenta transposición de la Directiva en los países localizados más al sur de Europa, como en el caso español. ...
... https://www.ebu.ch/publications/research/membersonly/report/funding-of-public-service-media Van Cuilenburg, J. yMcQuail, D. (2003). Cambios en el paradigma de la política de medios: hacia un nuevo paradigma de política de comunicación. ...
... Både i svensk och internationell forskning har man under åren beskrivit metoder, processer och resultat av olika former av statligt stöd till medierna (Alonso, Moragas, Gil & Almiron, 2006;Cuilenberg & McQuail, 2003;Hultén & Svenska institutet, 1984), såväl som det politiska spelet bakom fördelningen (Cuilenberg & McQuail, 2003;Engblom & Wormbs, 2007;Nord, 2008;Ots, 2009a). Kommersiella aktörer inom både radio och TV har länge hävdat att både SVT och SR konkurrerar om publiken med resurser som andra medieföretag inte kan mäta sig med. ...
... Både i svensk och internationell forskning har man under åren beskrivit metoder, processer och resultat av olika former av statligt stöd till medierna (Alonso, Moragas, Gil & Almiron, 2006;Cuilenberg & McQuail, 2003;Hultén & Svenska institutet, 1984), såväl som det politiska spelet bakom fördelningen (Cuilenberg & McQuail, 2003;Engblom & Wormbs, 2007;Nord, 2008;Ots, 2009a). Kommersiella aktörer inom både radio och TV har länge hävdat att både SVT och SR konkurrerar om publiken med resurser som andra medieföretag inte kan mäta sig med. ...
... Most of the previous studies on media policy framed it as the decisions of a state towards the media. The previous studies analysed the efficiency of media policies (Van Cuilenburg & McQuail 2003). However, the Iranian media policies concerning the rapidly developing social media sector have not come under academic scrutiny yet. ...
... Some scholars accept the state intervention at a minimum level (Evans, 2016) and suppose that various players such as states, civil institutions, and users should take part in policymaking (Puppis, 2010), ,which is acontext-dependent process and is prone to technological changes and innovations; however, such players fail to benefit social welfare unless they come under pressure from the public opinions or monitoring requirements. Drawing on national or international legislation systems, previous studies (Van Cuilenburg & McQuail, 2003;Lund, 2004;Freedman, 2011) indicate that media policy requires a series of socially accepted principles. ...
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Purpose: The social media industry has brought about numerous innovations in content development and publishing. Yet these innovations are the source of challenges in policy-making and regulation. The newly emerged Iranian social media companies are also facing regulation issues. This study analyzed media innovation's effects on content management, copyright, privacy, and data protection policies as viewed by the media industry's players in the emerging Iranian social media market. Methodology: In this study, we surveyed the participants through a self-administered questionnaire. The statistical population included two groups of social media actors (the first of which consisted of policy-makers, media managers, and employees of social media companies, while the second group included social media users). Sampling was performed twice separately to select 128 and 580 individuals from the first and second groups. The research sample included 708 participants. Findings/Contribution: Findings reflect that media innovation does have significant effects on copyright, privacy, and data protection policies, but does not significantly affect content management policies in emerging social media markets.
... Although many historic media policy analyses have been structured around technological development of media (e.g., Bar & Sandvig, 2008;Just & Puppis, 2012;van Cuilenburg & McQuail, 2003), this article takes another approach. While acknowledging the technological changes that impact policy, I structure the analysis around the changes in the political system in Greenland. ...
... This exemplifies how media policy was case-by-case based, with policy solutions addressing specific problems. According to van Cuilenburg and McQuail (2003), such micro-managing was a common characteristic of early media policy. ...
Article
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This article describes the historical development of media policy in Greenland, and the shifts in the underlying normative and causal ideas that legitimise media policy. I argue that media policy reflects changes in Greenland's political system. Specifically, under colonial rule, Greenlandic media was state run and media was seen as an instrument to educate the population. Gradually, with the introduction of home rule, a paradigm shift took place, whereby media was seen as a vital instrument to strengthen Greenlandic language and identity. At the same time, normative ideas of media independence appeared which called for institutionalisation of the arm's length principle. Due to the influence and institutional spill-over from Denmark, I argue, Greenlandic media policy fit rather well into the “Nordic media model” although media policy in Greenland is mostly formulated without long-term or broad political agreements.
... Yet there remained 'an overlapping consensus on certain core normative criteria' that can be categorized into three main principles, where the latter two are derived from the first [23,24]: (1) Enhancing, developing and serving social, political and cultural citizenship; (2) Universality; and (3) Quality of services and output. Van Cuilenburg and McQuail [25] identified three phases in Western communication policy-making paradigms that show the evolution of these principles: (1) emerging communications industry policy in the period before the Second World War (WWII), (2) public service media policy after the War until the 1980s, and (3) new communications policy since the end of PSB monopolies. ...
... PBSs indeed changed their programs to better adapt to audiences and advertisers while taking over certain orientations of private competitors, such as competition and cost awareness. As a consequence, PSB core values began to be eroded [25]. ...
Chapter
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The paper questions the role of public service media in the digital era. The Internet has in fact disrupted previous patterns of production, distribution and consumption of information. Concerns arose on social media effects on well-being and how mainstream platforms design affects information consumption. The paper is an interdisciplinary contribution structured as follows. Firstly, it critically analyses the risks resulting from social media’s usage, with a special focus on personalization practices. Then, it explores the development of Public Service Broadcasting and questions the role that Public Service Media (PSM) has to sustain media quality, information diversity and, more generally, its traditional values. Thus, arguments in favor of a renovated and proactive role of Public Service Media are provided. In particular, an agonistic approach to social media, an ‘architecture for serendipity’ and the role of attention management are advocated. Finally, drawing from information architecture and nudging theory, the paper introduces the concept of ‘meta-design’ as the ability to re-shape a digital environment by browser extensions in order to change design choices as well as to inform and educate users. The conclusion is that improving user experience by meta-design can actually represent a novel experimental role for PSM and, eventually, a soft regulatory tool for sustaining individuals and the general public interest.
... Dynamiken i vilka ideologier som tillåts dominera de mediepolitiska besluten förändras över tid. Det har beskrivits som att vi nu har lämnat den era där den sociala ansvarsideologin och exempelvis public service-me-dierna stod som starkast (Cuilenberg & McQuail 2003). Det som vi idag ser som de centrala delarna i den svenska mediepolitiken kom till stora delar till under 1960-och 1970-talen och är nu runt 50 år gamla. ...
... Samtidigt står mediesystemet inför enorma förändringar med avseende på globalisering och digitalisering. Mot bakgrund av detta noterar flera bedömare att mediepolitiken egentligen saknar visioner och idéer och har blivit helt passiv i vad den vill åstadkomma (Freedman 2008;Nord 2008), och att vi i mångt och mycket behöver en ny ideologi som förklarar vad som utgör det "public interest" (allmänintresse) som staten har som uppgift att värna (Cuilenberg & McQuail 2003). ...
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Det här kapitlet handlar om svensk mediepolitik, eller med andra ord om statens roll i (förhållande till) medielandskapet. Det finns mycket politik – kulturpolitik, näringslivspolitik, konkurrenslagstiftning, skattelagstiftning – som påverkar medierna. Men i vår definition av mediepolitik syftar vi främst på åtgärder som specifikt riktas mot mediesektorn. Mediepolitik kan definieras som alla de åtgärder som görs i syfte att påverka mångfal- den i mediesystemet så att olika perspektiv och röster kan göra sig hörda. Vanligtvis riktar mediepolitiken in sig antingen på 1) mediemarknadens strukturer och spelregler, eller på 2) särskilda typer av innehåll som anses önskvärt eller inte (Iosifidis 2011; Ots 2009). Den svenska mediepolitiken är i stort sett begränsad till dagspress, radio och tv och har ofta betraktat en professionell och oberoende journalistik som en bärande pelare i det demokratiska styrelseskicket (Nord 2008).
... All these corporations, though, have recently changed their cultural and educational logic. Over the last 20 years, Public Service Media have undertaken strategies based on economic and competitive goals, audience maximization, and channel branding (d'Haenens & Saeys, 2007;Lawson-Borders, 2006;van Cuilenburg & McQuail, 2003;McQuail & Siune, 1998), at the expense of their socio-cultural and democratic remit. ...
Article
En 2014 la Unión Europea de Radiodifusión (UER) presentaba un informe de valores con el fin de establecer un marco de indicadores intangibles de autoevaluación para los medios de servicio público. Los indicadores de valor e impacto de los servicios públicos y organizaciones se han convertido en uno de los retos de las actuales agendas de gestión. El presente artículo establece una propuesta que se nutre de la herramienta de la UER, compara y evalúa las estrategias de rendición de cuentas de tres radiotelevisiones autonómicas: EITB, CCMA y CRTVG. Los resultados evidencian que, aunque las tres corporaciones reflejan datos financieros, de gestión y gobernanza en sus páginas corporativas e informes anuales, y aunque incrementan las medidas de transparencia con respecto al ámbito institucional y el mercado de la competencia, resultan aún insuficientes a la hora de rendir cuentas a su principal stakeholder: la ciudadanía.
... Die praktische Medienpolitik und ihre Erforschung fokussierten ebenfalls hauptsächlich auf publizistische Massenmedien (Just & Puppis, 2012), auch wenn sich das Interesse bereits durch die technologische Konvergenz in Richtung der elektronischen Kommunikationsinfrastruktur erweiterte (Latzer, 2009;van Cuilenburg & McQuail, 2003 . ...
Chapter
Digital platforms are becoming increasingly relevant for the constitution of markets. As they can be used in a multifunctional way, platforms are also having a massive impact on the provision and dissemination of both public and private information. Moreover, they are playing a significant role in social exchange. Platforms that facilitate the provision and dissemination of media content and journalistic work are having both economic and cultural effects on the traditional media and communications industry, which is becoming irrelevant and losing income from advertising and users. Social media platforms, such as Facebook, especially are becoming important means for certain social groups to acquire up-to-date information. Platforms and their growth and development are influencing both the traditional media and journalism, which is becoming clear from the growing financial crisis these two sectors are experiencing. The unfolding transformation process is having diverse effects on both the public sphere and on information and communication processes, which in turn is affecting liberal democracy. These changes require specific attention in both interdisciplinary research and politics (the design of a media and communications landscape, regulation, etc.). With contributions by Klaus Beck, Patrick Donges, Otfried Jarren, Katharina von Kleinen-Königslow, Frank Löbigs, Christoph Neuberger, Manuel Puppis
... Advancing competition is an agenda that is aggressively promoted by governments as part of a neoliberal economic worldview that leads to increased economic regulation. Indeed, Israel is in line with this general trend in the Western world (Napoli 2001;Van Cuilenburg and McQuail 2003). The promotion of competition served as an important principle in guiding the policy of regulating commercial media in Israel in the formative stages of media laws, and it was determined in legislation as one of the main considerations guiding the policy of licensing and operating broadcasting. ...
Article
This study critiques and analyses the meaning and design of the term “public interest” as it has been constructed in commercial television policy in Israel. Its main thesis is that the term serves Israeli policymakers to achieve economic goals. This endpoint marks the transition the public interest consideration has undergone from its initial identification with national and state goals to its subordination to economic interests, in a particular competition. The combination of the neoliberal ideology that has taken over Israeli policymaking since the 1980s, with the prominence of large corporations in the policymaking process, has contributed largely to this outcome.
... This benign paternalistic understanding did not conceive of innovation as either a function or a desirable feature of public service broadcasters. Irrespective of shifting communications and media policy paradigms (Van Cuilenburg & McQuail, 2003), innovation did not become a widely accepted basis for the valuation for public service broadcasters until the new public management discourse, from the 1980s onwards, came to the fore. The first time in British (public service) broadcasting legislation that innovation was explicitly mentioned was in 1980, when the Broadcasting Act (1980) (para 3.1) specified the remit of Channel 4 as a commercial broadcaster with public service obligations. ...
Article
Public service media organisations manage the challenges they face as they transition to a converged environment by innovating in the areas of distribution, programming, and engagement. Many commercial media companies critique public service innovation and argue that it is ‘crowding out’ the private market. Focusing on public service media organisations in Germany and Australia, this article examines the relationship between innovation, regulation and resilience. We argue that while the Australian model of innovation performs a vital role for the domestic media industry, it does not always contribute to the long-term resilience of individual innovations brought out by the Australian Broadcasting Corporation. Conversely, while innovation is hamstrung by layers of bureaucracy in Germany, once innovations developed by Second German Television are legally approved, they operate in a relatively uncontested manner. To explain the findings, we propose a comparative framework consisting of four factors: size, public/private divide, regulatory frameworks and legal traditions.
... The tensions between the economic and the cultural dimensions of EU media policy were there from the very beginning (Erickson & Dewey, 2011). Van Cuilenburg and McQuail (2003) go as far as claiming that the balance among the key objectives of media policy-political, sociocultural, and economic-failed as it was taken over by economic values. Over time, regulatory requirements such as content quota and national and European support programs were put in place to boost the production of European works. ...
Article
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Throughout time, the European Union’s media policy has attempted to strengthen the internal market for audiovisual services through economic and cultural measures. To anticipate or react to the dominance of foreign platforms, the revised Audiovisual Media Services Directive (AVMSD) extends its quota regime and obligation to invest in European works to on-demand audiovisual players, also when targeting a foreign market. Through document analysis, this study examines the financial investment obligations on these platforms in 10 European Union states [data collected din 2019]. We found that several countries already target on-demand audiovisual platforms, and some regulations also capture foreign players. However, new policy measures are characterized by significant differences, resulting in fragmentation rather than harmonization. Moreover, the contribution requirements themselves are thus far limited and may offer only partial support to the intra-European circulation of content.
... Other communication scholars have also repeatedly called for more consideration of broader, and not only discursive, contextual factors when studying institutional fields (e.g., Powers & Vera-Zambrano, 2018). The governmental frameworks, media and political systems, the market (Murdock & Golding, 2016), and journalism (Ali & Puppis, 2018), technology, and differences in infrastructures (Just & Latzer, 2016), particular time periods (van Cuilenberg & McQuail, 2003), or the impact of globalization and the related sociocultural particularities such as practices, habits, and conventions (Mansell & Raboy, 2011) are seen as important contextual components that shape media and communication policy discourse (see Figure 1). Studies can involve a variety of macro components from local to global and can aim at depicting particularities on each level and how they interact and shape responses on the micro and meso levels (see Figure 1). ...
Article
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Vivien A. Schmidt’s discursive institutionalism (DI) framework has gained considerable popularity in media and communication studies, particularly among scholars studying media institutions. However, while scholars refer to DI to emphasize the importance of ideas and discourses in institutional processes, to date, a critical assessment of the framework is lacking. In this paper, we discuss DI from the perspective of media and communication studies and suggest a modified DI framework in which we (1) rethink discourse from a discourse theoretical perspective and emphasize power as a constituting element of media institutions; (2) differentiate between public (mass media) communication and other non-public and semi-public forms of communication; and (3) integrate macro perspectives (market, political system, culture, technology, globalization) into Schmidt’s micro-meso-focused framework. With these differentiations, our proposition is to be understood as a heuristic for a systematic analysis of media institutions as a field of power. Keywords: discursive media institutionalism, media policy, neo-institutionalism, media policy as discourse, communication and power
... In the United States, the negative conception of press freedom was largely consolidated after World War II (Pickard, 2011). In Europe, positive conceptions of press freedom were more widespread, and state intervention in media markets to preserve conditions of pluralism, quality of information, and other values was widely accepted as a postwar "paradigm" (van Cuilenburg & McQuail, 2003). Despite the tendency for standardized press freedom ratings to emphasize the negative conception of press freedom, countries with relatively strong state involvement score at the top of press freedom rankings and research have shown that more regulated Western media systems provide better information to their citizens than loosely regulated environments, such as the United States (Aalberg, van Aelst, & Curran, 2010 (2021) media reformers articulated a concept of a "right of information" (Rodríguez Arechavaleta, 2011, p. 1), which is recognized in many constitutions along with rights of speech and press freedom and implies a positive state responsibility for protecting rights of citizens. ...
Article
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This article considers the debates about press freedom raised by an important case of populist media reform in Latin America, drawing on interviews with Ecuadorian journalists, policy makers, and commentators involved in the policy process. Whereas these cases are commonly understood, following a “libertarian” conception of press freedom, as threats to an independent press, interviewees saw a more complex picture. The majority agreed that press freedom was threatened under former president Rafael Correa’s regime in Ecuador; at the same time, most of respondents considered media regulation necessary given a history of “media capture,” and believed that journalistic professionalism had improved in Correa’s period. These results suggest that press freedom is a multidimensional reality in which the state plays a key role, proposing a further discussion about media regulation and populism in contemporary societies.
... The media professionals engaged in the studied area stated that ideology and political affiliation of the media houses serve to reproduce and construct content. Previous studies have stated that media usually acts as a vehicle to support the interest of those in power in society (Brisbois, 2018;Christians et al., 2009;Cuilenburg & McQuail, 2003;Lalancette & Raynauld, 2019). In this context, health information is filtered according to the ideological lens, where certain sorts of information are ignored based on diseases and geographical location. ...
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Differential access and utilisation of healthcare services are caused by multiple Social Determinants of Health (SDHs), which requires adequate and informed policy intervention. The mass media, mainly the news media, have been seen as a practical approach in communicating the health anomalies at the policy level. The comprehensive coverage of factors associated with the healthcare system can further lead to addressing inequalities in health. The study was aimed to identify the factors that act against effective reporting of healthcare news from peripheral regions of India. The qualitative method was employed to examine media professionals' persistent challenges and experiences in covering health-related disparities. Sixteen media professionals were interviewed during October 2019 employed in vernacular news agencies all across the north-eastern state of Assam, India. Three themes have emerged from the analysis covering health-related news and barriers to healthcare in the peripheral region and identifying health-related disparities. It is found that an effective reporting mechanism of the health news will positively influence the policymakers and undertake efforts to address the health-related disparities.
... In this context, research has an important role to play in the public debate by highlighting citizens' 'normative and value-based expectations concerning media performance' (Hasebrink 2011, 334). To date, this task has not been taken up by media scholars, which implies that we have little understanding of the extent to which people support overarching media policy paradigms (Van Cuilenburg and McQuail 2003) and how that support (or lack of support) relates to people's political attitudes. As argued by Flew (1998, 324), media policy processes have often been a 'translation of normative principles to processes of technical calculation and of routine administration'. ...
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Previous research has neglected media audiences’ and citizens’ opinions on how the media should be organized, how they should function in society and what individual, corporate and state responsibilities should be in regard to these questions. In an attempt to understand the relationship between citizens’ broader political attitudes and their attitudes on media-related politics and responsibilities, this study uses a survey (n = 2003) of the adult Swedish population to investigate the distribution of a range of media political attitudes in the contemporary space of political positions. The results reveal overlaps between the space of media political attitudes and the broader political space, where support for a Nordic ‘media welfare state’ corresponds to leftist and GAL-oriented values, while TAN-oriented and right-wing attitudes link to scepticism towards state interventionism in the media landscape. A small but highly opinionated right-wing and TAN-oriented segment displays laissez-faire views on media policy that are reflected in current policy propositions from right-wing political parties in parliament. © 2022 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group.
... T he amount and types of digital technology innovations since the 1970s have led to a paradigm shift toward what is called new media, which includes the digital transitions of newsrooms and the emergence and rise in popularity of social media (Cohen, 2018;Livingstone, 1999;Paulussen, 2016;Poster, 2018;Tapscott, 1996;Van Cuilenburg & McQuail, 2003). Subsequently, news organizations have increasingly relied on social media as a means of gathering and sharing news (Broersma & Graham, 2012;Hermida, 2012aHermida, , 2012bSinger et al., 2011). ...
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This research explores the impact of ownership on innovations in U.S. newspaper newsrooms by constructing a structural equation model (SEM). The study, using an online survey (N = 1,063), found that social media triggers a paradigm shift—newspapers owned by publicly held, for-profit companies excel in social media innovations and create more social media friendly innovations milieus than newspapers owned by privately held, for-profit companies. Journalists from the publicly held newspapers engage with audiences more on social media than privately held newspapers. The more journalists engage on Twitter, the more they tend to have a negative attitude toward social media. However, the more journalists at publicly held newspapers engage on Facebook, the more they tend to hold a positive attitude toward social media, opposite of journalists at privately held newspapers.
... The ability of such a 'high-modernist' (Hallin, 1992) strand of journalism to work as a disciplinary institution in the liberal regime of truth was supported by a set of historically contingent factors. From the mid-20th h century onwards, Western media spheres were regulated by state authorities (van Cuilenburg and McQuail, 2003). Especially in Europe, broadcasting was dominated by public service providers, devoted to enlightening the mass publics, while in the US private broadcasters were saddled with regulations concerning, for example, journalistic balance (McQuail, 1992;Mills, 2016). ...
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Since the 2016 United States presidential election and the Brexit vote, media scholarship has lamented the state of democratic public communication. Scholars have used the concepts ‘post-truth’ and ‘fake news’ to describe the cocktail of disinformation and devaluation of facts. This article illustrates how ruptures in democratic public communication stem from the contradictions characterising liberalism and its ‘regime of truth’. Liberalism has oscillated between efforts to discipline the media market with such techniques as professional journalism and, on the other hand, the attempt to enhance the position of the market mechanism as a superior knowledge processor. The article builds on the thinking of Walter Lippmann and Friedrich Hayek, two influential liberal thinkers with differing ideas on the role of experts in society. Moreover, Karl Polanyi's concept of ‘double movement’ is used to argue that the problems regarding public communication are systemic features of liberal media logics.
... Los servicios públicos de radio y televisión se han visto en la obligación durante las últimas décadas de adaptarse a un nuevo escenario en un entorno que no les resulta del todo favorable. Como señalan van Cuilenburg y McQuail (2003), desde los 80 se asiste a un nuevo paradigma en políticas de comunicación que privilegia el desarrollo económico por sobre criterios sociopolíticos. Los servicios públicos europeos debieron enfrentar desde entonces mayor competencia y cuestionamientos a su legitimidad. ...
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El propósito del presente artículo es debatir sobre la concepción de medios públicos que sostuvieron los gobiernos de la “nueva izquierda latinoamericana” del Siglo XXI, los cuáles les otorgaron un lugar central dentro de sus políticas de comunicación, y procurar indagar sobre la manera en la que esa revalorización de los medios de propiedad estatal indagó en las nuevas perspectivas para el sector en el entorno digital. Para el análisis de las políticas hemos seleccionado tres casos que consideramos representativos de diversos tipos presentes entre los gobiernos progresistas. Puede distinguirse dentro de dichos gobiernos a los de convivencia pacífica y los de confrontación hegemónica a partir de su relación con los estratos de poder y el sistema mediático. Es por ello que hemos seleccionado a las presidencias de Lula da Silva y Dilma Rousseff en Brasil (2003-2016) que pueden considerarse de convivencia pacífica; las de Rafael Correa en Ecuador (2007-2017) como un ejemplo de confrontación hegemónica; y las de Néstor Kirchner y Cristina Fernández en Argentina (2003-2015) que tras un comienzo de convivencia pacífica viraron a un escenario de confrontación.
... Instead, political energy in policy making is directed towards the creation and upholding of markets as such (Berry, 2019). This has been discussed as a general turn from "cultural policies" of the media to "competition policies" (Flew, 2012) in what can be described as a new "media policy paradigm" (Van Cuilenburg and McQuail, 2003). Naturally, this international trend of a "neo-liberalization" of the media has played out somewhat differently in different countries, due to varying historical, social and cultural trajectories. ...
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During the last decades the Nordic media model has been challenged by neoliberal policy and welfare retrenchment. This study asks about the extent to which the values, functions and institutions of the “media welfare state” are supported by the adult Swedish citizenry, despite political mobilization against it. Drawing on a national survey ( n = 2003) this study shows that the media welfare state is generally well-supported by the population. Using exploratory statistical analysis, we identify a media welfare state of mind. While widespread in the population, this attitudinal constellation is more common in older segments of the population, in the working-class, and by those who frequently use and trust public service media. The main conclusion is that support for the media welfare state primarily can be explained by political attitudes, where left-leaning and GAL-oriented individuals are more positive than people holding right-wing and TAN-attitudes.
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En los últimos 30 años, las políticas de comunicación orientadas por la visión “creativa”, han promovido el desarrollo y crecimiento económico a partir de las ventajas competitivas y posibilidades basadas en la creatividad, con la intención y finalidad de incrementar su importancia en el mercado global. En el caso de México, se están desarrollando mapas de ruta de industrias creativas digitales, entre otras actividades, para identificar y diseñar políticas públicas para el desarrollo cultural y fomento de la economía creativa. En este caso, para evaluar sus condiciones, se elaboró un índice de potencialidad de las industrias culturales y creativas en México, por lo que el objetivo de este artículo es presentar la construcción metodológica de las dimensiones e indicadores usados para aterrizar una propuesta de índice acorde al contexto mexicano, así como sus principales resultados.
Chapter
This chapter provides the introduction to the book, delving into the key areas of inquiry that the book concerns itself with. The chapter starts by presenting relevant literature on media policy studies, working out the contours of the research carried out in the book. Critical media policy studies and the historicising of media policy are then presented in the chapter. Further, the chapter moves on to understand community media, delving into relevant literature, and presenting an overview of the legislations and international policies that govern community radio specifically, across the globe. The research objectives and questions, research design, and deliberative policy analysis as an advancement of the critical media policy studies project are presented in detail. The chapter ends with an overview of the chapter scheme as laid out for the book.
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This chapter first presents a brief history of the practical and theoretical construction of communication policy claims in Latin America via an overview of the political economy of communication (PEC) perspective. At the same time, the chapter recalls the main objectives of Van Cuilenburg and McQuail (Media policy paradigm shifts: Towards a new communications policy paradigm. European Journal of Communication, 18(2), 181–207, 2003) that were proposed in the third paradigm of communication policies as well as in the national communication policies proposed in the 1970s by Latin American scholars. Second, the different media reform tendencies in the region and the irruption of global platforms as mediators of news and cultural content are highlighted. Third, the challenges and final remarks are presented regarding media policy and governance perspectives in Latin America. Thus, this chapter highlights the benefits of using the PEC perspective to study media governance practices and processes in the region.
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Does the level of promotion and protection of education have any relation to the level of technological development of society? Is there any correlation between digital and social inequalities when it comes to the rights to education in social and geographical marginalized areas? This chapter bridges both questions answering them via quantitative and qualitative data referred to a specific context, on a specific educative policy: the Conectar Igualdad Programme as a social policy applied in an urban and a rural secondary school located in Salta (Argentina). This case study provides evidence on digital-inequality issues facing adolescent citizens among marginalized communities and promotes evidence-informed policy change for the improvement of the access, the use and the implementation of information and communications technologies (ICTs) for educational, social and cultural development.
Article
This article aims to explore the characteristics of broadcasting media policy in Iran. Ratified laws and regulatory documents concerning broadcast media in Iran are collected and analysed using qualitative content analysis and thematic coding. The results indicate that rigid state ownership, promoting political and cultural discourses, unification, using state-secured budgets, focussing on mass audience and developing air broadcasting technology have been the core themes of the broadcast media policy paradigm in Iran in the past four decades. In the given time horizon, the Iranian government has always reinforced regulatory policies for broadcast media to impose limitations on possible broadcasting activities of individuals, groups and commercial parties.
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The provision of service of general economic interest (SGEI) is often not commercially viable under normal market conditions and requires financial support from the State. This chapter examines the interplay between EU state aid rules and SGEI. Two issues are of particular significance—the issue of definition and the issue of compatibility. This chapter studies the case law of the Court, in particular the landmark Altmark ruling, and the Commission practice. It argues that by applying state aid law to SGEI funding, the EU regulates how SGEIs are funded by the Member States. The focus of EU state aid law has been on ensuring SGEI funding is competition neutral.
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In this paper we aim to study the public communication policies in Mexico, especially those created and implemented after the approval of the Telecommunications Reform of 2013 intended to eliminate monopolies. Based on the definition by van Cuilenburg and McQuail in Media Policy Paradigm Shifts: Towards a New Communications Policy Paradigm, the Communications Policy has been updated and redefined due to the digital convergence of the media and telecommunications, coupled with the free market and technological transformations. These have been guided towards the regulation of the communication industries taking into account the concentration in large conglomerates, while promoting the development of society and the improvement of democracy. In this article, we analyze the impact of these policies on the regulation of monopolies in telecommunications and broadcasting in Mexico, specifically the actions implemented in Grupo Televisa and América Movil. Keywords: Monopolies. Communications policy. Telecommunications Reform. Mexico. Link: https://bit.ly/3aQpOI7
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This chapter explains the policy environment and how media and communications policy is made at various levels (global, regional, national, provincial and local) and that the processes and policy tools available in each differ. It presents a model of institutional influences on policy making and how state structures and administrative agencies affect processes and outcomes, how economic and social institutions affect policy making, and the issues of policy capture, state capture and media capture.
Article
The policy changes in the reform of the EU Audiovisual Media Services Directive (AVMSD) and implementation the digital single market (DSM) have recently been a major topic of debate among policy-makers and stakeholders alike. The European Commission (EC), through its various online publications, has sought to inform this discourse and promote acceptance of the reforms by communicating numerous benefits of the proposed new policy. Deploying a mixed-methods approach, our research examines the benefits of policy reform promised by EC online publications, how these proposed benefits are evaluated by industry stakeholders in Estonia, and if the two are aligned. By our definition, policy can be in alignment with industry stakeholders when it accurately addresses their values, needs and priorities. In detail, the research looks at how each of the proposed benefits aligns with what industry stakeholders in Estonia see as important for the audio-visual industry in general, important for their own professional interests, whether a policy change was needed, and finally whether they think that a policy change would be effective. Though a wealth of research can be found about the impact of policies on stakeholders, our article queries those stakeholders about their views, and addresses a perceived gap in existing research on the alignment of policy.
Article
South Africa is a country found on extreme forms of inequality along race, gender, and class lines. Thus, transformation addressing these inequalities of the apartheid past became a critical factor in the re-organisation of society at the onset of democracy in 1994. One essential intervention in addressing mainly the economic disparities of the past was Black Economic Empowerment (BEE), introduced by the African National Congress (ANC) government to overcome the economic legacy of apartheid. The BEE programme, renamed the Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment (B-BBEE) in 2007, measures the transformation performance of companies across all sectors of the economy, according to a specified scorecard. In the absence of a media-specific transformation policy, the Act serves as its transformation policy standard. This paper critiques the B-BBEE policy instrument in relation to print media transformation using Critical race theory, and related concepts, such as racial capitalism, and racial liberalism. The paper finds that despite the racial diversification of the racial composition of the media, B-BBEE is largely an illusion. The B-BBEE strategy has not changed the racial character of the economy, and fundamentally resulted in the co-optation of a small black elite into the wealthy white capitalist elite inherited from the apartheid era, where the “power relationship” reminiscent of apartheid still exists and white privilege intersects with other forms of subordination such as gender and class. Policies supporting media transformation must become “race conscious” in a way that openly confronts racism and engages with systematic racism and exclusion.
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از آنجا که سازمان‌های رسانه‎ای در فضایی پیچیده و متغیر فعالیت می‎کنند نیازمند نقشه راهی هستند تا به کمک آن بتوانند این فضا را مدیریت کرده و در مقابل تغییرات ناگهانی آن از خود واکنش مناسب نشان دهند. سیاست‎گذاری در سازمان‎های رسانه‎ای می‎تواند نقش مهمی در این خصوص ایفا کند. در این تحقیق فرایند سیاست‎گذاری در سازمان صدا و سیمای جمهوری اسلامی ایران مطالعه گردیده و آسیب‎های موجود در نظام فعلی سیاست‎گذاری به روش تحلیل تم بررسی شده است. تحقیق حاضر با استفاده از روش کیفی با انجام مصاحبه‎های نیمه ساختار یافته با دوازده نفر از مدیران ارشد سازمان صدا و سیمای جمهوری اسلامی ایران و همچنین اساتید و نخبگان رسانه که به صورت تصادفی انتخاب شده بودند انجام گردید. با توجه به تجزیه و تحلیل مضمون (تم) پاسخ‎های ارائه شده به نظر می رسد که این آسیب‎ها را بتوان در سه دسته آسیب‎های ساختاری، زمینه‎ای و محتوایی دسته بندی کرد. از جمله این آسیب‎ها در فرایند سیاست‎گذاری سازمان صدا و سیما می‎توان به شکل‎گیری سیاست‎های کلان در طیف کوچکی از مدیران داخل سازمان، عدم شفافیت قوانین در خصوص شورای سیاست‎گذاری سازمان و همچنین عدم پای‎بندی ساختار مدیریتی به تغییر در پیش فرض‌های کنونی راجع به محیط سازمان اشاره کرد.
Article
en Partisan media bias has been difficult to operationalize, and it rarely has been analyzed cross-nationally. This study presents new measures of media bias and applies them to data covering 24 EU countries. To build the measures, we employ two benchmarks of political balance—objectivity and neutrality. We rely on cross-national content data on parties' visibility from 13'893 mentions in news stories, 530 expert evaluations on party favorability of media outlets, and survey data on media audiences' partisan preferences from 24'068 individuals. Scores are used to assess partisan media bias at country, outlet, and party levels. Zusammenfassung de Die Operationalisierung von politischer Ausgewogenheit in der Medienberichterstattung ist ein schwieriges Unterfangen. Ausserdem ist politische Ausgewogenheit nur selten länderübergreifend untersucht worden. Anhand von Daten, die 24 EU-Staaten umfassen, stellt die vorliegende Studie zwei neue Operationalisierungen politischer Ausgewogenheit in der Medienberichter-stattung vor. Diese Operationalisierungen nehmen ihren Ausgangspunkt in zwei Definitionen von politischer Ausgewogenheit: Objektivität und Neutralität. Die Daten umfassen 13'893 Erwähnungen von politischen Parteien in der Medienberichterstattung, 530 Experten-Beurteilungen der Darstellung von Parteien in den Medien sowie Umfragedaten, die die poli-tischen Orientierung von Mediennutzern erfassen (N=24'068). Anhand dieser Daten wird die politische Ausgewogenheit der Medienberichterstattung auf Länder-, Medien- und Parteiniveau berechnet. Résumé fr Les partis pris politiques des médias sont difficiles à mesurer et ont rarement été analysés à l’échelle internationale. Cette étude présente de nouvelles mesures du biais médiatique et les applique à des données sur 24 pays de l’UE. Pour élaborer les mesures, nous utilisons deux crit`eres d’équilibre politique: l’objectivité et la neutralité. Nous nous appuyons sur des données de contenu transnationales sur la visibilité des partis à partir de 13893 mentions dans des articles et des reportages, 530 évaluations d’experts sur la favorabilité des médias vers les partis et des données d’enquˆete sur les préférences partisanes des audiences des médias (N=24068 personnes). Les scores sont utilisés pour évaluer les biais partisans des médias au niveau des pays, des médias et des partis.
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Public Service Media (PSM) organizations have been facing major challenges as digital platforms disrupt the media environment, consumption habits change, their funding models are reformed, and attacks from political actors intensify. In this situation, the best solution for PSM to build a case for themselves and navigate the storm is to use their values as a compass. The combination of core, traditional values and new, emerging ones is key for PSM to adapt to the transformation of the current societies’ communication needs and thus legitimize themselves in front of the citizens they serve. This book presents different ways in which PSM can create value for different stakeholders, in different contexts and through different means.
Article
What are the challenges to effective academic participation in telecommunications policymaking? In this article, the authors analyze their experiences with the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission and Industry Canada as examples. Their goal is to increase academic policy engagement despite negligible government support for public interest advocacy, as traditional public interest values are discarded by regulators because new technologies are framed as individual rather than collective. Industry Canada is deemed opaque with an “advocacy deficit,” though the CRTC is more transparent and inviting. To succeed in both venues, academics need to work with advocacy organizations as “circumstantial activists.” Such academic participation can offer new conceptual frameworks, add nuance to discourse, substantiate the use of scholarly research in policy debates, and add to policy theory building.
Article
The Audiovisual Media Services Directive (AVMSD) overhaul in 2018 includes video sharing platform services (VSPs), which provide content in an automated way, including user-generated content (UGC). This change is tantamount to a paradigm shift, as these multi-sided platforms differ starkly from the actors that had previously been regulated under the AVMSD. The AVMSD seems to have answered the question, what kind of rules we need. However, problems of implementation and application will not become apparent until later, and only then will it become clear which of the VSPs’ measures are truly expedient and appropriate. To know which rules are precise enough to provide legal certainty while also dynamic enough to adapt to technological developments, we need permanent monitoring processes – as described in our governance cycle. The prerequisite for permanent monitoring processes is fair and transparent data accesses, the design of which is also a fundamental challenge, as we will explain by the house of data access. Continuous monitoring processes are complex procedures involving many layers of competence. But they are also opportunities to timely catch and quickly correct misdevelopments. By implementing the two-step watchdog model in a bigger network, undesirable developments can be recognized at an earlier stage, because watchdogs are strengthened as information purveyors.
Article
How would media policy discourse benefit from more precise use of the ambiguous term “the market”? The term's economic and metaphorical constructions are often conflated, say the authors. For example, the metaphor can be used ideologically to obscure private political and economic interests. While there is no single uncontroversial definition of the term, greater clarity about the difference between its empirical and normative uses, according to the authors, will produce a more fruitful debate on both in the realm of media policy.
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There are a multitude of UN legal instruments which pertain to the rights of freedom of expression and information, and this book is the first to comprehensively map them and their function. It details the chequered history of both rights within the UN system and evaluates the suitability of the system for overcoming contemporary challenges and threats to the rights. Leading scholars address key issues, such as how the rights to freedom of expression and information can come into conflict with other human rights and with public policy goals, such as counter-terrorism. The book's institutional focus comprises five international treaties, UNESCO and the UN Special Rapporteur on freedom of expression. Relevant for academics, lawyers, policy-makers and civil society actors, it also examines how new communication technologies have prompted fresh thinking about the substance and scope of the rights to freedom of expression and information.
Article
La digitalización y la comunicación por internet se han integrado en todos los niveles del desarrollo social, y la convergencia mediática se ha convertido en una tendencia inevitable en el procesamiento y la difusión de la información. En este trabajo se estudia el mecanismo de innovación en la compilación y publicación de diccionarios mediante la confluencia y colaboración entre los medios de comunicación, que incluyen: (1) los nuevos métodos y tendencias de compilación de diccionarios, (2) las características y el enfoque de la convergencia mediática para lalexicografía, (3) la estructura y función de los diccionarios basados en la convergencia mediática, (4) la innovación de las organizaciones lexicográficas. Los resultados de la investigación muestran que la convergencia mediática ofrece una gran oportunidad para la transformación digital de los diccionarios, de ahí la importancia de adoptar este enfoque para producir textos lexicográficos multimodales que puedan ser consultadosy mostrados a través de diversos medios de comunicación y terminales digitales.
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Harmonization of defining the development of media literacy within the "Strategy for the development of the public information system in the Republic of Serbia for the period 2020-2025" with the recommendations of the international organization UNESCO about the development of policies and strategies for information and media literacy Abstract: In a global, highly networked world, the creation of media policies at the national level is becoming obsolete and the need to create supranational guidelines and recommendations in the field of media policy is evolving. This study focuses on the comparative analysis of the "Strategy for the development of the public information system in the Republic of Serbia for the period 2020-2025. year" and the UNESCO manual "Media and Information Literacy: Policy and Strategy Guidelines". This paper aims to assess whether and to what extent the "Strategy for the development of the public information system in the Republic of Serbia for the period 2020-2025. year" followed the recommendations of the UNESCO handbook. The theoretical framework of the paper is represented by theories of media policy in global discourse and definitions of media literacy by James Potter, Renee Hobbs and Tibor Coltay, and the empirical part of the paper is based on desk research, content analysis, and comparative analysis. The general conclusion of the paper is that although the Media Strategy indicates a basic understanding of the need to develop media literacy, the measures prescribed by the Media Strategy are broadly defined, do not have specific indicators, and leave room for free interpretation of the functionality of these measures, meaning they are not written according to UNESCO handbook guidelines.
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Local journalism is often categorized by policymakers and academics as what neoclassical economists call a public good. The theory of public goods is used to describe journalism's nonrivalrous and nonexcludable characteristics and explain its positive externalities. Challenging this, I argue that the discourse of public goods is insufficient to fully capture the social democratic importance of local journalism. In its place, I call for a shift to thinking about local news as a merit good. Positioning local news as a merit good gives political economic leverage for increased regulatory support and encourages efforts to ensure the sustainability of local journalism.
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The advent of new broadcasting technologies has eliminated spectrum scarcity as a constraint on broadcasting, and with it one of the justifications for broadcast licensing. Have nations moved away from licensing as a form of regulation of their broadcasting sectors? And concomitantly, is there less opportunity to use licensing as a means of promoting the public interest in broadcasting? The authors address these questions through a comparative study of licensing requirements for terrestrial broadcasting and other forms of television and radio distribution in 18 Western nations.
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The article traces the evolution of over-the-top (OTT) services in order to analyse how the growing use of Internet distribution influences the structural conditions and institutional arrangements in Denmark. This story is told in four parts: first, I outline how the shift from postal services to e-mail restructured the conditions for asynchronous one-to-one communication; second, I examine the introduction of web-based services and the declining role of the press as gatekeeper for asynchronous one-to-many communication; third, I focus on the impact of mobile broadband and smartphones on synchronous one-to-one communication and the telecommunications sector; and fourth, I analyse the emergence of streaming technologies and the reorganisation of synchronous one-to-many communication and broadcasting. Building on these examples, I argue that key welfare state principles have come under pressure and that research tends to underestimate the fundamental transformations of the institutional order.
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In this article, we are interested in examining the factors that drive cybernationalism and digital governance in media policies. As scholars with a long-standing interest in media industries and policies in Latin America, we start with a simple empirical observation: the curious absence of debates and strong efforts to regulate digital media in the region grounded on nationalistic arguments. It is not exaggerated to affirm that for the past two decades, the region has largely adopted a laissez-faire, deregulatory approach on fundamental issues about the structure and functioning of the Internet, including the performance of global digital platforms, content traffic, data ownership and access, and speech. We believe that understanding the decades-long transition from nationalistic media regulations to pragmatism in digital policies in Latin America yields valuable insights for theorizing the conditions that foster (and discourage) nationalism and sovereignty in digital policies.
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The media in Zambia have been in a state of uncertainty since Zambia reinstated democratic governance in the early 1990s. Despite promising initial steps to deregulate the media that started under President Chiluba’s government in the mid-1990s, achieving these objectives in successive years has proved difficult. Successive governments have exhibited increasing aversion towards free and independent media, instead increasing efforts to regulate. This is significant, because comparisons with Kaunda’s autocratic era before 1991 cast the state in a friendlier light towards the media, defying normative theories. After both the Media Ethics Council of Zambia and Zambia Media Ethics Council (ZAMEC) failed as self-regulatory mechanisms in the mid to late 2000s, current state efforts have turned to create a hybrid statutory self-regulatory framework. This is a challenge because Zambia’s democracy has come under pressure from increasing political intolerance. Furthermore, while media professionals support the idea of regulation to strengthen professionalism, they often disagree on the value of statutory self-regulation and its implications. This study used the In-Depth Interview approach on 23 media professionals and documentary analysis to sketch the history and future implications of media regulation efforts in Zambia. Results show a checkered past but present an even more complicated future. The history of the Independent Broadcasting Authority shows that the proposed statutory self-regulatory framework presents more challenges to the media than ever before. This paper aims to contribute to global media studies and specifically the problems of regulation, the state, and media freedom in an African context.
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This is a comparative study of official diplomatic speeches regarding COVID-19, released by spokespersons for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and documents from the United States Department of State China Archive. It explores how these speeches and documents reflect the US–China relations and the conduct of policies surrounding digital media in the two countries. We focus on the period from the start of the Wuhan lockdown, 20 January 2020, to the city’s reopening on 8 April, and use several forms of content analysis to analyse the documents: Latent Dirichlet Allocation (LDA) topic modelling, sentiment network analysis and word clouds. We argue that the diplomatic relationship and political ideologies adopted by different political and media systems can have a major impact upon media policy implementation and guidance.
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This article explores the public value of community media in Austria. Though they fulfil various important functions in civil society, they do not enjoy the same legislative recognition and financial funding like other public-value-generating broadcasters do. For this study five normative functions have been developed to measure the community media’s public value: the articulation function, the participation function, the complementary function, the media literacy function and the strategies in media convergence function. In thirteen focus groups with members of fifteen Austrian community media, the strong institutionalization of the sector became just as apparent as the existence of a commonly shared self-perception. The normative functions are strongly anchored in the daily routine of the participating programme makers. So, community media in Austria clearly generate public value.
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This article analyses the digital policies introduced in different Latin American countries during the first three months after the outbreak of COVID-19 reached the region (March–June 2020). This analysis has a three-fold objective: (a) to give an overview of the status of connectivity in five big Latin American countries – Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia and Mexico; (b) to study comparatively the actions and regulations implemented on connectivity matters by the governments of each country to face the pandemic; and (c) to provide insights in relation with telecommunications policies in the context of pandemic emergence at a regional level. To that end, this study will consider legal regulations and specific public policies in this field, official documents from the public and private sectors, and statistics on ICT access and usage in the region.
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Media use can empower people, provided that this is accompanied by a deeper understanding of the actors, processes and structures in the media sector – including media policy. It is, however, to be expected that media users’ literacy of media policy is rather limited. This is problematic as the absence of such understanding makes it impossible for citizens to hold the politicians they elected accountable for the media policy they develop. This article explores what media users know about media policy, what they expect to know, and whether they care. We adopted a case-study approach, researching this question for the region of Flanders based on a combination of quantitative (representative survey) and qualitative (49 in-depth interviews) data. While the article focuses on the case of Flanders, its theoretical basis as well as conclusion section are relevant beyond that specific context.
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In this paper we propose a generic model for policy with regard to convergence which allows for media specific regulations and procedures. First, we propose a political approach that is based on the well-acccepted notion of freedom of communication. From this notion free and equal access to communication systems is inferred as the main policy objective for modern communications policy. Second, we argue that convergence urges to new descriptive and policy models for media and telecommunication.The notion of control over access to communications is the heart of this approach, which seeks to conceptualize the balances of power between different actors in the communications sector. Six patterns of control are distinguished: exchange, distribution, proliferation, registration, editing and packaging. Policy in a liberalized environment of converging communication systems, it is argued, should be aimed at correcting imbalances in these control patterns. Thirdly, a five-layered model of communications systems is proposed which sets out posssible loci for such policy intervention. Finally, some remarks are made on future communications policy operating on a control-balance analysis of communicaion systems.
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A study of media regulation, public interest and the law, this second edition includes completely up-to-date material on the impact of the Communications Act 2003, creation of Ofcom, and major developments deriving from the EU.
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This paper investigates which governmental policies are most suitable for creating an innovative telecommunications market at the local level, focusing on the relation between the local telecommunications network and local CATV networks. Regulatory policies must put more emphasis on competition instead of stimulating specific technological innovations. There is a need for an anticyclical competition policy which will enhance competition if the telecommunications market is insufficiently innovative and restrict competition if the market becomes extremely detrimental to innovation. The regulatory model to be applied to the local loop should not be the common carrier model, but rather the press model of regulation, providing free entry for all network operators and information suppliers to the telecommunications market.
Article
Due to all kinds of technological and economic developments the traditional media sector and the telecommunications sector are becoming increasingly related. On a technical level the broadcasting infrastructure is gradually being integrated with the telecommunications infrastructure, which makes it possible for public telecommunications operators to enter the broadcasting domain. The introduction of CATV has in itself led to broadcasting orientating towards narrowcasting for highly segmented audiences (pay-TV). Furthermore, new technologies enable broadcasting organizations to provide commercial services to business users (data casting, business television). These developments have important implications for media policy. It is no longer possible to sustain the regulatory and policy separation between media and telecommunications. Government media policies can no longer be exclusively guided by cultural values, and telecommunications policy should also pursue objectives outside the technological and economic field. In this article an integration of media and telecommunications policy is called for (policy convergence), leading to one `national communications policy'.
Article
This article shows that media convergence has always been a historical possibility but was foreclosed by private industry and/or governments intent on preventing cross-media combinations. In contrast, the current push to bring about information highways in Britain and Canada promotes rather than prevents media reconvergence. Given the uncertainties surrounding new media, three potential evolutionary paths are suggested: the emergence of `information suburbs' in contrast to the idealistic connotations associated with information societies; new media as adjuncts of `old media'; or a strategy that seeks to expand the range of universal service and media freedoms for the many rather than the few and which uses ISDN as the cornerstone of the fixed public telecommunications network.
Article
European Community audiovisual policy, and particularly public service broadcasting (PSB), exhibit tensions between different types of policy objectives: the social, political and cultural on the one hand and economic on the other. Thus, while the Community recognizes the importance of PSB as a public good (i.e. non-individualized goods or benefits, which are for the benefit of, and enjoyed by, the community), which has democratic potential, it also subjects any state funding for PSB to the limitation that `such funding does not affect trading conditions and competition in the Community to an extent which would be contrary to the common interest'. This article aims to identify the Community view of PSB as necessitated by its perceived role in society and juxtapose those requirements against the operation of Community competition policy.
Article
This monograph details several of the factors which brought about the publication, in 1947, of "A Free and Responsible Press," the report of the Hutchins Commission on Freedom of the Press. The commission's report gave the press a face-saving way of responding to the criticism which was leveled at the economic structure of newspaper operations and reinforced the overall theme of press "responsibility." Chapters include discussions of the environment of crisis in which the press existed prior to the formation of the commission, of the creation and workings of the commission, and of public and press reaction to the issuance of the report. It is concluded that the notion of a free, but responsible, press was an idea whose time had come. (KS)
Article
In this paper we propose a generic model for policy with regard to convergence which allows for media specific regulations and procedures. First, we propose a political approach that is based on the well-acccepted notion of freedom of communication. From this notion free and equal access to communication systems is inferred as the main policy objective for modern communications policy. Second, we argue that convergence urges to new descriptive and policy models for media and telecommunication.The notion of control over access to communications is the heart of this approach, which seeks to conceptualize the balances of power between different actors in the communications sector. Six patterns of control are distinguished: exchange, distribution, proliferation, registration, editing and packaging. Policy in a liberalized environment of converging communication systems, it is argued, should be aimed at correcting imbalances in these control patterns. Thirdly, a five-layered model of communications systems is proposed which sets out posssible loci for such policy intervention. Finally, some remarks are made on future communications policy operating on a control-balance analysis of communicaion systems.
Article
This paper investigates which governmental policies are most suitable for creating an innovative telecommunications market at the local level, focusing on the relation between the local telecommunications network and local CATV networks. Regulatory policies must put more emphasis on competition instead of stimulating specific technological innovations. There is a need for an anticyclical competition policy which will enhance competition if the telecommunications market is insufficiently innovative and restrict competition if the market becomes extremely detrimental to innovation. The regulatory model to be applied to the local loop should not be the common carrier model, but rather the press model of regulation, providing free entry for all network operators and information suppliers to the telecommunications market.
Article
Estudio que aborda cuatro teorías de los medios de comunicación impresos, que plantean el quehacer y el deber ser de éstos. Contiene: La teoría autoritaria; La teoría libertaria; La teoría de la responsabilidad social; La teoría del comunismo soviético.
A Free and Responsible Press: Commission on Freedom of the Press
  • R Hutchins
Hutchins, R. (1947) A Free and Responsible Press: Commission on Freedom of the Press. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
Mass Media and State Support in Sweden
  • O Hultèn
Hultèn, O. (1984) Mass Media and State Support in Sweden. Stockholm: Sweden Books.
The Foundations of Communications Policy. Creskill, NJ: Hampton Press. OTA (Office of Technology Assessment) (1990) Critical Connections: Communica-tion for the Future
  • P M Napoli
Napoli, P.M. (2001) The Foundations of Communications Policy. Creskill, NJ: Hampton Press. OTA (Office of Technology Assessment) (1990) Critical Connections: Communica-tion for the Future. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office.
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