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show me the money:
cybershrews and on-line
money masochists
Keith F. Durkin
Department of Psychology, Ohio Northern
University, Ada, Ohio, USA
This article documents the existence of a novel
form of deviant behavior, called money slavery,
which utilizes the Internet. This practice involves
males (called ‘‘money slaves’’) making monetary
payments to women (called ‘‘money mistresses’’)
they contact on-line in exchange for being
humiliated, degraded, and even blackmailed.
The data for this study were gathered over a
four-year period from Web pages, newsgroups,
message boards, and discussion forums. The results
indicate that participants utilize various social
control strategies in an attempt to prevent the
ample opportunities for fraud associated with this
practice. Moreover, participants sometimes offer
accounts (Scott and Lyman 1968) in an apparent
attempt to manage stigma. These findings are
considered in the framework of postmodern
culture, and social learning theory is offered as a
possible explanation of this behavior. The
significance of this phenomenon is also examined,
and the possible real-life ramifications of these
men’s behavior are also considered.
Received 28 July 2006; accepted 20 November 2006.
Address correspondence to Keith F. Durkin, Department of Psychology and Sociology,
Ohio Northern University, Hill Memorial 105, Ada, OH 45810, USA. E-mail: k-durkin@
onu.edu
Deviant Behavior, 28: 355378, 2007
Copyright #Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
ISSN: 0163-9625 print/1521-0456 online
DOI: 10.1080/01639620701233290
355
INTRODUCTION
The Internet has created a fertile opportunity structure for
deviant behavior. Accordingly, there has been a vast array of
deviant practices surrounding this technological innovation.
Hacking, or the unauthorized intrusion into a computer
system or network, is an excellent example (Jordan and
Taylor 1998). Fraud and other deceptive practices are
commonplace on the Internet. Some examples include stock
manipulation, the misappropriation of credit card infor-
mation, investment swindles, and on-line auction fraud
(Baker 1999; Punch 2000; U.S. Department of Justice
2000). White supremacist groups are using the Internet for
the dissemination of propaganda as well as the recruitment
of new members (Burris, Smith, and Strahm 2000). Evidence
suggests that cyberstalking, sending harassing or threatening
electronic communications to other computer users, is
becoming a frequent occurrence (Jerin and Dolinsky 2001;
U.S. Department of Justice 1999). Internet gambling is a
rapidly growing phenomenon (Griffiths and Parke 2002).
Also, the illegal sale of prescription drugs, guns, and
alcoholic beverages transpires over the Internet (Henney
2001; U.S. Department of Justice 2000).
Social scientists have begun to document the various
manifestations of sexual deviance that transpire over the
Internet. For example, some computer users engage in inter-
active explicit discussions called cybersex (Durkin 2001a).
Although many of these interactions simply involve erotic
banter (Durkin and Bryant 1995), these activities occasion-
ally involve particularly disturbing conduct. For instance,
there have been numerous reports of pedophiles using chat
rooms to engage in sexually orientated discussions with
children, as well as attempting to arrange meetings with
youngsters for sexual purposes (Durkin 1997; Durkin and
Bryant 1999; Lamb 1998). The Internet has become a major
avenue for the exchange and sale of pornographic materials.
Pornographic entrepreneurs and all types of amateur sexual
enthusiasts are using the Internet to promote and distribute
their wares (Leiblum 1997). Although much of this pornogra-
phy is banal, material addressing deviant themes such as
bestiality, rape, and scatological activities are also available.
In fact, the Internet is now the primary outlet for the
356 K. F. Durkin
distribution of child pornography (Caeti 2001; Durkin 1997;
Quayle and Taylor 2002). Prostitutes also use this technology
to advertise for sexual services via Web pages and message
boards (Bryant and Palmer 2001).
In terms of sexual deviance, one of the most sociologi-
cally significant aspects of the Internet is that it serves as
a social consolidation mechanism, bringing together people
with similar sexual interests (Durkin 2001a; Durkin and
Bryant 1995). On the Internet, one finds ‘‘a community
of like-minded enthusiasts willing to discuss their enthusi-
asm in length and in detail’’ (Leiblum 1997:25). For
instance, Walton (2001:21) noted that the emerging Internet
culture has afforded ‘‘a forum for bestiality enthusiasts and
practitioners to share their interests or fantasies thorough a
variety of chat rooms and web sites.’’ Moreover, Davis
(2001) documented a loosely organized subculture of
individuals interested in ‘‘cyber flashing,’’ which involves
posting photos of themselves in various stages of undress
or engaging in sex acts. Additionally, pedophilesfrequently
use the Internet to communicate with each other, share
information and provide mutual support and validation for
their deviant sexual identity (Durkin 1997; Durkin and
Bryant 1999). The purpose of this article is to report on a
group of Internet users involved in a practice called money
slavery.
METHODOLOGY
The analysis of web sites and other forms of computer-
mediated communication has been used in a number of
recent studies of deviant behavior. For example, Lamb
(1998) examined the characteristics of visitors to on-line chat
rooms. Durkin and Bryant (1999) utilized the postings in a
Usenet newsgroup frequented by pedophiles. Gauthier and
Forsyth (1999) gathered part of their data on bug chasers
(i.e., men seeking to be infected with the HIV virus) from
web sites and chat rooms. Palandri and Green (2000) exam-
ined image management in sadomasochism chat rooms.
Burris et al. (2000) analyzed white supremacist networks
on the Internet. Bernstein (2001) used data collected from
web sites and chat rooms in her research. Evans (2001)
Cybershrews and On-Line Money Masochists 357
studied sanctioning in a chat room culture. Gossett and
Byrne (2002) performed a content analysis of Internet rape
sites. Finally, Hegland and Nelson (2002) examined the
personal web pages of a sample of transvestites.
The data for this research were gathered over a period of
approximately four years. They were collected from home-
pages, message forums, Yahoo groups, user profiles,
and blogs. Hundreds of hours were spent examining these
materials on-line, and approximately 500 printed pages were
printed out for analysis. This topic was discovered acciden-
tally by the author in the course of his ongoing investigation
of deviance on the Internet. Specifically, the author found an
advertisement from a woman who described herself as a
‘‘money mistress’’ and claimed she was seeking ‘‘money
slaves.’’ The initial advertisement provided a brief descrip-
tion of the ‘‘services’’ she provided. Popular search engines
such a Google and Yahoo were used to search for key words
such as ‘‘money slavery’’ and ‘‘money mistress.’’ The
subsequent data collection strategy resembled a snowball
sample, except it used Internet sites for information referrals,
rather than individuals. In their research on Internet rape
sites, Gossett and Byrne (2002) found that one site often gave
links to several others sites with a similar theme. Likewise,
the examination of a particular money slavery site often
yielded links to several others. The current study was com-
pletely unobtrusive. At no point in time did they author ever
interact with or correspond with any of the participants in the
Internet money slavery subculture.
Obviously, the sample is in no way representative of all
Internet money slavery sites. Also, many of these websites,
discussion forums, and profiles were ephemeral in nature.
During the course of this research, many simply disappeared,
while others were created. Despite the fluid nature of the
Internet, these type of data ‘‘can be useful in providing a
snapshot of a given subject at a particular point in time’’
(Hegland and Nelson 2002:142). Rather than setting parti-
cular parameters for their analysis, researchers who have
used this type of data (e.g., Gauthier and Chaudoir 2004
Hegland and Nelson 2002) examined their data for recurrent
themes. The data in the current study were examined in
order to identify common themes, characteristics, and
tendencies.
358 K. F. Durkin
MONEY SLAVERY
The phenomenon called ‘‘money slavery’’ involves males
giving money or gifts to women they meet on-line in
exchange for being degraded, humiliated, or blackmailed.
According to one columnist in an on-line S&M magazine,
‘‘surely it is the deepest way to mix real-everyday life to a
condition of slavery ...the ultimate depiction of economic
dehumanization’’ (Skorpio 2001:2). Regarding this practice,
one blogger noted:
There’s often a financial component to any aspect of consen-
sual BDSM play (just browse through the sex ads in your local
alt weekly), but in the world of money mistresses, pay pigs
and human ATMs, the exchange of cold hard cash for the
privilege of being abused, dominated, humiliated, and=or
ignored is the whole point of the action. (Financial Slavery
2006)
A variety of other terms are sometimes used to describe the
practice including financial servitude, financial rape, wallet
rapping, extreme spoiling and financial domination.
The initial contact between participants can be made via
the money mistresses’ Web pages. Alternately, interested
parties can be located through the scores of discussion
groups dedicated to this practice, such as ‘‘The Real Money
Slaves,’’ ‘‘Money Slaves 101,’’ ‘‘Cash Fetish,’’ and ‘‘Money
Slaves Fellowship Forum.’’ The females, or money mis-
tresses, frequently place advertisements on the Internet to
recruit men. The following are some examples:
I am a beautiful 23-year-old college student who loves to
humiliate men as they worship me and drain their bank
accounts in my honor. I have expensive tastes, and there is
no limit to the amount of money I might demand. Whether
you are a millionaire, or a regular Joe, rest assured that I
can reduce you to poverty. So if you have the balls, which
I doubt you do, you can apply to be my money slave simply
by making a tribute. When I receive your tribute I will E-mail
with my demands.
I am now accepting cash cows that need to be milked.
You must submit your mind, soul, body and wallet to me.
Arrangements will be made to drain every cent you have.
Do you like pain? Humiliation? Are you a sissy maid?
Cybershrews and On-Line Money Masochists 359
I promise I will bring you to your knees and ruin you
forever.
Mature Money Domme Helga will wickedly lead you to
your own financial ruination, bankruptcy as you become
her cash cow, human ATM, pay pig, money slaves. ...
Domme Helga is your financial dom for financial domi-
nation, so drain your credit cards now & give Goddess your
cash!!!
I wish to fuck your rock hard credit card dry! Take me for a
ride on the streets of CA$H & PLEA$URE$ NOW! I will take
from you NOW! You will submit to my every desire, &
demand! I am stunning, & in control! I hit you like the last
drink at the bar, the one that makes you feel warm & fuzzy
& at the same time a bit out of control & dizzy! I seduce your
wallet away, as you fall into my lair! Welcum to my world,
you will never leave! Contact me NOW!
Although advertisements from male participants do not
appear to be as prevalent, nonetheless some money slaves
place ads in hopes of establishing contact with an appropri-
ate money mistress:
I’m looking for a superior female who wants to control my
entire life, including total control over my finances. I’m earn-
ing about $35,000 a year and I’m willing to give it to a real
Goddess. The only thing I want is that she treats me like
the shit I am. She should be willing to degrade and destroy
me completely.
Money pig, 55, white, seeks spoiled PRINCESS between
18 & 25, to e-mail me every Friday (payday), and demand
all extra money from my pay check. When SHE receives
the money, SHE will e-mail me to remind me what a stupid
pig I am and that I am getting absolutely nothing for my
money. I prefer a PRINCESS that I can mail cash or money
order to. I must see a picture of the PRINCESS, posing wear-
ing high heels. Prefer a PRINCESS with a web site, but not
necessary. PRINCESS may also demand that I get a second
job, so SHE can have more money.
The money mistresses request various forms of remuner-
ation from the men to maintain ongoing contact. They com-
monly require the money slaves to send tributes (normally
$25 or $50) to them electronically by credit card or Pay
360 K. F. Durkin
Pal, or to a P.O. Box via cash, check, or money order. Many
money mistresses request an ‘‘initiation fee’’ or ‘‘introductory
tribute’’ before they will take the men on as money slaves
or even respond to an e-mail. Some money mistresses also
require their money slaves to pay off a bill of theirs each
month, such as rent, car, electric, phone, or gym membership.
The women also may request that the men buy items from a
computerized ‘‘wish list,’’ which links to on-line stores such
as Saks Fifth Avenue, Bloomingdales, Neiman Marcus, and
Victoria Secret. A few of the money mistresses claim to be
college students and request the men buy their textbooks at
Amazon.Com or the Barnes and Noble on-line store. In
exchange, the women may send e-mail or pictures to the
money slaves, or allow the men to view their Web cam or
speak with them on the phone or via instant messenger.
Evidently some men actually give exorbitant amounts of
money to these women. For instance, one woman’s website
has a copy of a $50,000 wire transfer allegedly from a money
slave, as well as copies of credit card receipts totaling $17,000
(all from the same account), which were supposedly for
‘‘services’’ another incurred on her behalf. However, there
is little, if any, evidence that any physical meetings ever occur
between the money slaves and the money mistresses.
However, some of the money mistresses provide more elab-
orate services. For instance, some offer a ‘‘blackmail service.’’
The man fills out an on-line application with his name,
address, and telephone number of his girlfriend, wife, or
employer as well as some discrediting personal information
about him. The money slave is then required to pay money
to avoid having this information revealed to his significant
other or employer by the money mistress. Also, some money
mistresses claim to provide a ‘‘chastity belt’’ program in
which the money slave buys the device and sends her the
key. In turn, he is required to pay a fee to have the key returned
to him. Furthermore, some women offer outrageously priced
goods and services. For example, one money mistress was
selling her used panties ($75), locks of her hair ($100), and
worn socks ($45) on her website. Another offers phone sex
calls for $9.99 a minute. One money slave reported paying
$330 for a conversation. Some of the money mistresses also
utilize a commercial e-mail service that charges a fee
(e.g., $50) when the recipient opens the e-mail.
Cybershrews and On-Line Money Masochists 361
While the money mistresses appear to be motivated by
financial considerations, sexual interests seem to motivate
the money slaves. Although physical pain can play an impor-
tant role in masochism, psychology pain is also important
to many masochists. This pain ‘‘encompasses feelings of
helplessness, subservience, humiliation, and degradation’’
(Moser and Levitt 1987:332). Many money slaves reported
being sexually aroused by making payments. In a posting,
one money slave stated:
I have found the act of paying so amazing that I actually
masturbate when get the credit card bill. I jerk off.
Another remarked:
The act of paying can be a very stimulating experience, at the
time I do it, but there is usually some means of manipulative
pressure [on the part of the money mistress] by the way of
pushing my submissive button. Going on that makes the act
of transferring cash feel like a turn on.
In turn, the money mistresses are obviously aware of the
sexual arousal associated with the act of making a payment.
Accordingly, they readily acknowledge this in the infor-
mation they post. The following statements from various
money mistresses illustrate this strategy:
Feel the excitement build in your pants as your brain tries to
resist your uncontrollable urge to give me every cent that you
have.
Your back at home surfing the web, reading my site and
stroking that pathetic cock of yours. Why not kill all of the
pretenses of dating and come visit me weekly, or daily and
just pay your damn masturbation tax.
You learn to crave bleeding from me, you start to actively
seek me out financially—to burn you, fuck with your mind,
make you incapable of enjoying normal-nice relationships.
You not only enjoy being humiliated by me, but the emotional
turmoil you experience after the fact. You start loving the scars.
SOCIAL CONTROL AND MONEY SLAVERY
As Evans (2001) noted, sanctions can have an important role
in Internet culture. Social control plays an important part in
362 K. F. Durkin
the phenomenon of money slavery. By its very nature, this
practice is ripe with opportunities for fraud, deception,
and deceit. For instance, the money mistresses may receive
money or gifts from men and not reciprocate by providing
them with e-mail responses, chat time, or other services.
Additionally, the money mistresses can deceive men by
using photos of other women in their profiles or websites.
Moreover, it is possible to disguise one’s gender on the
Internet (Durkin and Bryant 1995). Regarding this deceptive
practice, one money slave argued:
To be misled by a 45-year-old male posing as a bitchy, cocky,
arrogant, beautiful 19-year-old girl in order to fool me out of
my money because he knows that I wouldn’t offer it to him
otherwise is FRAUD.
There is evidence that at least some of these so-called
money mistresses and ‘‘financial domination’’ sites are noth-
ing more than an elaborate hoax. For instance, the same
exact photo was used on the profiles of at least a half-dozen
money mistresses. Also, a professional dominatrix conveyed
the following information in a discussion forum dedicate to
sadomasochism enthusiasts:
(A friend) knew a few guys who had this great idea to hire
some models to take a bunch of pictures of them and then
create financial slavery sites of these ‘‘Dommes’’. Most of
the models had no idea what their pictures were being used
for other than an adult site. They were paid their standard fee
and sent home.
A similar statement appeared in a discussion about money
slavery on a forum dedicated to webmasters who host adult
sites. One male user stated:
A couple of years ago when I was in university, I was surfing
through Yahoo chat rooms and found a money slaves forum.
I sat in there for about an hour and realized what was going
on. Then I set up a fake account as a Mistress (using a fake
pic) to see if I could get one of the slaves in the channel to
send me money. Within about 10 minutes I had a guy send-
ing me $50. ...This is when the channel was new and I made
about $2000 doing it ...but the slaves started to get wise and
ask for proof and such.
Cybershrews and On-Line Money Masochists 363
In an attempt to legitimate their identities, some money
mistress hold up a piece of paper with their name on it, or
simply the words ‘‘real deal’’ to ‘‘prove’’ that they are the
individual pictured in the photo. One money mistress, who
is an advocate of this approach, stated on her website:
The idea was born because of the rampant amount of fake
dommes that troll the web using borrowed or stolen
photographs, many of them being men behind the computer
screen and not even women. I offered the idea up to several
dommes (on line) ...unfortunately there wasn’t much inter-
est. I wonder why.
In an effort to protect their interests, money slaves have
collectively formed discussion groups such as the ‘‘Money
Slaves Fellowship Forum’’ and ‘‘Find Fake Money Slaves’’
to share information on detecting and avoiding frauds. One
poster to a forum shared tips on how to make sure a money
mistress is ‘‘legitimate,’’ including asking for two or three
photos and a Web cam view of the woman before sending
any money. Another money slaved warned his peers:
I have seen several posts and ads by someone calling
themselves Asha, and the photo that they were using is actu-
ally that poor woman, that ex-porno actress, that has AIDS.
One group even contains a picture of the ‘‘Fake of the
Month.’’ Recently, there was a picture of a Madame Jennifer
prominently posted. The group’s moderator noted ‘‘we all
appreciate calling out trailer park tricks like this uneducated
fake.’’
On the other hand, the money mistresses utilize their own
social control strategies. Apparently, some of the male part-
icipants engage in deceptive practices of their own. For
example, some money slaves lie about forthcoming pay-
ments in order to obtain services such as Web cam views
and chat time. Others may agree to pay a particular bill for
a specified period of time and fail to fulfill their part of the
arrangement. Some money mistresses publicly post the on-
line identities of these men. For instance, one posted a
‘‘loser-list’’ which, by her description, contained ‘‘all of the
e-mail addresses and Yahoo usernames of all of the men
who pay once and are never heard from again.’’ On one dis-
cussion forum, the money mistresses have created a ‘‘fakers
364 K. F. Durkin
list’’ consisting of men who have been deceptive about
payment. These men, in turn, are banned from accessing
certain forums. In a rather extreme form of social control,
one money mistress posts chat transcripts, along with the
name and e-mail addresses, of non-paying money slaves in
a public forum. In one such transcript, the male was engaged
in an interactive erotic discussion about his fantasies about
his mother and his desire to perform oral sex on another
man. Other women have gone as far as posting the names
and telephone numbers of non-paying men.
However, social control can also consist of rewarding
desirable behaviors. The money mistresses frequently give
public acknowledgment to those money slaves who make
substantial contributions. On her website, one thanks by
name all of the men who pay her bills. On another website,
a money mistress announced:
Slipjockey is the big donation winner (read: loser) of the day. He
spent about $185 on the phone and another $200 on Pay Pal.
Another money mistress created a special feature on her
website called the ‘‘Money Slave Wall of Fame’’ to recog-
nize the top contributor of the month. She noted, for the
month of July, the slave of the month was
Perky Pee Pee in a landslide!! This pathetic Pee Pee has con-
tributed over $2600 to his adorable Mistress. Way to go! Let’s
see if we can make it two months in a row. As for the rest of
you slackers, you have a lot of work to do.
ACCOUNTS AND MONEY SLAVERY
Although the activities of the money mistresses are not illegal,
these women nonetheless operate on what has been character-
ized as the ‘‘deviant fringe’’ (Bryant 1974). Much like strippers
and phone sex operators, the money mistresses are likely to be
viewed as violating the norms of sexual propriety. Interestingly,
some professional dominatrixs who provide services in com-
mercial studios or private residences (see McClintock 1993)
consider money mistresses to be deviant. For instance, on an
Internet forum, one professional dominantrix noted:
I have met a few ladies who do this type of domination. They
all think its the cat’s meow. I think its extortion. ...What is
Cybershrews and On-Line Money Masochists 365
this lady contributing to the betterment of the other person’s
psychic=well-being? What are they working at—getting rich?
I do this because I love it, trust me in the current climate,
I would be doing something else if I wanted to make
money. I hate to see women such as these use the same title
as those of us who work hard at our craft.
On the same discussion forum, another professional domina-
trix remarked:
This may piss a few people off, but I think the people who do
this are doing the rest of us a great disservice. You KNOW the
chances of one of these men dying and a relative finding what
was thought to be family inheritance has all been stripped are
very strong. The potential media circus would be a nightmare
and, yet again, we will look like a freakish scam job. ...It
creates very bad PR for us all.
On the other hand, the money slaves have to face a
possible stigma associated with making payments to these
women or purchasing over-priced good and services from
them. Chances are that many observers would consider
these men deviant for willingly allowing themselves to be
exploited and victimized, and in some cases targets of out-
right deception. If their activities were known to conven-
tional others, they would be likely to elicit scorn, mockery,
or ridicule.
Scott and Lyman (1968:46) defined an account as ‘‘a
linguistic device that is employed whenever an action is sub-
jected to a valuative inquiry.’’ Accounts are a type of exculpa-
tory mechanism used by individuals to explain deviant
behavior (Durkin 2001b), and serve as a stigma management
technique. They constitute an effort by the individual ‘‘to
minimize the damage to his or her identity’’ (Higginson
1999:26). Accounts can be given orally or in written form
(Lyman 2001). Accordingly, computer mediated communi-
cations provide an excellent medium for the dissemination
and use of accounts (Quayle and Taylor 2001). The concept
of accounts has stimulated a tremendous amount of research
on the sociology of deviance (see Lyman 2001; Durkin
2001b). When an individual engages in a job or other type
of activity that can ‘‘spoil their identity,’’ it is necessary
for them to engage in strategies to manage that stigma
366 K. F. Durkin
(Thompson, Harred, and Burks 2003:553). The use of accounts
is one type of stigma management technique.
The money mistresses seem to offer two types of accounts
for their actions and identities. The first is a claim of entitle-
ment. This involves the assertion that an individual
‘‘deserves’’ or is ‘‘owed’’ some form of compensation
(Coleman 1989; Gauthier 2001; Mars 1974). This specific
justification was originally identified as an additional tech-
nique of neutralization. However, as Scott and Lyman
(1968) noted, the same techniques can also serve as
accounts if they are used after the act has been committed.
Claims of entitlement were ubiquitous on the money mis-
tresses’ Web pages. The following statements from various
money mistresses illustrate the use of this account:
I am blonde and beautiful and you will give me anything
I want because I am so beautiful.
Give me your money. I am a spoiled controlling college
bitch that wants and deserves it all. I believe I shouldn’t have
to work for anything. ...My wishes should be granted without
hesitation or questioning.
I deserve to live in comfort and luxury while little pay pigs
like you work all day long only for my well deserved and
lavish lifestyle.
The other technique used by the money mistresses is
denial of victim. This involves the individual admitting ‘‘that
his or her act caused an injury, but insists that they latter was
deserved’’ (Lyman 2001:9). On web sites and various dis-
cussion forums the women routinely refer to the money
slaves by various pejorative appellations such as pay pigs,
money sluts, bitches, and sissies. This may serve to dehuma-
nize those who are being exploited. The following state-
ments made by various money mistresses illustrate the use
of this account:
You will be used and abused while I drain your fucking bank
account. You will not ask, or beg, for real time, because your
sorry pathetic ass is not worthy of real time. I will humiliate
you and turn you into the bitch that you want to be. Without
me you are nothing, and with me you are still nothing. Your
are worthless and pathetic and could never please a real
woman.
Cybershrews and On-Line Money Masochists 367
How does it feel to be such a loser, when all you can do is
droll over and over again, sitting in the same old chair. ...
What a miserable and pathetic life you live.
Yes I am laughing at you, you stupid fool! I know you crave
to serve me ...it gives your pathetic being a purpose in life. ...
But do remember ...you are nothing but a dick on a stick.
A pig that needs a purpose—a reason to get up in the morning
and get your pathetic ass to work.
On the other hand, some of the men offered an account
that took the form of a claim of self-fulfillment. This involves
the assertion that the act in question increases self-
consciousness or allows the individual to express their true
nature (Scott and Lyman 1968; Weinstein 1980). For
instance, one male posted the following in a discussion
forum:
I am a money slave .. .I really just enjoy giving money to
beautiful women and it so happens that some of the women
are mistresses which is fine as long as I can give them money.
I started giving away money to women in high school. I would
try to put money in a purse or send it in the mail.
Another money slave, who identified himself as a professor,
remarked:
I feel that this is a good lifestyle, and I do find the practice of
financial service enriching on a psycho-sexual and spiritual
level. ...We all strive for happiness and find it in the best
way we know how.
DISCUSSION
New forms of sexual behavior frequently develop as an
adaptive response to technological innovations (Durkin and
Bryant 1995; Quinn and Forsyth 2005). Although the prac-
tice of paying for sexual fantasy is not new, the phenomenon
of money slavery appears to be a novel manifestation of this
type of deviance that is predicated on the existence of the
Internet. Traditionally, certain commercial establishments
and prostitutes have provided services to submissive men
(see McClintock 1993; Weinberg 2001). However, the
services provided included actual physical interactions.
The primary contacts between the money mistresses and
368 K. F. Durkin
money slaves transpire over the Internet. Although sub-
sequent contacts may occur over the telephone or through
the mail, there is no evidence of actual physical contact
between any of the participants involved in the practice of
money slavery.
Online environments are socially constructed (Waskul and
Douglass 1997). In the world of cyberspace, ‘‘a person inter-
acts with other individuals behind a character that he or she
creates’’ (Zhao 2004:100). This process has been compared
to participating in a costume party (McQuillen 2003). The
computer users construct and present an on-line identity that
has been referred to as an electronic self or a virtual self
(Hardey 2002; Miller 1995). Some individuals seem to ‘‘cre-
ate a virtual life for themselves on the Internet’’ (Ng and
Wiemer-Hastings 2005:111). The money mistresses seek to
create and present an image of a shrewish, dominant female.
An important part of creating an on-line identity is the selec-
tion of a screen name (Durkin and Bryant 1995; Lee 2006;
Waskul and Douglass 1997). Quite frequently screen names
serve as a chatter’s ‘‘calling card,’’ and is the ‘‘first signifier of
one’s on-line identity’’ (Setzer 2000:46). So the money mis-
tresses select names such as ‘‘Financial Ruiness Mistress
Kelli’’ and ‘‘Queen of Pay Pigs’’ that makes the identity
and intentions clear. Moreover, they often utilize homepages
to aid in the construction of their identity. A computer home-
page is a personal introduction (Wynn and Katz 1997) and
the creator of a page assumes or anticipates a certain audi-
ence (Schau and Gilley 2003). These homepages reinforce
the money mistresses’ identities, and attempt to entice
money slaves to contact them.
Many people use the internet for reasons related to sexual
fantasy, including experimentation and exploration (Cooper,
Delmonico, Griffin-Shelley, and Mathy 2004; McKenna,
Green, and Smith 2001; Quinn and Forsyth 2005). The
money slaves certainly appear to be driven by fantasies.
Psychologists have noted that a subjective fantasy world
can develop ‘‘inside of the mind of the person using the
computer’’ (Young, Griffin-Shelley, Cooper, O’Mara, and
Buchanan 2000:71). Bryant (1982:22) observed:
...humans with their well-developed capacity for mental
manipulation of complex symbols are able to generate
Cybershrews and On-Line Money Masochists 369
fantasy activity in connection with sexual arousal and carnal
gratification.
The men involved in this activity appear to derive sexual
gratification from both the image of the domineering, shrew-
ish woman, as well as paying money to this type of woman.
McClintock (1993:10) argued that submissive males are
particularly ‘‘enthralled by verbal representations of desire.’’
In cyberspace, the money slaves are confronted with both
verbal and visual representations of a dominant female.
Many observers would consider the activities of money
mistresses to be exploitative. Moreover, there is ample evi-
dence that the identities of some of the money mistresses
are completely fraudulent (e.g., a male masquerading as a
dominant woman). Some scholars (e.g., Joinson 2001) have
argued that the anonymity of the Internet may encourage
anti-normative behavior. It is relatively simple for a person
to disassociate himself or herself ‘‘from the implications of
one’s activities’’ while on-line (Finch 2003:96). Moreover,
it appears to be easier to defraud people on the Internet
compared to real time (Cooper 2004). For instance, the very
nature of websites makes them an ideal platform for the
creation of complete fabrications (Walker 2000). Regardless
of whether they are engaged in fraud or exploitation, the
identity of the person behind the money mistress is relatively
insulated from the implications of their on-line deviance.
On the other hand, many would consider the behavior of
money slaves, such as paying cash ‘‘tributes’’ to the money
mistresses, as deviant. Such behavior would be likely to elicit
concern, if not scorn and ridicule, from observes. The money
slaves appear to be adopting the role of masochist in their
online interactions. This type of individual allows him to
be victimized and derives satisfaction from the experience
of pain and humiliation (Kisker 1977; Shainess 1997). How-
ever, it is apparent that at least some of these men are giving
money to males who are misrepresenting themselves as
women. The personal proclivities of the money slaves, along
with the very nature of the Internet, make them particularly
vulnerable to fraud. Behavioral scientists have found that
the visual anonymity of computer mediated interaction leads
to an idealized perception of the interaction partner (Joinson
2001; McQuillen 2003). The money slaves appear to
370 K. F. Durkin
respond to the on-line identity of the money mistresses,
regardless of the actual, real-time characteristics of the
individual behind that identity.
The phenomenon of money slavery appears to epitomize
the postmodern condition. In postmodern culture, the line
between reality and unreality is blurred (Dotter 2004).
Baudrillard (1994:2) argued that in contemporary society,
humans are constantly ‘‘substituting signs of the real for the
real.’’ In the context of online sexual expression, ‘‘bodies
are transformed into symbol alone—representations, images,
descriptive codes, words of expectations, appearance, and
actions’’ (Waskul, Douglass, and Edgley 2004:16). Yet in
postmodern culture, symbols and images have the capacity
to eclipse the real (Merrin 1999). For example, although
the various elements of computer mediated interaction lack
empirical and objective manifestations in the traditional
sense ‘‘they exert real influences that allow people to
respond to them as if they are real’’ (Waskul et al.
2004:17). Money slavery involves the presentation and con-
sumption of images—images of a shrewish and dominant
woman being driven by financial concerns are being con-
sumed by a male with masochist traits. The money mistress
is not a ‘‘real’’ person in the traditional sense. It is a character
who exists in cyberspace—whose creator may not even be a
female! Nonetheless the money slaves appear to react to this
character as if it is a real person.
Money slavery appears to be a novel form of sexual
deviance, and this phenomenon manifests some decidedly
postmodern characteristics. However, money slavery exhi-
bits some characteristics of more traditional forms of deviant
behavior. For example, the participants, both money slaves
and money mistresses, offer accounts for their deviance.
The use of accounts is a type of stigma management tech-
nique. Also, there is some self-regulation of deviant activity
by participants. They engage in social control strategies
(e.g., fake lists and loser lists). This is likely an adaptive
response to the opportunities for fraud that are inherent in
this type of computer mediated interaction.
Social learning theory (see Akers 2000) may be useful
for understanding this phenomenon. Durkin, Forsyth, and
Quinn (2006:601) posited that the Internet allows for ‘‘inter-
action with others holding similar interests that reinforce
Cybershrews and On-Line Money Masochists 371
their deviant interests, teach methods of achieving deviant
goals and support rationales for the abrogation of basic
norms.’’ Other members of this Internet subculture can serve
as differential associations, teaching both the techniques for,
and mind the set involved in, participating in the practice of
money slavery. What may be even more important in under-
standing this phenomenon however is the concept of differ-
ential reinforcement. This consists of ‘‘the balance of
anticipated and actual rewards and punishments that follow
or are consequences of a behavior’’ (Akers 2000:78). On
the one hand, the ‘‘money slaves’’ receive reinforcement
through sexual gratification. On the other hand, the ‘‘money
mistresses’’ receive financial remuneration which is reinfor-
cing to them. The participants may also learn definitions that
are conducive to this behavior on line. For instance, the
accounts found in this research as considered neutralizing
definitions under social learning theory (Akers 2000).
There is a growing body of literature that suggests the use
of the Internet for deviant purposes can have negative conse-
quences in the ‘‘real time’’ lives of some computer users. For
example, the availability of online casinos and similar outlets
can lead to problems of compulsive gambling (Griffiths
2003). Also, on-line adultery or ‘‘cyber affairs’’ are some-
times a source of marital dissolution (Ferree 2003; Young
et al. 2000). Accordingly, a large number of marriage and
family therapists report seeing clients for ‘‘cybersex’’ issues
(Goldberg 2004). Some gay men have used the Internet to
engage in a practice called bug chasing, in which they will-
ingly become infected with the HIV virus (Gauthier and
Forsyth 1999). There have also been reports of people who
attempted suicide obtaining information about the method
they used from the Internet (Alao, Yolles, and Armenta
1999). Additionally, the medical literature contains an
example of an individual who apparently found the inspi-
ration for sexual self-mutilation on the Internet (Summers
2003).
There are plenty of reasons to suspect that at least some of
these money slaves are experiencing negative consequences
in their daily lives because of their on-line activities. Some of
these men are spending hundreds, if not thousands, of dollars
on these money mistresses. They may be forsaking financial
obligations, including those to their own family. In on-line
372 K. F. Durkin
discussion forums, some of these men admitted to neglecting
to pay personal bills to give money to these women, whereas
others indicated they have ‘‘maxed out’’ their credit cards or
taking ‘‘payday’’ loans to get money for the money mis-
tresses. Given the increasing number of people seeking
counseling for Internet-related issues (Ferree 2003; Goldberg
2004), therapists are likely to being encountering male
clients who are dealing with the ramifications of ‘‘money
slavery.’’
Future research on this topic should examine the personal
ramifications of these ‘‘money slaves’’’ activities. It would
also be useful to try to determine if the ‘‘money mistresses’’
are solely motivated by financial consideration. Also, it
would be particularly helpful to ascertain to what degree
these ‘‘money mistresses’’ use deception in their Internet
self-presentation. For instance, how many of them are men
falsely presenting themselves as women? More generally,
researchers must recognize that the Internet appears to have
spawned a vast array of deviant subcultures involving indivi-
duals with the most esoteric sexual predilections. It offers a
seemingly endless inventory of people who have deviant
ideologies or engage in deviant activities (Durkin et al.
2006). At the same time, the Internet offers seemingly endless
opportunities for behavioral scientists to conduct investiga-
tions of a wide variety of deviants and deviance.
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