Article

The Other “Authoritarian Personality”

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Abstract

It is noted with regard to the submissive personality, it is visualized that this personality structure, observable in early adulthood and better explained by social learning than by psychoanalytic theory, is thought to be developed during adolescence from earlier training in obedience, conventionalism, and aggression, as modified by the individual's subsequent experiences. On the other hand, in context to authoritarian personality, authoritarians harbor many double standards and hypocrisies, without realizing it. This chapter illustrates a part of an investigation of general public opinion concerning a variety of social issues. Adult authoritarians tend to be highly ethnocentric and users of the “consensual validation pill” (Newcomb, 1961). They travel in tight circles of like-minded people, they often think their views are commonly held in society, that they are the “Moral Majority” or the “Silent Majority.” Certain kinds of religious training have sometimes helped produce their ethnocentrism and authoritarianism.

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... Table 4 provides a summary of the results. We entered gender of participants (1 = female, 2 = male) in the first step, because men tend to report stronger negative attitudes toward outgroups than women (Altemeyer, 1998;Sidanius & Pratto, 1999), a finding we replicate, β = .17, p = .008, ...
... Finally, we explored the potential moderating role of gender in the relations of selfcompassion, compassion for others, or self-esteem to outgroup attitudes because extant research exhibits gender differences in all these psychological constructs (Altemeyer, 1998; Figure 1. Hypothesis 2 mediation model. ...
... Pommier et al., 2020;Yarnell et al., 2015;Zuckerman et al., 2016). Women tend to have higher compassion for others, lower self-compassion, lower self-esteem, and lower negative attitudes toward outgroups than men (Altemeyer, 1998;Pommier et al., 2020;Yarnell et al., 2015;Zuckerman et al., 2016). We tested five moderation models by regressing outgroup attitudes on gender and one of five predictors -common humanity, self-kindness, mindfulness, compassion for others, or self-esteem -in Step 1. ...
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Self-compassion, rooted in common humanity, self-kindness, and mindfulness, is an adaptive self-concept that assuages defensiveness to self-image threats. We hypothesized that self-compassion would buffer the need to express negative intergroup attitudes and that this relation would be explained by compassion for others. In a preregistered study, participants (N = 163) with stronger self-compassion rooted in common humanity, but not self-kindness or mindfulness, expressed less negative attitudes toward outgroups than those with lower self-compassion rooted in common humanity. Moreover, this relation persisted even after controlling for self-esteem, a construct related to but distinct from self-compassion. Finally, compassion for others mediated the relation between self-compassion and intergroup attitudes. These findings support the positive and unique role of individual-level self-compassion in intergroup relations.
... Les résultats ne sont pas tous convergents. Les traits de personnalité seront également explorés dans cette deuxième partie, notamment avec l'autoritarisme (Altemeyer, 1998), l'orientation à la dominance sociale (Duckitt, 2001), le besoin de clôture cognitive (Hodson & Dhont, 2015) ou encore le besoin personnel de structure (Goklovska & Crisp, 2013). Ce deuxième chapitre vise ainsi à mieux comprendre les processus en jeu dans les situations de contact, permettant de moduler les effets de ces modes d'intervention (i.e. ...
... La notion d'autoritarisme de droite a été établie à la suite de la Seconde Guerre Mondiale, puis définie telle que nous la connaissons aujourd'hui dans les années 80. Les personnes hautes en autoritarisme de droite ont un fort niveau d'obéissance aux autorités légitimes, se soumettent à cette autorité, ont un niveau élevé d'agressivité face aux personnes sanctionnées par cette autorité et ont une forte adhésion aux valeurs traditionnelles (Altemeyer, 1981(Altemeyer, , 1988. Leur tolérance face à l'ambiguïté est faible, ces personnes ont besoin d'une structure sociale stable (Altemeyer, 1998;Altemeyer & Hunsberger, 1992;Vezzali & Stathi, 2017). Les personnes ayant un score élevé sur l'autoritarisme de droite ont plus de préjugés à l'encontre des exogroupes, perçus comme fragilisant la sécurité en société et interrogeant les normes établies (Altemeyer, 1998;Altemeyer & Hunsberger, 1992). ...
... Leur tolérance face à l'ambiguïté est faible, ces personnes ont besoin d'une structure sociale stable (Altemeyer, 1998;Altemeyer & Hunsberger, 1992;Vezzali & Stathi, 2017). Les personnes ayant un score élevé sur l'autoritarisme de droite ont plus de préjugés à l'encontre des exogroupes, perçus comme fragilisant la sécurité en société et interrogeant les normes établies (Altemeyer, 1998;Altemeyer & Hunsberger, 1992). Le contact intergroupe, et plus spécifiquement le contact imaginé, sont plus efficaces chez les participants qui ont un haut niveau en autoritarisme de droite (Asbrock et al., 2013). ...
Thesis
Réduire la stigmatisation des personnes en situation de handicap est un enjeu de société important mais complexe, qui nécessite des interventions efficaces. Cette question de la stigmatisation préoccupe également les entreprises. Pour favoriser l'accès à l'emploi des personnes en situation de handicap et leur maintien en emploi, il semble nécessaire de réduire leur stigmatisation. Les travaux de recherche sur les relations intergroupes des cinquante dernières années ont montré que les personnes en contact avec des membres exogroupes, réduisent les stéréotypes et préjugés à leur égard, dès les premiers contacts, et face à des groupes variés. Par la suite, d'autres études se sont intéressées au contact indirect comme le contact via une vidéo ou le contact imaginé. Ces contacts indirects seraient également efficaces pour réduire les préjugés face à un exogroupe, mais parfois dans une moindre mesure. Pour renforcer les études sur le contact intergroupe comme moyen de réduire les préjugés face au handicap, nos travaux se sont intéressés aux contacts imaginé, vidéo et incarné, avec comme objectif d'adresser certaines limites existantes dans ce champ de recherche. La thèse principale défendue ici stipule que les effets du contact imaginé, relevant principalement de l'élaboration et de l'imagination, se maintiendraient à long terme. De plus, outre la réduction des préjugés par un changement de perspective cognitive (i.e. contact vidéo et imaginé), le changement de perspective corporelle serait également un moyen efficace de réduire les préjugés (i.e. contact incarné). Ces interventions sont efficaces pour réduire les préjugés face au handicap chez des salariés d'entreprise, et donc généralisables hors du milieu sanitaire et médico-social. Pour soutenir cette thèse, les effets du contact imaginé ont été étudiés en lien avec le niveau d'élaboration cognitive de la tâche d'imagination, afin de comprendre la place de ce processus dans la diminution des attitudes négatives face à la maladie mentale (étude 1). Les effets du contact imaginé ont ensuite été étudiés à moyen terme (étude 2) puis, afin d'en généraliser au maximum les effets, à plus long terme et chez des salariés (étude 3). Le contact vidéo a également été étudié à court, moyen et long terme chez des salariés (étude 3). Par la suite, une action de sensibilisation proposée en entreprise, visant à permettre aux salariés de changer de perspective à un niveau corporel, en réalisant un atelier de cuisine en situation de handicap, a été testée (étude 4). Enfin, de façon plus exploratoire et fondamentale, le contact incarné a été étudié par la mise en situation de handicap dans une tâche d'immobilisation, chez des étudiants (étude 5).Nos résultats ont permis de renforcer la validité du contact imaginé, comme relevant principalement de l'imagination et de l'élaboration dans la tâche, et de fait pas d'un effet de demande expérimentale. Les effets du contact imaginé sur la réduction de la stigmatisation de la maladie mentale ont également été montrés à long terme, sur plus de six mois, et ont été généralisés à des salariés d'une grande entreprise du secteur de l'énergie (i.e. hors du secteur sanitaire et médico-social). Toutefois, le contact imaginé n'a pas permis de réduire les biais implicites face à la maladie mentale dans notre étude et les effets du contact vidéo semblent faibles. En outre, le contact incarné semble une piste prometteuse pour réduire les attitudes implicites face au handicap. Cette thèse CIFRE avait également pour objectif de proposer le contenu d'un outil de formation en ligne, à destination de tous les salariés de l'entreprise (GRDF). Ce cahier des charges a été rédigé au regard des résultats de ces travaux, et plus largement des avancées scientifiques dans le champ des relations intergroupes. Finalement, l'ensemble de ces résultats est discuté et des pistes de recherches futures sont proposées.
... Next, participants were asked to rate each animal's physical attractiveness. After this rating was completed, participants were presented with, in counterbalanced order, the Right-Wing Authoritarian Scale (RWAS; Altemeyer, 1998), and the Humanitarianism-Egalitarianism Scale (HES; Katz & Haas, 1988). Finally, participants were asked to complete the demographic measures. ...
... To assess Right-Wing Authoritarianism, the RWAS (Altemeyer, 1998) was employed. ...
... Next, participants were asked to rate each animal's physical attractiveness. After this rating was completed, participants were presented with, in counterbalanced order, the Right-Wing Authoritarian Scale (RWAS; Altemeyer, 1998) and the Humanitarianism-Egalitarianism Scale (HES; Katz & Haas, 1988). Finally, participants were asked to complete the demographic measures. ...
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The current research examined how the perceived physical attractiveness (by humans) of an endangered species, the Dead Leaf Butterfly (Kallima inachus), political orientation, and political ideology impacted participants' attitudes toward supporting and protecting a species. Three experiments were conducted where the physical attractiveness of the Dead Leaf Butterfly was manipulated. Two of the experiments used a representative American sample, while one of the experiments used a Polish sample. In all three studies: (1) Participants rated the Dead Leaf Butterfly as more physically attractive when its wings were open and displayed a black apex, an orange discal band, and a deep blue base than when its wings were closed and resembled a dried leaf with dark veins; and (2) those who scored high in humanitarianism‐egalitarianism provided more support for protection from harm for the Dead Leaf Butterfly compared to those who scored low in humanitarianism‐egalitarianism. Only in the studies where Americans participated did we find (1) those who were politically liberal indicated more support for the Dead Leaf Butterfly regardless of physical attractiveness as compared to those who were politically conservative, and (2) those who scored low in right‐wing authoritarianism provided more support for protection from harm for the Dead Leaf Butterfly compared to those who scored high in right‐wing authoritarianism. The differences observed between the American and Polish samples suggest that environmental attitudes are more polarized in the United States compared to Poland. These studies advance our knowledge of how attitudes toward animals are affected by the polarization of political attitudes toward the environment and provide insight for marketers when creating marketing strategies and designing appropriate messaging.
... Two potential covariates of heterosexism are right-wing authoritarianism and gender role beliefs (Stefurak, Taylor, & Mehta, 2010). Previous research has shown a positive relationship between a person's hostile heterosexism and their degree of right-wing authoritarianism (Cramer, Miller, Amacker, & Burks, 2013;Whitley & Lee, 2000), or the submission to established authorities, adherence to societal norms, and hostility toward those who do not adhere to such norms (Altemeyer, 1998). Moreover, Seelman and Walls (2010) found that right-wing authoritarianism exhibited significant, moderate-tostrong, positive correlations with all five dimensions of heterosexism. ...
... A shorter, 22-item version of the Right-Wing Authoritarianism scale (RWAS-S; Zakrisson, 2005) uses a Likert-type scale to measure a participant's level of submission to established authorities, adherence to societal norms, and hostility toward those who do not adhere (Altemeyer, 1998). The scale ranges from -4 (very strongly disagree) to +4 (very strongly agree), with nine possible answers (i.e., 0 = neutral). ...
... Zakrisson (2005) reported internal consistency values ranging from .72 to .80. Cronbach's alpha in the original (Altemeyer, 1998) and current study was .90. ...
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This study examined the effect of two interventions (didactic and perspective-taking) on five dimensions of heterosexism (hostile, aversive, amnestic, paternalistic, and positive stereotypic). Participants were 117 undergraduate students, randomly assigned to one of three groups in this posttest-only control group experiment. After the intervention, the participants completed measures of sexual prejudice, right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), gender role beliefs (GRB), and a demographic questionnaire. Results from the first step of hierarchical regression models showed that RWA and GRB were significantly predictive of all dimensions of heterosexism except for positive stereotypic, accounting for 13.8% to 56.7% of the variance. This suggests that interventions targeting sexual prejudice should examine both variables. When between-group comparisons were added during the second step, the didactic intervention in comparison with the control group was significantly predictive of lower paternalistic heterosexism; the perspective-taking intervention in comparison with the control group was significantly predictive of lower positive stereotypic heterosexism.
... For instance, ideological beliefs such as Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) and Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) are both strongly and independently correlated with prejudice (e.g., Altemeyer, 1998) and impact how incoming information is perceived (Crawford, et al., 2013;Esses & Hodson, 2006;Wright, etal.,2020). ...
... SDO is measured by the SDO scale (Ho et al., 2015), in which respondents endorse items such as, "Some groups of people must be kept in their place", and, "We should not push for group equality". RWA is characterized by a high degree of submissiveness to authorities perceived as established and legitimate, aggressiveness toward those who deviate from group norms, and adherence to normative social ideals (Altemeyer, 1998). It is assessed by items such as, "Obedience and respect for authority are the most important virtues children should learn", and, "Women should have to promise to obey their husbands when they get married". ...
... RWA was assessed with six items from the RWA scale (Altemeyer, 1998, see Appendix A). Again, the reliability of the RWA scale was unacceptable in the participants from Pakistan, α = .498, ...
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We conducted a randomized controlled experiment to investigate the role of descriptive captions (positive and negative valence) and ideological beliefs (Right Wing Authoritarianism-RWA and Social Dominance Orientation-SDO) on viewers' emotional response towards 'people of color' in ambiguous photographs. We manipulated the caption conditions to suggest that the person's actions were either 'positive' or 'negative' while keeping the visual stimuli consistent. Participants included 211 American and 201 Pakistani undergraduates who were randomly assigned to one of the four experimental conditions: (1) a positive caption, (2) a negative caption, (3) no caption, or (4) both positive and negative captions. For each experimental condition, the same images were presented and only the caption condition varied. Outcomes were recorded as emotional ratings towards the person in the photograph. We found a significant effect of caption manipulation even after a one-off exposure. Post hoc comparisons indicated that caption manipulation was caused primarily by the positive and negative caption groups. Positively worded captions predicted more favorable ratings whereas negatively worded ones accounted for less favorable ratings towards the pictured individual. We also found that the No Caption and Both Captions groups resulted in similar 6/22/22, 10:01 AM Descriptive captions and ideological beliefs as predictors of emotional response towards people in ambiguous photos-Media Psychology Rev… mprcenter.org/review/?print-my-blog=1&post-type=post&statuses%5B%5D=publish&rendering_wait=0&columns=1&font_size=normal&image_size=medium&lin… 2/17 Citation Authors W ratings. Dr. Anita A. Azeem, MS/Mphil Clinical Psychology, PhD Psychology was born and raised as a religious minority in Pakistan. She was highly intrigued by the understanding of social identity and group processes and therefore studied these related phenomena for her PhD. She is also interested in childhood sociodevelopmetal issues. Anita.azeem@otago.ac.nz Dr. John A. (Jackie) Hunter, BSc DPhil(Ulster) is an Associate Professor and has taught social psychology at the University of Otago since 1994. He continues to research issues relevant to social psychology. He has authored over 40 papers and supervised over 40 PhD, masters, and honors students. jackie.hunter@otago.ac.nz Prof. Ted Ruffman, BA(York Can) MEd PhD(Tor) examines social understanding in infants, children, and in young and older adults. He has authored over 60 articles on these topics. He has 20 years of university lecturing experience, at both the graduate and undergraduate levels. ted.ruffman@otago.ac.nz
... Although, social dominance theory (SDT) is not the focus of this empirical study, it will be briefly summarized in the following. SDO is well-known as a predictor for prejudice that has been empirically tested in several international studies (e.g., Pratto et al., 1994Pratto et al., , 2012Altemeyer, 1998;Whitley, 1999;Asbrock et al., 2010). It is not only positively correlated with endorsement of ideologies that legitimize inequality, such as racism and sexism, but also with prejudicial attitudes about many kinds of groups (Lee et al., 2011). ...
... To summarize, in comparison to other well-known conceptions like social dominance orientation (SDO, Sidanius and Pratto, 1999) or authoritarianism (Adorno et al., 1950; right-wing authoritarianism, RWA, see Altemeyer, 1988Altemeyer, , 1998 7 , the special and innovative feature of GFE is its openness, flexibility and inherent possibility to be modified and extended, not only with respect to current societal circumstances but also to different countries, let us say cultures. ...
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Conceptually, “group-focused enmity” (GFE, long-term project in Germany, duration: 2002–2011) consists of several different attitudes that constitute a syndrome of group-focused enmity. These attitudes are empirically related to each other and share a common core which is the ideology of inequality. But is GFE really a one-dimensional homogeneous ideology? Over the years there have been considerable doubts about this fundamental assumption. We have two central theoretical argumentations for explicating and revising the concept of GFE. The first is based on the social psychological literature regarding differences between ideologies, attitudes, stereotypes and social prejudices. The second arises from one of the basic conceptual ideas of the GFE project, which states that depending on the respective societies different specific groups become targets of devaluation and discrimination. Therefore, we propose a revised version of the GFE syndrome as a two-dimensional concept: an ideology of inequality (generalized attitudes) and social prejudice (specific attitudes). The measurement models are strictly empirically tested using data from the GFE panel (waves 2006, 2008) as well as the representative GFE-surveys (cross-sections 2003, 2011) conducted in Germany. To test for discriminant and external validity, we have also included social dominance orientation (SDO). Additionally, within this framework, the methodological focus of the study is to test for several forms of measurement invariance in the context of higher-order factor models considering the issue of multidimensionality of latent variables. Our empirical results support the idea that GFE is a bi-dimensional concept consisting of an ideology of inequality and social prejudice. Moreover, SDO is demonstrated to be empirically distinct from both dimensions and correlates more strongly with the ideology of inequality in comparison to social prejudice. Additionally, the bi-dimensional GFE conceptualization proves to be at least metric invariant both between and within individuals. The impact of our proposed conceptualization and empirical findings will be discussed in the context of international research on ideologies, attitudes and prejudices. The dealing questions are why different explanatory factors have different effects on prejudicial and ideological attitudes and why there are different forms and manifestations of social prejudice in different societies over time.
... People high in RWA have been shown to harbor more negative attitudes toward immigration (Peresman et al., 2021). The "aggression" dimension of the right-wing authoritarian scale (Altemeyer, 1998;Sibley and Duckitt, 2008) has been particularly strongly connected to perceiving immigration as a threat (Peresman et al., 2021) and willingness to protect the ingroup from perceived outgroup threats (Gaertner et al., 2000). ...
... This is also what we found. We explored how attitudes toward immigration interacted with the aggression dimension of the RWA scale (Altemeyer, 1998;Sibley and Duckitt, 2008) and found that individuals highly negative toward immigration showed higher affective polarization when also exhibiting higher RWA aggression. One way to understand this interaction is that those who are both negative toward immigration and high in RWA perceive immigration as threatening to the cultural values and norms. ...
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What makes people affectively polarized? Affective polarization is based on the idea that partisanship can be a social identity leading to polarization in the form of intergroup distancing between the own party and the other parties. In this study, we argue that perceived threats from an outgroup can spur affective polarization. To investigate this, we use the issue of immigration, often framed as a threat by right-wing groups, to examine whether individual-level differences influence how sensititivity to the perception of immigration as a threat. One such factor is the trait right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), which is characterized by emphasis on submission to authority and upholding norms of social order. The emphasis among individuals with this trait on protecting the ingroup from threats means that negativity toward immigration is likely to extend toward political opponents, resulting in an increase in affective polarization. Thus, we hypothesize that the affective polarization is likely to increase when individuals interpret immigration as threatening, particularly for the individuals who are high in RWA aggression. We evaluate and find support for this claim using a large-scale survey performed in Sweden ( N = 898). The results, showing a conditional effect of immigration attitudes on affective polarization, are consistent across three commonly used measures of affective polarization as follows: trait ratings, a social distance measure, and feeling thermometers. Overall, our results show that it is important to consider intergroup threats and intergroup differences in the context of sensitivity to such threats when explaining affective polarization.
... In fact, Yuejiao Li and colleagues (2021) have shown that children from 3 to 11 years old are more likely to try a new food if they watch someone from their ingroup (i.e., an adult who fluently speaks their own language), as compared to an outgroup (i.e., an adult speaking with a foreign accent) eagerly eating it. Social conformity seems to be one of the strongest motivators of authoritarianism (Feldman, 2003), a general tendency to submit to established authority and social convention (Adorno, 1956;Altemeyer, 1998). Michal Reifen Tagar and colleagues (2014) conducted a study on forty-three (43) preschoolers and their parents. ...
... Even though a violation of social norms (e.g., cheating) does not necessarily pose a pathogen threat, we might have utilized this amotion to avoid social interactions with individuals that pose the cohesion of our society at risk. Therefore, another possible link between disgust sensitivity, and therefore of the BIS, and authoritarianism could be explained by authoritarians' tendency to be more punitive towards the violators of social norms (Altemeyer, 1998). Core -pathogen -disgust and moral disgust seem closely intertwined (Chapman et al., 2009;Vicario et al., 2018) and may share a common neurocognitive system (Vicario et al., 2017). ...
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In the present article, I review some evidence that shows how body odor disgust sensitivity (BODS) plays a central role in the so-called behavioral immune system (BIS), a set of processes aimed at detecting, emotionally reacting, and behaviorally avoiding pathogen threats. I also report empirical evidence on how the BODS relates to social attitudes such as authoritarianism, xenophobia, and condemnation of “impure” moral violations. This research is interpreted from an Evolutionary psychology framework
... Therefore, to provide a more nuanced understanding of RWA, we examined the relationship between these two dimensions of RWA and spirituality by focusing on two types of spiritual beliefs in Japan: ancestor and nature worship. Altemeyer (1981Altemeyer ( , 1996Altemeyer ( , 1998 developed the RWA scale to assess the authoritarian personality, which could predict a wide range of political, ideological, and intergroup phenomena (e.g., Duckitt & Fisher, 2003;Duckitt & Sibley, 2009. Altemeyer (1981) conceptualized RWA as a unidimensional scale representing the covariation of three underlying components: authoritarian aggression, authoritarian submission, and conventionalism. ...
... Spirituality is defined as a concern for or sensitivity toward immaterial things like the spirit or soul, which may include the practice of a particular religion but may also exist without such practice (VandenBos, 2015). For its promotion of group cohesion, spirituality has been demonstrated to be positively correlated with RWA (e.g., Altemeyer, 1998;Poteat & Mereish, 2012). Specifically, spirituality is associated with a feeling of great respect and connectedness to higherorder entities, which, in turn, might predict negative attitudes toward individuals who have different religious values (Johnson et al., 2011). ...
... The orientation to social dominance implies a general preference for maintaining and preserving hierarchical social systems and inequalities between human groups, being a fundamental key to understanding support for discrimination against members of disadvantaged, subordinate or low social status groups which is rationalized by supporting the ideological belief system that provides a moral or intellectual justification for these discriminatory social policies. Right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) is the construct that is conceptually most closely related to SDO and predicts many of the same outcome variables in the political and intergroup domain (Hodson & Costello, 2007;Meeusen & Dhont, 2015); it is considered an alternative predictor of negative attitudes towards outgroups and group-based inequality (Altemeyer, 1998;Duckitt, 2001;Ekehammar et al., 2004;Sibley & Duckitt, 2008). The conceptual difference between SDO and RWA lies in the underlying worldviews and motives that fuel or predict SDO and RWA (Duckitt, 2001;Van Hiel et al., 2007). ...
... In particular, SDO is derived from a competitive worldview (the world is a jungle). In contrast, RWA derives from dangerous worldviews (the world is dangerous and chaotic) and emphasizes authoritarian submission and conventionality (Altemeyer, 1998;Duckitt, 2001). As a result of these different dynamics, low-status groups and competing groups (e.g., immigrants) are frequently targets of SDO-based biases, while groups perceived as threatening group values and norms (e.g., feminists, environmentalists) are typical RWA-based bias targets (Asbrock et al., 2010;. ...
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In this study we analyze distinct socio-political predictors, namely, system justification, moral foundations, political ideology, social dominance orientation and authoritarianism, of two distinct but interrelated postcolonial ideologies, namely symbolic exclusion and historical negation in regards to the Mapuche people, in a sample of the general Chilean population (n = 1.242). According to the results, symbolic exclusion is explained by the political ideology of the participants, their social dominance orientation, right-wing authoritarianism, system justification and one specific moral foundations’ dimension: harm/care. On the other hand, right-wing authoritarianism, system justification, political ideology, and two specific moral foundations (loyalty/betrayal and authority/subversion) play an important role in predicting the historical negation of negative events affecting the Mapuche Indigenous people in Chile. Our results are discussed in terms of their implications for present-day intergroup relations between the Mapuche and non-Indigenous Chileans.
... When explaining these relationships, researchers have demonstrated that genetic, dispositional, and environmental factors all have a role to play (Duckitt, 2022). Importantly, the research on dispositional and environmental factors has demonstrated that the three clusters noted above are attitudinal and may fluctuate in response to societal threat, rather than being fixed personality traits as was traditionally believed (Adorno 1950, Altemeyer, 1998. Relevant to the COVID-19 pandemic, a prominent dispositional factor is that conservatives see the world as a more dangerous place than liberals and are more sensitive to potential threats (Sibley et al., 2007). ...
... Empirical attempts to demonstrate authoritarianism on the political left have stopped, started, and stalled (Costello et al., 2022). During the time when research investigating right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) was flourishing (late twentieth century), left-wing authoritarianism (LWA) was being referred to as a "myth" (Stone, 1980), "scarce as hens' teeth" (Altemeyer, 1998), and the "Loch Ness monster" (Altemeyer, 1996). Recent work, however, suggests Nessie may be more than political psychology folklore (Van Hiel et al., 2006;Conway et al., 2018;Manson, 2020;Winter et al., 2021;Costello et al., 2022). ...
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During the COVID-19 pandemic there have been marked changes in individuals' belief systems (e.g., support for lockdowns) as a result of the threat of COVID-19. In the current study, we investigated whether these belief systems change as a function of changes in the threat of COVID-19. Specifically, we conducted a longitudinal study, with authoritarianism measured at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic in New Zealand and when the threat of COVID-19 was low (i.e., no known COVID-19 cases in the community). A total of 888 participants responded at both timepoints, completing measures of political orientation and distrust of science, in addition to the measure of authoritarianism. We had two hypotheses. First, that liberals would display a more marked reduction in authoritarian submission between Alert Level 4 and Alert Level 1 relative to conservatives. Second, that changes would be mediated by trust in science. Both hypotheses were supported, demonstrating that authoritarianism is sensitive to threat, even for those on the political left, and that trust in science helps to explain these changes. We suggest that fluctuations in authoritarianism may be different across the political spectrum due to underlying belief systems such as a distrust of science.
... Dalam konsep tersebut, self-regulation merupakan bagian penting dari proses pereduksian prasangka etnis melalui sumber "perbedaan individual". MenurutAltemeyer (1998Altemeyer ( , 2003Altemeyer ( , 2004, orang-orang dengan SDO tinggi lebih fleksibel daripada orang-orang dengan RWA tinggi dalam menampilkan sikap berprasangka; fleksibilitas tersebut dimotivasi oleh kecemasan jika ada hal-hal yang mengancam status sosialnya sehingga mereka menjadi lebih berhati-hati dalam menampilkan prasangkanya tersebut. Oleh karena itu, hubungan antara SDO dan prasangka etnis tidak sekuat RWA dan prasangka etnis. ...
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Universitas Surabaya merupakan kampus multikultural. Dalam lingkungan kampus multikultural selalu terjadi interaksi intergroup. Selama interaksi tersebut, ada individu-individu yang mengalami culture shock karena, untuk pertama kalinya, mereka berhadapan dengan situasi sosial-budaya yang berbeda dengan situasi yang biasa mereka hadapi selama ini (Oberg, 1960). Beberapa mahasiswa di Universitas Surabaya mengalami culture learning, coping & adjusment, dan social identification, yang merupakan tanda dari adanya culture shock (Ward, Bochner, & Furnham, 2005). Dalam proses tersebut, intergroup-bias berpotensi untuk memunculkan intergroup-conflict (Oakes, 2003). Menurut Allport (1954), sumber dari intergroup-bias adalah prasangka. Penelitian-penelitian sebelumnya menemukan bahwa prasangka, paling banyak, dipengaruhi oleh variabel right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) dan social dominance orientation (SDO), oleh karena itu, penelitian ini bertujuan menemukan hubungan antara RWA dan SDO dengan prasangka etnis pada mahasiswa di Universitas Surabaya. Mahasiswa yang berpartisipasi dalam penelitian survey ini berjumlah 220 orang. Hasil penelitian menemukan adanya hubungan antara RWA, SDO, dan prasangka etnis, dengan RWA yang memberikan sumbangan efektif lebih besar dibandingkan SDO dalam memprediksi prasangka etnis (r RWA =0,760; r SDO =0,559; F=154,88; β RWA =0,679; β SDO =0,129; p<0,001). Adanya pengaruh keluarga dan keyakinan egaliter pada sampel penelitian, serta-secara teoritis, adanya kontribusi dari institutional support dan self-regulation diasumsikan sebagai variabel-variabel yang mempengaruhi hasil tersebut.
... Researchers have argued that moral foundations derive from intuitive responses to moral dilemmas and inform our attitudes (Haidt and Joseph, 2004;Haidt, 2012) and others have argued that SDO and RWA are social attitudes that may develop Frontiers in Psychology 03 frontiersin.org in late adolescence (Altemeyer, 1998;Van Hiel et al., 2004;Sibley and Duckitt, 2013). When considering the ordering in our research, we draw upon the previous research and upon MFT, which utilizes developmental, evolutionary, and cultural evidence to justify its placement as an antecedent to social attitudes (Haidt, 2012). ...
Article
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Moral foundations theory (MFT) has provided an account of the moral values that underscore different cultural and political ideologies, and these moral values of harm, fairness, loyalty, authority, and purity can help to explain differences in political and cultural ideologies; however, the extent to which moral foundations relate to strong social ideologies, intergroup processes and threat perceptions is still underdeveloped. To explore this relationship, we conducted two studies. In Study 1 (N = 157), we considered how the moral foundations predicted strong social ideologies such as authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation (SDO) as well as attitudes toward immigrants. Here, we demonstrated that more endorsement of individualizing moral foundations (average of harm and fairness) was related to less negative intergroup attitudes, which was mediated by SDO, and that more endorsement of binding moral foundations (the average of loyalty, authority, and purity) was related to more negative attitudes, which was mediated by RWA. Crucially, further analyses also suggested the importance of threat perceptions as an underlying explanatory variable. Study 2 (N = 388) replicated these findings and extended them by measuring attitudes toward a different group reflecting an ethnic minority in the United States, and by testing the ordering of variables while also replicating and confirming the threat effects. These studies have important implications for using MFT to understand strong ideologies, intergroup relations, and threat perceptions.
... The literature exploring determinants of prejudice and racism is rich and comprehends distinct areas of social and cognitive determinants, as well as personality and its pathology (see, e.g., Adorno et al., 1950;Altemeyer, 1998;Duckitt, 1992a;Kennedy, 2014;Milner, 1981;Pratto et al., 2006;Sibley & Duckitt, 2008;Stangor et al., 1991). Nonetheless, to date, it has not been established how prejudice and attitudes relate to psychopathology. ...
Article
The relationship between negative attitudes and psychopathology is not yet clear. The current shift to a dimensional approach to mental disorders, as reflected in both the DSM‐5 and ICD‐11 models of personality disorders, seems to enrich the traditional approach to study attitudes. This study investigates whether and how impairments in personality functioning are linked to attitudes toward minorities. A comparison of levels of impairment in global and Self and interpersonal personality functioning, negative attitudes, social distance, and racism was conducted in the sample of 127 adults from the general population group (n = 69) and a group of people with diagnosed personality disorders (n = 58). Differences between both groups were found. The personality disorders group showed higher impairment in personality functioning, scored higher on negative attitude measures, and was more prone to the blatant expression of attitudes than the general population. The association between attitudes and personality functioning did not fully reflect these trends. However, given the nature of differences, it is suspected that the proclivity to the blatant expression of negative attitudes could go beyond negative attitudes toward minorities themselves and reflect disorder‐related characteristics, that is, more problematic and conflicted relationships with others in general.
... Those who score higher (vs. lower) on SDO have been found to have stronger preferences for hierarchy, intergroup dominance, and economic conservatism (Altemeyer, 1998;Ekehamma et al., 2004;Pratto et al., 1994;Sidanius & Pratto, 2000. ...
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Public opinion to rising pay dispersion is mixed. Arguments in support of or in opposition to pay dispersion center around whether it is seen as just (e.g., EPI, 2021). The current research uses a distributive justice framework to examine under what conditions people more strongly oppose pay dispersion and why. In two between-subjects experiments, participants read and evaluated the spread of pay for fictitious organizations. Based on discussions in press media (e.g., Cowen, 2019, April 11), and previous work (Sin et al., 2021), I reasoned that people would rate higher (vs. lower) levels of pay dispersion (Study 1) and high levels of pay dispersion in low (vs. high) performing organizations (Study 2) to be more justice-violating. Consequently, I predicted that those who perceive the pay dispersion to be more justice-violating would oppose it more. Moreover, I predicted that these effects should be stronger for those who prefer outcomes to be distributed justly-based on principles of equity, equality, and need. In both studies, the more participants perceived the spread of pay to be more inequitable, unequal, and need-violating, the more they opposed it. Furthermore in Study 1, participants opposed higher (vs. lower) pay dispersion because they perceived it to more inequitable, too unequal, and need-violating, and more strongly opposed the spread of pay. These effects were stronger among those higher in preference for the merit principle, SDO-egalitarianism, and preference for need orientation. In Study 2, organizational performance did not predict justice perceptions or opposition to pay dispersion. Implications are discussed.
... However, some of the studies provide contradictory results. For instance Altemeyer (1998) and Heaven (1986) found no significant associations between self-esteem and authoritarianism. According to Jost et al. (2003) more studies are needed to understand the links between these two constructs. ...
Chapter
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Abstract Substance addiction is the continuation of substance intake and inability to stop it, despite the physical, mental or social problems that arise in the process of taking the substance (Arıkan & Doğan, 1999:53, akt; Daşbaş, Polat, & Kesen, 2013). Substance use is a broad term used for addictive substances like alcohol, cigarette, caffeine, but in this research it will indicate drug use. Recently, substance use has increased especially among adolescents in Turkey. Therefore, the therapy and rehabilitation services should be increased and become diversified in relation to this augmentation. Since addiction is a relapsing situation, recovery of it requires multidimensional interventions during and after the treatment. It should be noted that recovery of substance addiction necessitates physical treatment as well as psycho-social interventions. In this regard, this research aims to investigate the methods used in the treatment and rehabilitation process of substance addiction through the existing literature.Keywords: substance addiction, therapy and rehabilitation models, psycho-social interventions
... Described in terms of ideological symmetries(Crawford & Brandt, 2020), such research considers whether Liberals derogate ideological outgroup members to the same extent as Conservatives, despite the liberal emphasis on tolerance and acceptance. A complementary line of research has aimed to For example, Conway et al. (2018) pointedly conflate authoritarian and ideological content, adapting their Left-Wing Authoritarianism (LWA) scale fromAltemeyer's (1998) right-wing counterpart by replacing conservative authorities with their ostensible left-wing counterparts (e.g., right-wing religiosity with left-wing ecological concerns). The resulting scale items were constructed in a manner that does not allow for distinctions between the progressive and traditionally liberal strains of left-wing ideology (e.g., "Our country will be great if we honor the ways of progressive thinking, do what the best liberal authorities tell us to do, and get rid of the religious and conservative "rotten apples" who are ruining everything."). ...
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Progressivism has increasingly challenged traditional liberalism as the dominant influence within left-wing ideology. Across four studies, we developed a measure-the Progressive Values Scale (PVS)-that characterizes distinctly progressive values within the left-wing. In Study 1, left-wing participants evaluated divisive issues, with four scale factors emerging. In Study 2, we confirmed this factor structure and included a battery of personality and values measures to explore individual differences among those who maintain a progressive worldview. In Study 3, we achieved final confirmation of the factor structure and validated the ability of the PVS to assess a distinctly progressive perspective, insofar as progressives generated prototypical faces for Liberals and Conservatives that were markedly distinct from those generated by traditional liberals. In Study 4, we distinguished the PVS from measures of left-wing authoritarianism and demonstrated that it is a better predictor of progressive political preferences and social judgments.
... In the present study, we explored the contributions of a specific ideological belief, right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and explored how this individual difference variable would moderate the impacts of biological claims on people's transgender attitudes. RWA has been conceptualized as people's tendency to adhere to rules and regulations set by authorities, conform to social conventions, and exert authoritarian aggression (Altemeyer, 1998). Individuals with high levels of RWA are more likely to submit to the influence of established authorities, demonstrate stronger support for customary values endorsed by superiors, and display more aggression toward individuals who do not belong to their ingroups. ...
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This experimental study examined the effects of biological attributions on individuals’ beliefs and attitudes toward transgender people and the moderating role of right-wing authoritarianism (RWA). We randomly assigned 183 Chinese university students (men: n = 85, women: n = 98) to read one of three fictitious articles. The first article suggested that transgender identity was causally linked to biology (biological determinist condition), the second one highlighted the interplay between biological and environmental factors (epigenetic condition), whereas the third article did not mention the origins of transgender identity (control condition). Consistent with the biased assimilation hypothesis, the effects of biological attributions depended on individual differences in RWA. Low-RWA participants showed higher levels of naturalness and discreteness/homogeneity beliefs about transgender identity in the biological determinist condition than those in the control condition. By contrast, high-RWA participants displayed higher levels of discreteness/homogeneity beliefs but similar levels of naturalness beliefs when they read the biological determinist message compared with the control group. Low-RWA participants showed higher levels of naturalness but similar levels of discreteness/homogeneity beliefs in the epigenetic condition compared with the control, whereas high-RWA participants exhibited lower levels of naturalness and higher levels of discreteness/homogeneity beliefs when they read the epigenetic message compared with the control group. This study also suggests that, contrary to attribution theory, presenting information regarding the biological basis of transgender identity does not necessarily lead to more positive attitudes because (a) it triggers essentialist thinking and (b) the effects of biological attributions depend on recipients’ authoritarian dispositions.
... This may indicate that those with high levels of RWA are more susceptible to the emotional framing of fake news (Ball, 2018;Gardiner, 2015;Paschen, 2019). Historically, research has demonstrated that higher levels of RWA are associated with increased prejudice (Altemeyer, 1998;Altemeyer & Hunsberger, 1992;Ekehammar et al., 2004;Laythe et al., 2002;Meeusen & Dhont, 2015;Pratto et al., 2006;Rowatt & Franklin, 2004;Sibley & Duckitt, 2008;Van Hiel & Mervielde, 2005). Research has also found that perceptions regarding the BLM movement have a partisan divide with Democrats being more likely to support the movement than other political affiliations (Horowitz & Livingston, 2016). ...
... Social dominance orientation (SDO) (Sidanius and Pratto 1999) and right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) (Altemeyer 1998) form basic dimensions of ideological beliefs within the dual-process motivational approach to ideological attitudes Sibley 2009, 2010). Those high in SDO perceive the world as a jungle and value ingroup dominance, power, and superiority, while those high in RWA perceive the world as a threatening place and value societal security, order, and stability (Duckitt and Sibley 2007). ...
Article
Low levels of trust in institutions in a post-socialist context is a relatively well-documented finding across various disciplines. Building upon this, the paper adds new insights to this discussion by contextualizing institutional trust amidst the COVID-19 pandemic in Croatia. Relying on the results from the national probabilistic sample, the authors explore how three sets of predictors–socio-demographic variables, individual characteristics (i.e., motivational orientations of authoritarianism and social dominance), and participants’ experiences during the coronavirus pandemic determine the level of trust in public institutions. Results unequivocally showcase a fairly weak relationship between authoritarianism and social dominance orientation with institutional trust, unlike situational experiences, which play the most significant role in explaining levels of institutional trust. Contrary to authors’ expectations, adherence to measures and worries about catching the COVID-19 disease in the future were not predictive for institutional trust.
... Die Zustimmung der Geflüchteten wurde dabei auf einer fünf-stufigen Likertskala mit den Endpunkten 1 = stimme nicht zu und 5 = stimme zu sowie der Mittelkategorie 3 = teils/teils erfasst.Politische Ideologie In Übereinstimmung mit aktuellen Konzeptionen politischer Ideologie(Duckitt 2001;Jost 2006) wurden ideologische Einstellungen der Geflüchteten anhand bekannter Persönlichkeitsmerkmale zum rechtsgerichteten Autoritarismus und zu sozialer Dominanzorientierung operationalisiert. Die Variable Autoritarismus wurde mit drei Items mit jeweils fünf-stufigen Antwortmuster von 1 = stimme nicht zu bis 5 = stimme zu erfasst und zu einer Summenskala aggregiert, welche die Facetten autoritäre Unterwürfigkeit, autoritäre Aggression und Konventionalismus nachAltemeyer (1998) beinhalteten (Wortlaut der Items: "Unruhestifter sollten deutlich zu spüren bekommen, dass sie in der Gesellschaft unerwünscht sind."; "Menschen sollten wichtige Entscheidungen in der Gesellschaft Führungspersonen überlassen."; ...
Chapter
Das Kapitel befasst sich mit den Effekten von Integrationskursen auf politische Einstellungen Geflüchteter in Deutschland. Zu diesem Zweck wurden Daten aus dem „Thüringen-Monitor Integration“ ausgewertet. Es zeigte sich, dass Geflüchtete, die an einem Integrationskurs teilgenommen hatten, ein stärkeres Vertrauen in politische Institutionen und deren Vertreter*innen sowie eine höhere Zustimmung zu demokratischen Prinzipien aufwiesen als Geflüchtete, die noch keinen Integrationskurs besucht hatten. Kein Unterschied zeigte sich in der Wirksamkeit von Integrationskursen auf die Befürwortung von Demokratie als Staatsidee und auf politisch-ideologische Einstellungen (Autoritarismus und soziale Dominanzorientierung). Wenn die Teilnahme an einem Integrationskurs bereits länger zurücklag (vor 2018), lehnten Geflüchtete Gewalt zu politischen Zwecken und unfreie mediale Berichterstattung stärker ab, sie zeigten geringere Werte in sozialer Dominanz, gaben aber auch ein geringeres Vertrauen in einige deutsche Institutionen an. Die Befunde belegten einerseits Vertrauenssteigerungen in und Wissenszuwächse über politische Institutionen bei Geflüchteten und andererseits eine positive Bindung an demokratische Werte durch eine Integrationskursteilnahme, was als Indikator für gelingende Integration Geflüchteter in die deutsche Gesellschaft begriffen werden kann.
... Both radical right-and radical left-leaning political extremists have been linked to a heightened deference to authorities compared to more moderate political ideologies [22,23]. The propensity towards authoritarianism has traditionally been linked to right-wing ideology and operationalized in terms of ideological commitment to tradition, authority, and social convention against threats of change, protest, and political rebellion [24,25,26]. However, members of left-wing groups, especially those who label themselves as communist, can also show authoritarian traits [27]. ...
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Collectives adapt their network structure to the challenges they face. It has been hypothesized that collectives experiencing a real or imagined threat from an outgroup tend to consolidate behind a few influential group members, and that network structures in which a few members have a very strong influence are more likely in politically extreme groups. These hypotheses have not been tested in large-scale real-world settings. We reconstruct networks of tens of thousands of commenters participating in comment sections of high-profile U.S. political news websites spanning the political spectrum from left to right, including Mother Jones, The Atlantic, The Hill, and Breitbart. We investigate the relationship between different indices of inequality of influence in commenters' networks and perceived group threat associated with significant societal events, from elections and political rallies to mass shootings. Our findings support the hypotheses that groups facing a real or imagined outgroup threat and groups that are more politically extreme are more likely to include disproportionately influential commenters. These results provide an extensive real-world test of theoretical accounts of collective adaptation to outgroup threats.
... For example, perceivers who are especially prone to jealousy or are insecurely attached to their partners (Bowlby, 2008) may more frequently test their romantic partners' fidelity. Those who believe the world to be a dangerous place (Altemeyer, 1998) may more frequently test close friends, partners, and other allies for bravery. ...
Article
Social perceivers seek to understand the opportunities and threats others potentially afford—for example, whether a teammate will behave tenaciously or a romantic partner, faithfully. We typically detect affordances and draw trait inferences by observing behaviors that reveal or predict others’ likely intentions and characteristics. However, detection and inference from simple observation are often difficult (e.g., even dishonest people are frequently honest, people often mask unpopular beliefs). In such cases, we propose that people test, actively manipulating others’ circumstances to reveal hard-to-observe affordances and characteristics. The Observation-Testing Model is a framework predicting circumstances under which testing is more likely to happen, which affordances and characteristics are more likely to be tested for, and which people are more likely to test and be tested. We identify preliminary support for the model from a range of literatures (e.g., employment assessment, coming-of-age rituals, dating processes) and identify areas needing further research.
... Although the influence of psychoanalysis long ago waned in scientific psychology, the idea that non-rational motives drive political and religious ideologies has not (Jost, Glaser, et al., 2003). Research suggests, for example, that exaggerated perceptions of danger and threat contribute to the development of an authoritarian worldview, whereas preoccupations with competition contribute to worldviews emphasizing social dominance (Altemeyer, 1998;Duckitt, 2001;Sidanius & Pratto, 2001). Other studies suggest that unresolved emotional conflicts-especially when it comes to fear, anger, and shame-may increase the affinity for certain political and religious belief systems, including right-wing extremism, populism, and religious fundamentalism (Jost, 2019;Kettle & Salerno, 2017;Milburn & Conrad, 1996;Obradovi c, Power, & Sheehy-Skeffington, 2020;Salmela & von Scheve, 2017). 2 A very different school of thought, typically associated with the discipline of economics, treats ideological preferences as the product of rational decision-making under circumstances of uncertainty (Denzau & North, 2000;Hinich & Munger, 1994). ...
... La notion d'autoritarisme continue d'être populaire, mais en mettant l'accent sur la tendance des gens à se soumettre aux conventions et à l'autorité du groupe et à punir les déviants du groupe (Altemeyer, 1998). Une autre explication des préjugés est l'opinion de Rokeach selon laquelle certaines personnes ont une personnalité dogmatique et à l'esprit fermé qui les prédispose à l'ethnocentrisme, à l'intolérance entre groupes et aux préjugés (Rokeach, 1960). ...
Thesis
Le développement de l'Internet et de la technologie Web 2.0 qui ajoute à la facilité de publication le contenu généré par l'utilisateur, mettent à la disposition des utilisateurs une variété d’informations dont le volume est sans cesse croissant. Face à ce problème de surcharge d'informations, il est difficile pour les utilisateurs de s'orienter et de repérer des informations qui répondent à leurs besoins. De nombreux systèmes de filtrage de l'information sont développés pour faire face à ce problème : l'un d'entre eux est le système de recommandation. L'objectif principal des systèmes de recommandation est de fournir aux utilisateurs des propositions de contenus personnalisées. Le principe sous-jacent est de déduire les besoins d'information de l'utilisateur, puis d’identifier dans le système les informations qui répondent à des besoins et les lui recommander. Les systèmes de recommandation, largement utilisés dans divers domaines, peuvent aussi être intégrés à des réseaux sociaux. La plupart des réseaux sociaux se caractérisent à la fois par le nombre important d'interactions et par l'anonymat des utilisateurs. Ces caractéristiques correspondent aux conditions décrites en psychologie sociale pour qu'un état de désindividuation soit déclenché. Les utilisateurs des réseaux sociaux sont susceptibles de se trouver dans une situation où l'identité du groupe est significativement élevée et leur identité individuelle restreinte. Leurs pensées, leurs comportements et même leurs préférences sont fortement influencées par les normes de groupe, y compris, bien sûr, leurs rétroactions sur les informations reçues. Ces rétroactions pourraient être biaisées c'est-à-dire ne pas refléter les vraies préférences individuelles des utilisateurs. Ainsi les recommandations basées sur ces rétroactions biaisées seraient contraires à l'intention initiale des recommandations personnalisées. Cette thèse est consacrée à l'exploration du phénomène de la désindividuation qui peut exister dans les réseaux sociaux et de son impact sur le comportement de notation des utilisateurs, tout en incluant les différences culturelles. Nous choisissons comme terrain d'étude les systèmes de recommandation de films, ce qui nous amène à examiner les utilisateurs de quatre plateformes pour les cinéphiles à travers leur comportement de notation de films. Les résultats confirment l’existence du phénomène de la désindividuation dans les réseaux sociaux son impact significatif sur le comportement de notation des utilisateurs. La différence culturelle est également un facteur important qui influence le comportement de notation. Sur cette base, nous arguons que les systèmes de recommandation appliqués dans les réseaux sociaux doivent y faire attention et que certaines mesures visant à individualiser les utilisateurs devraient être prises avant de recueillir et d'analyser les réactions des utilisateurs.
... 18. The measure of authoritarian beliefs is an additive index capturing four different facets of authoritarianism, namely, right-wing authoritarianism, anti-pluralism, rejection of civil rights, and traditional morality (Altemeyer, 1998;Duckitt et al., 2010;Galston, 2018). A disaggregated analysis, reported in Supplemental Appendix 9, shows that the differentiated response to propaganda and mainstream frames is mostly driven by the latter two, rejection of civil rights and acceptance of traditional morality. ...
Article
Illiberal regimes use overt and covert political communication to influence public opinion in democracies. We present an argument about how such propaganda impacts targeted publics. We posit that effectiveness depends on whether the source of the message is revealed, on the nature of the issue, and on individual characteristics of the recipients. We test these propositions in Germany, in the context of Kremlin messaging, using eight survey experiments administered to a large sample of German voters ( n = 2, 303). Citizens who mistrust the government, believe in conspiracy theories, or are generally disconnected from politics are vulnerable to propaganda warfare that involves anti-mainstream messaging, while the rest of the populace is not. At the same time, providing a pro-Western, mainstream viewpoint and outing the Russian source are not generally effective countermeasures. We discuss the implications of illiberal regime communication for information wars between states and for the internal workings of democratic politics.*
... Authoritarian fathers are led by conservative ideology that focuses on reducing threats, maintaining the status quo, and dismissing individuals who do not belong to the group (Knafo 2003). In some earlier studies (Altemeyer 1998;Rohan & Zanna 1996), authoritarian fathers, more than non-authoritarian ones, express the opinion that they want conservative children who will recognize the importance of tradition and conformism, and be less selfcentered. One of the central hypotheses of Adorno's work (Adorno et al. 1950) was that authoritarianism has its roots in the established "punishing home environment", where parents who are aware of their power punish children for unconventional behaviors. ...
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The authoritarian parenting style with its negative connotation has many adverse effects on various aspects of children's development, so the aim of this paper will be to identify potential predictors of the authoritarian parenting style of fathers. The concept of attachment and conflict resolution styles used by fathers are part of the model used in this paper which, together with the age of the fathers, represent important predictors of a father's authoritarian parenting style. A convenience sample included 101 fathers and their children from the territory of Northern Kosovo. The instruments used in the research are The Experience in Close Relationship Scale (Hanak and Dimitrijević, 2013; Brennan, Clark & Shaver, 1998), Conflict Management Styles Assessment (Adkins, 2006,) and the Parental Authority Questionnaire (Buri, 1991). The results partially proved the hypothesis, and were discussed in the context of attachment theory and previous empirical research that provides a strong framework of reference for understanding the results of this research.
... Aby w pełni zrozumieć mechanizmy kształtowania się postaw wobec uchodźców oraz imigrantów należy przeanalizować owe czynniki. Orientacja na dominację społeczną koreluje pozytywnie z uprzedzeniami etnicznymi, rasizmem, seksizmem, politycznym konserwatyzmem (Altemeyer, 2004;Pratto i in., 1994;Sidanius i Pratto, 1999). Polskie badania (Klebaniuk, 2009) wskazują na dodatnie związki SDO z seksizmem, klasizmem i homofobią. ...
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The aim of this study was to research the topic of attitudes towards refugees and immigrants among Polish and German students, as well as to examine what factors predict these attitudes. At the stage of reviewing factors determining attitudes, nationality, intergroup contact, group identification and its two types - positive and narcissistic group identification (collective narcissism) - were selected. The intention was that the factors presented above would predict the explained variable, i.e. the attitudes of Polish and German students. The study was conducted on a group of Polish and German psychology students. A total of 100 German and 113 Polish respondents were surveyed using the LimeSurvey platform. The respondents were presented with instructions, seven questionnaires and a demographic in the relevant language version (i.e. Polish or German). At the stage of hypothesis verification it was shown that there was a statistically significant difference in the attitudes of Polish and German university students towards refugees and immigrants. In both cases the average of negative attitudes was lower among the German respondents. It was not proved that intergroup contact can predict attitudes towards refugees and immigrants. However, it was shown that group identification and its two types - positive and narcissistic group identification (collective narcissism) - are predictors of negative attitudes towards refugees and immigrants.
... Much of the anti-immigrant, right-wing rhetoric in Western politics pertains to the idea that immigrants should adjust to their new country. Such rhetoric appeals to people scoring high in right-wing authoritarianism as they stress obedience, submission to ingroup norms, and social conformity (Altemeyer, 1998). However, this is not the case for social dominators (Thomsen et al., 2008). ...
Chapter
The rise of illiberalism may have been fuelled in part by group-based psychological needs for recognition and dominance. The group-based need for recognition can be captured by collective narcissism: a belief in ingroup greatness contingent on external validation. Collective narcissism has consistently been associated with outgroup prejudice and hostility, especially towards groups that are perceived to have insulted or threatened the ingroup. The group-based need for dominance can be captured by social dominance orientation: an ideological attitude characterised by a strong preference for maintaining or enhancing hierarchies in intergroup relations and establishing dominance. While the two needs differ in their psychological antecedents and consequences, the craving for recognition of the ingroup can slide into a demand for dominance. Both collective narcissism and social dominance orientation have been associated with support for illiberal leaders, political movements, and policies. Opposition to democracy, civil liberties, science, and environmental protection can all be used to signal the country’s dominance and independence from others. Thus, the needs for recognition and dominance can form a toxic blend, creating a psychological basis for the present popularity of illiberalism.
Article
How do disasters affect intergroup peace and conflict? Existing research shows that disasters can have opposing effects on how we perceive others: they can exacerbate existing tension in some cases or serve as catalysts for peace and cooperation in others. Yet we know little about the conditions under which we should expect one or the other. In this study, we estimate the impact of disasters on perceptions of out-groups. We combine a dataset of mass disasters with tens of thousands of individual-level survey responses recorded in Round 6 of the Afrobarometer data between 2014 and 2015. Using a difference-in-differences approach exploiting spatial and temporal proximity to disaster occurrences, we estimate the degree to which disasters affect public opinion toward out-groups. As disaster occurrence is plausibly exogenous to interview dates or respondent locations, our approach allows for an improved test of how the shock from disaster can impact public perceptions. Moreover, we show such impact varies by considering the differences in political salience of out-group identities and short- versus long-term differences in the impact on group dynamics. The implications of our findings for understanding the aftermath of past disasters and effects of future disasters on intergroup peace and conflict are discussed.
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Objectives Bridging the power-relation framework with prejudice and bias studies, this study examines how individuals perceive and construct racial hate crimes. Methods This study employs a factorial survey experiment with randomized vignette assignments to obtain insights into respondents’ judgment principles. Participants (N = 2635) were recruited through Mechanical Turk and were asked to read a fictional scenario that could be considered a racial hate crime. Logistic regression models are estimated, followed by moderation analyses and margins tests. Results The results support an integrated model that both the power dynamics between the victims and the offenders and the prejudice and beliefs of the respondents play significant roles in perceiving a racial hate crime. Conclusions This study finds empirical evidence to establish a link between the status of incidents, respondents’ prejudice, and the perception of racial hate crimes. Future research will benefit from expanding the examination to other minority groups as well as to other bias motives.
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Agreeableness impacts people and real-world outcomes. In the most comprehensive quantitative review to date, we summarize results from 142 meta-analyses reporting effects for 275 variables, which represent N > 1.9 million participants from k > 3,900 studies. Arranging variables by their content and type, we use an organizational framework of 16 conceptual categories that presents a detailed account of Agreeableness’ external relations. Overall, the trait has effects in a desirable direction for 93% of variables (grand mean 𝜌M = .16). We also review lower order trait evidence for 42 variables from 20 meta-analyses. Using these empirical findings, in tandem with existing theory, we synthesize eight general themes that describe Agreeableness’ characteristic functioning across variables: self- transcendence, contentment, relational investment, teamworking, work investment, lower results emphasis, social norm orientation, and social integration. We conclude by discussing potential boundary conditions of findings, contributions and limitations of our review, and future research directions.
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A könyv olyan modelleket foglal össze, melyek hasznosak lehetnek érzékenyítő tréningeket tartó szakembereknek. A merítés széleskörű, nem csak tréningmódszerre vonatkozó modellek szerepelnek benne, hanem egyes modellek fókuszában a kultúrák megismerése, kultúrközi kommunikáció, társas kategorizáció, EQ, és az attitűdváltozás ösztönzése áll. Közös pont ezekben az érzékenyítő tréningek tervezése és kivitelezése során nyújtott inspirációs lehetőség.
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Gender inequality is an issue affecting women all around the world. Although important positive developments in the last decades have taken place, it continues being pervasively present across all cultures and has a negative impact not only on women, but on society in general. Almost as universal as the problem itself, has been the research carried out trying to entangle and clarify the roots, causes, mechanisms, and consequences of the unbalanced relationship among genders. Multiple disciplines using countless approaches have embarked on the gigantic task of understanding how our beliefs about gender came into existence, why, and how they affect all aspects of our lives. The field of psychology, and especially social psychology, focuses specifically on the relationship between gender stereotypes, attitudes, and prejudice, and how these are responsible for the disadvantage and discrimination of women, as well as for the violence against them. Gender-based violence, including femicide, is the ultimate and most serious consequence of gender inequality and, according to estimates, around one out of three women worldwide suffers some kind of gender violence during her life. Numerous results have shown that although gender inequality is present everywhere across the world, some regions and cultures show a greater disparity, resulting in higher rates of gender violence, therefore having a greater impact on women’s well-being. These differences among regions and cultures have multiple causes and can be rooted in historical, cultural, religious, and socio-economic factors, among many others. A region particularly noteworthy for its high rates of violence against women is Latin America. Striking structural inequalities among genders are evident, which result on discrimination and alarming conditions regarding gender-based violence. Nevertheless, despite the situation, little is done to challenge such worrying circumstances as compared to other regions. In many European and North American countries research has come further in the attempt to understand the interaction between gender-based violence and factors such as societal beliefs, morality, political orientation, among many others. Only through such insights it is possible to start grasping the causes, mechanisms, and consequences of violence against women, all indispensable to be able to work against it. However, in order to extrapolate the knowledge gathered through context-specific research, such as the research conducted mainly in western, economically developed societies, the consideration and understanding of certain cultural factors is imperative. Indeed, crucial differences among cultures regarding for example religion, morality, political orientation, security, and socio-economic status could mark a decisive difference, hindering the generalization of findings from different cultural contexts. With this in mind, the current work aims at providing context-specific results on key findings related to gender violence previously identified in western societies, taking into account the cultural particularities of the Latin American countries Colombia, Dominican Republic, and Chile. Although the aim is not to provide cultural adaptations or to replicate previous findings, we do intend to deliver meaningful results on currently pressing matters while bearing in mind the cultural context. In order to do so, multiple methods and assessment instruments developed through previous research were implemented or adapted, with careful consideration of the context in each specific country, to ensure the valid gathering of data. For example, in order to assess moral foundations and its relation to rape-related attitudes in the Colombian context, a well-established instrument was culturally adapted and implemented in a Colombian sample. Interestingly, comparable results in regard to available data emerged, revealing that conservative moral foundations were positively related to the acceptance of rape myths and victim blaming, whereas, on the other hand, a negative relationship between liberal moral foundations and victim blaming could be assessed (Paper 1). With the aim of unraveling further interactions between gender-related attitudes and behaviors, and context specific conditions, a paradigm to measure sexually harassing behavior was adapted to the Dominican context. By using this paradigm, as well as further well-established instruments, a relationship between the preference for music with sexist content (very popular in the Dominican Republic and Latin America in general) and sexually harassing behavior could be found (Paper 2). Finally, with the aim of assessing accurate prevalence rates of sexual violence victimization among undergraduates, as well as related risk and protective factors, a longitudinal study was developed in close collaboration with a Chilean university. The instruments implemented were carefully chosen and adapted, in order to meet methodological demands, while considering specificities of the context in the Chilean university. The first wave of the study revealed prevalence rates of sexual violence victimization comparable to those obtained with instruments similar in length. Further, they provide useful baseline information regarding the satisfaction of students with support systems in cases of sexual violence, allowing the evaluation of changes and interventions to this regard that are being implemented (Paper 3). Altogether, the presented studies deal with current and context-specific issues, trying to answer pressing questions related to gender-based attitudes and prejudice in Latin America, focusing on their relation with sexual violence and rape-related attitudes. Whereas partly confirming available findings, our studies also provide evidence for relevant differences, in comparison with results achieved in western countries. In regard to moral foundations and rape-related attitudes, whereas confirming the already reported relationship between conservative moral foundations and discriminatory intergroup attitudes, our results diverge from previous findings by showing a higher attribution of blame to victims of rape among collectivist participants. Similarly, the results of Paper 2 partly did not confirm previous findings, as no effects of the exposure to music videos with sexist content on sexually harassing behavior emerged. However, we found a positive relationship between the preference for sexist music and rape-related attitudes. Our third study (Paper 3) found similar sexual victimization rates among Chilean undergraduates as those obtained with comparable instruments regarding length, which serves as further evidence of a positive correlation of questionnaire length and victimization rates. We consider our contribution of great importance for the field of gender research in Latin America, as, besides providing useful instruments and adaptations that can be used in future studies, we offer highly interesting findings in regard to currently relevant issues.
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In this chapter we will consider religion and politics—two topics that you are not supposed to discuss in polite company. These topics are the source of much passion and conflict in people's lives, and they are of great interest to psychologists. For the personality psychologist, several major questions come to mind. What are the main ways in which people differ in their religious beliefs and political attitudes? How are those beliefs and attitudes related to personality characteristics? Why do people differ so sharply in their religious and political orientations?
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Zusammenfassung Theodor W. Adorno, Bemerkungen zu ‚The Authoritarian Personality‘ und weitere Texte, hrsg. von Eva-Maria Ziege, Berlin: suhrkamp taschenbuch wissenschaft 2019, 161 Seiten. Geburts- und Todestage großer DenkerInnen sind stets Anlass, um Unveröffentlichtes aus der Feder der Gefeierten auf den Markt zu bringen. In Theodor W. Adornos Fall, dessen Todestag sich im Jahr 2019 zum 50. Mal jährte, stellen die von Eva Maria-Ziege herausgegebenen Bemerkungen zu „The Authoritarian Personality“ ein derartiges, bisher nur Wenigen bekanntes Zeit-Dokument von großer Bedeutung dar. 1947 verfasst, waren sie Adornos Rohfassung für das Schlusskapitel der beinahe 1000-seitigen Studie The Authoritarian Personality (Adorno et al. 1950) – eine Rohfassung, die schließlich nur zu Bruchstücken den Weg in die Veröffentlichung fand.
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This study explores the factors underlying South Koreans' negative perceptions of Japan beyond nationalism or simple partisan conflict. This paper employed the 2020 Korea Institute for National Unification survey, and statistical models revealed that the following factors are related to fundamental threat perception. First, the utility of Korean unification is associated with perceptions of the military threat posed by Japan. Second, after controlling for other predictors, this study found that younger generations were less likely to see Japan as a future military threat. Third, micro‐level variables affected perception. Conservative partisans tended to perceive Japan's military threat as stronger. However, individuals with stronger right‐wing authoritarianism (RWA) were less likely to perceive Japan as a military threat. Fourth, the association between RWA and perceptions of Japan as a military threat was moderated by generation. Fifth, those who strongly disliked China were less likely to perceive a Japanese military threat, which implied that some Koreans perceive China as a legitimate challenge to Japanese military expansion. These empirical findings attest to the importance of fully considering personality traits and political orientations on a micro level, and macro changes such as the emergence of a new generation that perceives Japan differently.
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Prejudice and bias-motivated aggression (BMA) are pervasive social problems. Scholars have tested numerous competing theoretical models to demonstrate the key predicates of prejudice and BMA, including intergroup contact, dual process (i.e., right-wing authoritarianism and social dominance orientation), perceived injustice, peer socialization, and empathy. Yet, studies to date have not empirically examined the comparative strength of these theoretical perspectives to explain the correlates of (a) prejudice and (b) BMA. This study seeks to address this gap. Utilizing a sample of young 1,001 Belgian participants, this study explores the association between key constructs from different theoretical perspectives to better understand prejudice and BMA towards immigrant populations. Findings show that when accounting for all models of prejudice and BMA, the strongest predictors of prejudice emerge from the dual-process model, the empathy model (outgroup empathy), and the quality (not frequency) of intergroup contact. Yet, prejudice and exposure to peer outgroup hostility are the strongest predictors of BMA. We discuss the implications of our findings and suggest that drawing on criminological theories of prejudice and BMA can be integrated to provide a more nuanced understanding of the nature of prejudice and BMA than what is currently known. We conclude by highlighting some directions for future research on prejudice and BMA.
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Social identity theory as developed by Tajfel and Turner argues that there are two distinct aspects of the self-concept: personal identity and social identity (in American terminology, collective identity). Although many self-esteem measures are available in the literature, they allfocus on individuals'evaluation of their personal identity, whether in private or interpersonal domains. No scale currently exists that assesses the positivity of one's social, or collective, identity. A scale was constructed to assess individual differences in collective, rather than personal, self-esteem, with four subscales (Membership esteem, Public collective self-esteem, Private collective self-esteem, and Importance to Identity). Evidence for reliability and validity of the scale was provided by three studies, suggesting that the scale can be a useful research tool. Implications for research and social identity theory are discussed.
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Describes the development of a scale that measures the complexity of attributional schemata for human behavior—the Attributional Complexity Scale (ACS). In Study 1, the ACS was administered to 289 undergraduates. The results show that the ACS had adequate internal reliability and test–retest reliability, and a factor analysis yielded 1 major factor. Study 2 tested the discriminant and convergent validity of the ACS by administering it to 81 undergraduates. As predicted, attributional complexity was not related to social desirability, academic ability, or internal–external locus of control, but it was positively related to the need for cognition. Study 3 confirmed the prediction that psychology majors ( n = 59) would have more complex attributional schemata than natural science majors ( n = 35). Studies 4 and 5, with 174 Ss, provided evidence for the external validity of the scale: Attributionally complex Ss compared with attributionally simple Ss spontaneously produced more causes for personality dispositions and selected more complex causal attributions for simple behavioral events. Implications for various issues in social cognition are discussed. (48 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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One research tradition has distinguished self-deception, the tendency to give favorably biased but honestly held self-descriptions from impression management, the tendency to give favorable self-descriptions to others. A 2nd tradition has distinguished enhancement, the claiming of positive attributes, from denial, the repudiation of negative attributes. The 2 distinctions were evaluated jointly in 3 studies with a total of 937 undergraduates. Factor analyses showed that impression management items (both enhancement and denial) loaded together. Self-deception items split up: Enhancement items formed a 2nd factor, whereas denial items fell closer to the impression management factor. Of the 4 types, self-deceptive enhancement best predicted adjustment. These results clarify the constructs of enhancement and denial. The critical distinction is not simply one of keying direction but whether the item content refers to a positive or negative attribute. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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J. Millham and L. I. Jacobson's (1978) 2-factor model of socially desirable responding based on denial and attribution components is reviewed and disputed. A 2nd model distinguishing self-deception and impression management components is reviewed and shown to be related to early factor-analytic work on desirability scales. Two studies, with 511 undergraduates, were conducted to test the model. A factor analysis of commonly used desirability scales (e.g., Lie scale of the MMPI, Marlowe-Crowne Social Desirability Scale) revealed that the 2 major factors were best interpreted as Self-Deception and Impression Management. A 2nd study employed confirmatory factor analysis to show that the attribution/denial model does not fit the data as well as the self-deception/impression management model. A 3rd study, with 100 Ss, compared scores on desirability scales under anonymous and public conditions. Results show that those scales that had loaded highest on the Impression Management factor showed the greatest mean increase from anonymous to public conditions. It is recommended that impression management, but not self-deception, be controlled in self-reports of personality. (54 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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Social dominance orientation (SDO), one's degree of preference for inequality among social groups, is introduced. On the basis of social dominance theory, it is shown that (a) men are more social dominance-oriented than women, (b) high-SDO people seek hierarchy-enhancing professional roles and low-SDO people seek hierarchy-attenuating roles, (c) SDO was related to beliefs in a large number of social and political ideologies that support group-based hierarchy (e.g., meritocracy and racism) and to support for policies that have implications for intergroup relations (e.g., war, civil rights, and social programs), including new policies. SDO was distinguished from interpersonal dominance, conservatism, and authoritariansim. SDO was negatively correlated with empathy, tolerance, communality, and altruism. The ramifications of SDO in social context are discussed. African and African American Studies Psychology
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The authors present archival evidence that men disproportionately hold occupational roles that enhance group-based inequality and that women disproportionately hold roles that attenuate group-based inequality. The authors found evidence for 3 processes that may contribute to this pattern: self-selection that is based on gender-linked differences in support for group inequality (social dominance orientation), hiring biases that are based on matching job applicants' group equality values with the hierarchy function of the job, and gender-stereotyped hiring biases. These processes were found across a number of occupations and participant variables. The social systems nature of these processes and the implications of the results for theoretical understandings of gender roles, social inequality, and theories of stereotyping are discussed.
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This article describes the "rape myth" and tests hypotheses derived from social psychological and feminist theory that acceptance of rape myths can be predicted from attitudes such as sex role stereotyping, adversarial sexual beliefs, sexual conservatism, and acceptance of interpersonal violence. Personality characteristics, background characteristics, and personal exposure to rape, rape victims, and rapists are other factors used in predictions. Results from regression analysis of interview data indicate that the higher the sex role stereotyping, adversarial sexual beliefs, and acceptance of interpersonal violence, the greater a respondent's acceptance of rape myths. In addition, younger and better educated people reveal less stereotypic, adversarial, and proviolence attitudes and less rape myth acceptance. Discussion focuses on the implications of these results for understanding and changing this cultural orientation toward sexual assault.
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Five studies of university students and their parents were carried out to investigate the relationships among right-wing authoritarianism, various indices of religious orientation, and prejudice. Measures of religious fundamentalism, and religious quest, developed for this research, proved to be psychometrically sound, and were good discriminators between prejudiced and unprejudiced persons, across a variety of different measures of prejudice and authoritarian aggression. Scores on both Religious Fundamentalism and Religious Quest scales also were correlated strongly with right-wing authoritarianism and the Christian Orthodoxy scale, although orthodoxy itself tended not to be correlated with prejudice. Apparently, religious fundamentalism and nonquesting are linked with authoritarianism and prejudice toward a wide variety of minority groups. Possible explanations for these relationships are discussed.
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Previous studies and original research on the power motive ( n Power) in women show no sex differences in the ways in which the power motive is aroused, in average levels of n Power, or in relationships between n Power and getting formal social power, power-related careers, and prestige. While in women n Power does not predict the "profligate impulsive" behaviors that it often does in men (drinking, aggression, sexual exploitation), a closer analysis shows that for both sexes having younger siblings and/or having children—interpreted as proxy variables for responsibility training—moderate the relationship between n Power and profligate (versus leadership) behaviors. Thus to some extent socialization experience rather than gender determines the channels of expression of power motivation. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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Two studies explored the relation between personal need for structure (PNS) and a reasoning process through which stereotypes may form. Participants viewed information about the performance of group members on intelligence-related tasks and then indicated their inference strategies and impressions of the groups. Results indicated that high-PNS participants were more likely than low-PNS participants to form erroneous group stereotypes. Individual differences in attributional complexity and need for cognition also predicted stereotype formation under some conditions. The effects of PNS and other cognitive personality variables were weakened under conditions in which participants believed that they would have to justify their impressions publicly. Discussion focuses on processes underlying the relation between PNS and stereotype formation and on relations among personality, social context, and social inference. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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Six-man groups of 19-year-old men listened to the live broadcast of the 1971 national draft lottery as they received either good or bad lots—i.e., either low- or high-priority lottery numbers. Overall, subjects reacted more favorably to losers (people who received high-priority numbers) than to winners. But this sympathetic pattern of reactions was absent among subjects who received high scores on a scale assessing their belief that the world is a just place where good people are rewarded and bad people are punished. Among these subjects, the tendency to justify the lots of others seemed to counteract the sympathetic pattern; they reacted at least as favorably to winners as to losers, and “resented” losers more than winners. Additional survey data lend support to the suggestion that the belief in a just world is a perceptual bias which helps to perpetuate social injustice.
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Relationships among sexual harassment experiences, perceptions about harassment (definitions, seriousness ratings, commonness estimates), and attitudes (about both harassment and sex roles) were examined in order to investigate the role of ideology and consciousness in the reporting of sexual harassment experiences. University students responding to a survey were divided by sex (74 males, 136 females) and level of harassment experience (high, moderate, low) in a 32 factorial design. Results indicated that high experiencers estimated that sexual harassment was made common among other students than those with less experience. Other perceptual variables and attitudes were unrelated to experience level. Significant sex differences were present for definitions, for the Sexual Harassment Attitude Scale, and for the Macho Scale. Significant relationships were also present among definitions, seriousness ratings, and the two attitude measures. Results suggest that reporting experiences of harassment appears relatively independent of ideology or a sensitized consciousness. Implications for issues of representativeness of samples in harassment survey research are discussed.
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This article describes the "rape myth" and tests hypotheses derived from social psychological and feminist theory that acceptance of rape myths can be predicted from attitudes such as sex role stereotyping, adversarial sexual beliefs, sexual conservatism, and acceptance of interpersonal violence. Personality characteristics, background characteristics, and personal exposure to rape, rape victims, and rapists are other factors used in predictions. Results from regression analysis of interview data indicate that the higher the sex role stereotyping, adversarial sexual beliefs, and acceptance of interpersonal violence, the greater a respondent's acceptance of rape myths. In addition, younger and better educated people reveal less stereotypic, adversarial, and proviolence attitudes and less rape myth acceptance. Discussion focuses on the implications of these results for understanding and changing this cultural orientation toward sexual assault.
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This paper described the construction of an inventory consisting of the following scales: Assault, Indirect Hostility, Irritability, Negativism, Resentment, Suspicion, Verbal Hostility, and Guilt. The first and second versions of the scale were item analyzed, and the final revision consists of 75 items. The hostility items were scaled for social desirability, and social desirability was correlated with probability of endorsement. The r's of .27 and .30 for college men and women, respectively, were considerably smaller than those of previous studies. Factor analyses of college men's and women's inventories revealed two factors: An attitudinal component of hostility (Resentment and Suspicion) and a "motor' component (Assault, Indirect Hostility, Irritability, and Verbal Hostility).
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Predictions derived from 3 prominent theories of identificatory learning were tested in 3-person groups representing prototypes of the nuclear family. In 1 condition an adult assumed the role of controller of positive reinforcers. Another adult was the consumer of these resources, while the child, a participant O in the triad, was essentially ignored. In a 2nd treatment condition, one adult controlled the rewarding resources; the child, however, was the recipient of the positive reinforcers, while the other adult was assigned a subordinate and powerless role. Following the experimental social interactions the 2 adult models exhibited divergent patterns of behavior in the presence of the child, and a measure was obtained of the degree to which the child subsequently patterned his behavior after that of the models. Children imitated primarily the model who possessed rewarding power rather than the competitor for the rewards. Moreover, power inversions on the part of the male and female models produced cross-sex imitation, particularly in girls. (21 ref.)