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Trade and Conflict in Angola
... A exemplo deBirmingham (1966),Curtin (1969;1975),Meillassoux (1975;1996),Klein (1978),Lovejoy (1983),Eltis (1987) e Miller (1988. 14 Em tempo, a debilidade do capital mercantil português reinol que abriu portas ao capital colonial residente se viu, igualmente, na Bahia, ou melhor, na Carreira da Índia: "Numa época [séculos XVI ao XVIII] em que o rápido declínio português tirava inteiramente àquele país a possibilidade de ter uma certa hegemonia sobre o Atlântico e o Índico, partilhados que estavam sendo os mares, as ilhas e os continentes pela expansão colonial de outros países mais poderosos [...] a Carreira da Índia não conseguiu subsistir sobre o controle português, como magra rota mantenedora comercial e militar do império ultramarino. ...
In homage to Manolo Garcia Florentino, this article briefly analyzes his historiographical contributions, focusing on the themes of the Atlantic slave trade and slavery in Brazil and Africa. It highlights that his approach to these issues has heuristic value in of itself, while also providing a basis for interpreting Brazil’s past and present.. Florentino is part of a generation that witnessed the transition from essayistic interpretations of history to a consolidated professional historiography, which was important context for the innovations and impacts of his work. The novelties and intellectual legacy of Manolo Florentino turned Em costas negras into a classic of Brazilian and international historiography, and this article will carefully analyze that text, along with another, A paz das senzalas.
Keywords:
Manolo Florentino; homage; historiographical legacy
... . See e.g. Birmingham (1966), Garfield (1992). slaves were reasonably well fed and clothed, as described in documentation from the 1550s, to much more rigorous conditions, including, significantly, virtual isolation from the white communities, and an imposed self-sufficiency. ...
Is creolization an abrupt or a gradual process? In this volume leading scholars provide both comparative and case studies that outline their working definitions and their views on the particular or average time depth, or key processes necessary for contact language formation, providing a state-of-the art assessment of the theory of gradual creolization. Authors scrutinize the roles of nativization, demography, initial settlement, language composition, koineization, adstrate presence, bilingualism, as well as a variety of structural features in pidgins, creoles and other contact languages world-wide. From Pacific to Atlantic, French-, English-, Dutch-, Portuguese- and other-lexified restructured varieties are covered. Syntactic, lexical, phonological, historical and socio-cultural studies are grouped into Part 1, Linguistic analysis, and Part 2, Social reconstruction. This volume provides the multi-faceted groundwork and expert discussion that will help formulate further a model of gradual creolization, as called for by the work of the late Jacques Arends.
In the seventeenth century, Veracruz was the busiest port in the wealthiest colony in the Americas. People and goods from five continents converged in the city, inserting it firmly into the early modern world's largest global networks. Nevertheless, Veracruz never attained the fame or status of other Atlantic ports. Veracruz and the Caribbean in the Seventeenth Century is the first English-language, book-length study of early modern Veracruz. Weaving elements of environmental, social, and cultural history, it examines both Veracruz's internal dynamics and its external relationships. Chief among Veracruz's relationships were its close ties within the Caribbean. Emphasizing relationships of small-scale trade and migration between Veracruz and Caribbean cities like Havana, Santo Domingo, and Cartagena, Veracruz and the Caribbean shows how the city's residents – especially its large African and Afro-descended communities – were able to form communities and define identities separate from those available in the Mexican mainland.
Este artículo aborda un tema que ha sido ampliamente ignorado por la historiografía: la relación entre el proyecto de construcción de una comunidad cristiana en los reinos de Congo y Angola, y el proceso de estructuración de la política imperialista portuguesa en el África negra entre los siglos XV y XVI. La fundación de una diócesis en este territorio, durante el periodo de unión entre las coronas ibéricas, fue un factor determinante en ese proceso, planteando una serie de preguntas a las que esperamos responder en este análisis: 1) ¿Cómo se produjo la creación de una circunscripción eclesiástica portuguesa en un reino que no estaba controlado políticamente por las monarquías ibéricas? 2) ¿Cuál era el objetivo de la misma? 3) ¿Por qué solo se produjo más de un siglo después de la llegada de los portugueses al territorio? 4) ¿Cuáles fueron los límites de la nueva circunscripción eclesiástica? A través de un enfoque desencadenado por las más recientes teorías historiográficas que abogan por la comprensión policéntrica de la estructura imperial portuguesa y atento a las perspectivas conceptuales y metodológicas de la historia conectada, pretendemos examinar el contexto más amplio de las relaciones políticas y religiosas en el Atlántico portugués, así como percibir no sólo cómo ambas partes se influyeron mutuamente, sino también cómo los dirigentes del Congo, la Curia Romana y las coronas ibéricas de Portugal y España, aparentemente unidas, no actuaban en la misma dirección, ni defendían los mismos intereses.
Atlantic history is generally surveyed through the prism of the North Atlantic. Yet the South Atlantic had a distinct historical pattern through the Sailing Age. Eighteenth- and nineteenth-century maps and nautical guides, taking into account the system of currents and winds under the meteorological equator, which is on the north side of the geometrical equator, called the southern part of the Atlantic the “Ethiopic Ocean.” This term helps to emphasize the singularity, the boundaries, and the periodization of South Atlantic history. Indeed, generations of missiologist, colonial, and self-taught authors, as well as great and less great historians, researched such subjects. Their works depict a genealogy of the South Atlantic World that leads to a more diversified and perhaps more conclusive Atlantic history. KEYWORDS: Atlantic history, South Atlantic historiography, Ethiopic Ocean, slave trade
The general aim of the thesis is to assess the circumstances of the origin of Portuguese plantation creole languages, from both linguistic and extra-linguistic perspectives, by studying the Creoles in the Cape Verde Islands and the Gulf of Guinea Islands (São Tomé, Príncipe and Annobon), as compared with the situation in Brazil, where it would appear that no creole language arose. This is despite the fact that similar sociohistorical conditions existed in all three territories, from the point of view of plantation settlement and slavery, and at roughly the same period. The thesis attempts to answer not so much how, but more particularly why plantation Creoles are formed and develop, in particular sociolinguistic circumstances. A linguistic analysis is made of the extent to which the plantation creoles developed away from 16 th-century Portuguese, and a comparison made between the individual languages as to how "radical" they are. An examination is also made of the origin of the slaves involved in the formation of the Creole languages, to assess the proportions of slaves from different ethnic groups, and also to see what linguistic influences can be traced in the actual Creole languages. A number of theories have been proposed which regard the development of creole languages as being primarily European-based. However, none of these theories would appear to be appropriate for the case of the Portuguese plantation creoles. On the other hand, evidence is produced showing the connection between community formation and language formation, as an indication of solidarity within that community. A number of aspects of community formation are examined in relation to the Portuguese plantation islands and the relationship established between these aspects and the fact that creole languages were formed there. By contrast, it is shown that in Brazil, where creolisation almost certainly did not take place, there is very little evidence of similar community formation, thereby reinforcing the connection between linguistic and extra-linguistic factors in the formation of creole languages.
Em dezembro de 1671, depois de um cerco de vários meses, as tropas comandadas por Luís Lopes de Sequeira conseguiram tomar a capital do Reino do Ndongo. O rei foi morto e houve muitos prisioneiros, entre eles parentes do soberano, que foram deportados para o Brasil e depois para Portugal. O artigo procura reconstituir o périplo dos príncipes do Ndongo no exílio, discutindo seus significados tendo em vista o contexto do avanço colonial pelos sertões de Angola, os dilemas das autoridades na América portuguesa e as políticas metropolitanas em relação aos africanos em Portugal. Cruzando processos que se desenvolveram em Angola, no Brasil e em Portugal, procura-se compreender os motivos pelos quais os herdeiros do Reino do Ndongo não foram escravizados, como a maioria dos prisioneiros feitos naquela batalha.
Since the mid-1990s the idea of a “Black Atlantic,” as proposed by Gilroy (1993), has opened a whole new perspective upon the cultural aspects of transatlantic interactions. The various populations that make up this dynamic, interactive space began to “get” a joint history, characterized by composite practices and identities in a constantly changing world as people on the move linked and recreated continents and islands. Far from dissipating, this breath of fresh air in the social sciences has since provoked a multidisciplinary debate, obliging its respective disciplines to reposition themselves within this new universe. However, its principal proponents have essentially focused on the northern Atlantic and on its Anglophone aspects, thereby largely neglecting the southern hemisphere (Coates 2005). While some scholars have reminded their readers of the latter’s importance with regard to the all-pervading transatlantic slave trade, their writings have not, so far, been identified as exponents of this new current of thought.
When the first Jesuit missionaries arrived in Luanda in 1859 there was great conflict in the region between the king of Congo, Diogo-Ier, and the Ngola who sought emancipation from Congolese control. Francisco de Gouveia was part of a Portoguese embassy composed of another Jesuit priest, two brothers and the future governor of the colony of Angola, Paulo Dias de Novais. The four missionaries accompanied the ambassador and left diverse evidence of this episode of relations with the Ngola. António Mendes, one of the two brothers, left two letters. These provided a detailed description of the banquet organized by the Ngola in 1559 for the reception of the Portuguese ambassador. From the placement of the guests to the sharing of palm wine, António Mendes provided precious information on the history of the royal feasts of Ndongo at the end of the 16th century. In this article, I will present a comparative table of two documents, revealing their distortions and inaccuracies. I first shed light on the causes of contradictions between written documents sent to the same individuals only a few months apart. This first methodological exercise enables me to draw broader conclusions concerning the fragmentary knowledge associated with colonial sources in early Angola. Then, based on a comparison of these documents with later accounts of the dietary habits of the Mbundu and the description of the Ngola banquets, I present certain features of the feasts of the mbundu elite court until the definitive military conquest of the Ndongo by the Portuguese in 1671.
Le vaste territoire qui constitue aujourd'hui l'Angola est le fait du partage convenu par les grandes puissances à la Conférence de Berlin en 1884-1885. Possesseurs en droit dès cette date, les Portugais n'ont pu imposer partout leur autorité qu'au terme des deux premières décennies du XX e siècle. Jusque vers 1880, le territoire sur lequel on peut dire qu'ils avaient maintenu depuis le XVI e siècle une administration effective et ininterrompue, l'Angola d'alors, était limité à l'étroite langue de terre située entre les fleuves Bengo et Cuanza, et s'étendant sur environ 300 km vers l'intérieur.
Le Benguela, englobé dans le nouvel Angola de la fin du XIX e siècle, était auparavant un territoire séparé, au sud, avec lequel les Blancs de l'Angola ne communiquaient que par mer jusqu'au milieu du XIX e siècle.
Le fait que le Cuanza soit navigable pour de petites embarcations jusqu'à 200 km dans l'intérieur a sans doute été déterminant dans le choix que firent de cette région les Portugais pour s'y implanter.
The Njinga, a matrilineal kiMbundu-speaking Negro people of northern Angola, inhabited the coast near Luanda during the sixteenth century, and were driven inland by Portuguese expansion subsequently. There is no evidence from the present sterogenetic study that they have received any appreciable contribution of Caucasoid genes. Nor is there any evidence of San ('Bushman') admixture apart from a moderate frequency of Gm; their genetic profile and their anthroposcopic traits disclose a greater similarity to West African than to Southern African Negroes. The present study confirms previous findings on the ABO, MNSs, Kell, Duffy, erythrocyte acid phosphatase, adenosine deaminase and adenylate kinase systems, and contributes the first account of the peptidase A, B, C and D, first and second locus phosphoglucomutase, glucose-6-phosphate dehydrogenase, esterase D, haptoglobin, transferrin, Gm and Inv systems in the Njinga.
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