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Political Science 220 Spring 2003 The Politics of Development and Change Murphy Hall 115 (Tues 2-4.50pm)
Abstract
Objective and Focus of the Course: The course provides an overview of the major theoretical approaches to the study of development and democratization debated in the literature. We will also discuss methodological issues that pertain to the study of comparative politics in general. The case material will be drawn from Latin America, Africa, Europe, Asia and the Pacific, along with writings on the historical development of today's advanced industrial societies. Given the wide variety of topics to be covered, we will only scratch the surface of most of them. The reason for choosing breadth over depth in this course is that this is a core course to prepare you for comprehensive exams in comparative politics. At the end of this course you should have a solid grasp of the major ideas and arguments advanced by those who have defined the field in the past and present. You should also have further developed your capacity for critical analysis of these ideas and arguments and for charting possible paths to improve upon them. Requirements: The seminar emphasizes intensive study of the literature. Thus, careful preparation for each seminar session in the form of an active engagement of the literature is essential. Each seminar member should come with several comments and questions about the readings to each session. Each member will choose two sessions for which to provide a summary of the key arguments in the readings along with comments and questions in writing. These written summaries will be presented by a different member of the class Ð outlining the material and commenting upon the argument. Thus two papers and two presentations are required. The topics for these short papers (3-5 pages) will be chosen in the first seminar sessions. These discussion papers are to be posted to the email distribution list by noon on the Sunday before class. These discussion papers combined with general quality of seminar participation will account for half of the final grade.
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This essay deals with the study of Latin American politics in the United States. The basic question asked is: “Where do we go from here if we take seriously that body of thought loosely and somewhat misleadingly known as dependency theory?” It argues that even though the literature is at times incomplete, confusing, and contradictory, the issues to which it directs us warrant our most serious attention.
NACLA continues its celebration of its thirtieth anniversary with this ongoing series of “anniversary essays.” We have asked prominent NACLA-affiliated intellectuals and activists to reflect on the past 30 years of Latin American history and politics through the prism of the ideas, concepts and events that have been central to our understanding of the region. In the following essay, Judith Adler Hellman examines the evolution of the left’s approach to social movements over the past thirty years.
The three definitional criteria used for 'mapping' class structure are ownership of the means of production, control over the labour power of others, and mode of remuneration. From these five classes are derived: dominant, bureaucratic-technical, formal proletariat, informal petty bourgeoisie, and informal proletariat. Tentative numerical estimates of these classes are provided, and illustrates the way in which this 'map' of the class structure helps redefine the meaning of three major contemporary trends in Latin America: accelerated income concentration; relative stagnation of employment in the modern sector of the economy; increasing incidence of popular protests and mobilization in the cities.-after Author
In the 1970s and 1980s the countries of Latin America dealt with their similar debt problems in very different ways--ranging from militantly market-oriented approaches to massive state intervention in their economies--while their political systems headed toward either democracy or authoritarianism. Applying the tools of modern political economy to a developing-country context, Jeffry Frieden analyzes the different patterns of national economic and political behavior that arose in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, and Venezuela. This book will be useful to those interested in comparative politics, international studies, development studies, and political economy more generally. "Jeffry Frieden weaves together a powerful theoretical framework with comparative case studies of the region's five largest debtor states. The result is the most insightful analysis to date of how the interplay between politics and economics in post-war Latin America set the stage for the dramatic events of the 1980s."--Carol Wise, Center for Politics and Policy, Claremont Graduate School
L'A. analyse d'abord les differents courants de la litterature contemporaine concernant la democratisation et la consolidation democratique en Afrique (analyse historique comparative, transitions en plusieurs phases, rapport entre la democratisation et la societe civile, nouvel institutionnalisme, theorie du changement politique, rapport entre la democratisation et les droits de l'homme, etc.). Il conduit une discussion sur la theorie pratique pour comprendre la relation entre le changement politique et une culture des politiques avant de s'interesser au concept de l'apprentissage politique.
The Dominican Republic held concurrent elections in 1994 for candidates at every level of government. The most important of these contests, for the presidency, saw Joaquin Balaguer, returned to the post, by defeating his principal challenger, Jose Francisco Pena Gomez. The most recent election, on 16 May 1994, proved to be just as traumatic and incident-prone as those that preceded it. Unlike the 1990 election the charges of electoral fraud were well-documented and the accuracy of the tally widely disbelieved, not just domestically but internationally. This paper asks why are elections in the Dominican Republic, and the 1994 elections in particular, so flawed and prone to crisis? Argues that the most immediate causes are associated with political-institutional factors related to presidentialism and the country's weak electoral institutions. The neo-patrimonial nature of the regime plays an important contributory role, as does the country's general weak socio-economic structure. The role played by neo-patrimonial democracy in the Dominican Republic, and, political-institutional factors which most directly affect, and foster, crisis-ridden elections are discussed in sections 1 and 2. Section 3 focuses on the 1994 elections in particular: Balaguer and his relation to the PRSC, selection of the other candidates, their alliances, campaign themes, and the strategies of the major parties. The fourth section links the political-institutional factors to the election campaign to show how their interaction contributed to the electoral crisis. The conclusion offers an analytical perspective and observations on conditions necessary for the consolidation of democracy. -from Author
The publics of different societies are characterized by durable cultural orientations that have major political and economic consequences. Throughout the period from 1973 to 1987, given nationalities consistently showed relative high or low levels of a “civic culture”—a coherent syndrome of personal life satisfaction, political satisfaction, interpersonal trust and support for the existing social order. Those societies that rank high on this syndrome are much likelier to be stable democracies than those that rank low. Economic development and cultural change are linked in a complex pattern of reciprocal influence. Originally, Protestantism may have facilitated the rise of capitalism, leading to economic development, which in turn favored the emergence of the civic culture. But in those countries that attained high levels of prosperity, there eventually emerged postmaterialist values that tended to neutralize the emphasis on economic accumulation that earlier characterized Protestant societies.
This article reviews four decades of scholarship on political development. It contends that the theoretical ambitions of the early political development literature to frame the comparative inquiry of politics and political change in less developed countries were undermined by intellectual challenges to the paradigms of modernization and structural functionalism and that the literature’s teleological dimension was contradicted by real-world events. Nonetheless, in subsequent decades, the field made great advances in the study of political institutions, democratic stability and breakdown, state structures, civil society, and the uneven character of political development itself. The article argues that amid manifold evidence of plural forms of political development and decay at the century’s end, the field should avoid relapses into neomodernization theory and instead focus on such issues as state reform, democratic governance, political representation and accountability, and the organization of civil societies. Such an expansive and fluid research agenda will enable the field of political development to generate important theoretical advances in comparative politics.
If an observer from outer space had landed his UFO at any meeting of Latin Americanists during the last few years, he would have had to agree with the structural anthropologists. He would have said that at these meetings, versions of the same myth are constantly repeated: dependency and development, exploitation and wealth, backwardness and sophisticated technology, unemployment and extreme concentration of income. Somewhat wearily, our creature from space would have commented: “The brains of these beings appear to limit their images and thoughts to binary opposites.” Returning to the debate on the meaning of analyses of dependency gives one the sensation of entering a discussion in which imagination is bound by preestablished models. Nevertheless, as though I were one of the “founding fathers” of dependency, I endorse the ceremonial consumption of the theme. How to escape from this uncomfortable position?
ABSTRACT This paper,attempts,an analysis of the popular,mobilizations,in Chile from the perspective,of the problem,of transition from a military regime,to democracy. It begins with some,general reflections on the role of social mobilizations under military regimes, distinguishing among various regime phases and types of mobilizations , and goes on to outline changing state/societal relations in Chile in the pre-1973 period,to provide the historical context,for an extended,discussion,of popular,protest in Chile under,the military regime. In this next section the author describes,the mobilizations of the 1973-1983 decade and the cycle of protests and strikes after 1983, and gives an analysis of the principal sectors involved. The concluding,section presents,some,interpretative hypotheses,about,the,paradoxical,role of mobilizations : their fundamental,importance,in reconstituting civil society and transforming dictatorial regimes, and their limits with respect to bringing about an end to dictatorship and the restoration of full democracy. RESUMEN Este trabajo intenta un análisis de las movilizaciones populares en Chile, desde la perspectiva
Reluctant Rebels: Comparative Studies of Revolution and UnderdevelopmentWaltonJohnNew York: Columbia University Press, 1984, pp. 230 - Volume 17 Issue 4 - Gordon P. Means
