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Sources and limits of Chinese ‘soft power’
Abstract
In current analysis and debate concerning China's rise, the subject of soft power is either missing or misapplied. Since the 1990s, China has achieved impressive gains both in terms of soft power resources and the ability to convert the resources into desired foreign-policy outcomes. Unlike the former Soviet Union, China appears to be more successful in developing hard and soft power in tandem. Its steppedup endeavours in expanding its soft power nevertheless continue to be constrained by three factors: imbalance in resources, legitimacy concerns regarding its diplomacy, and a lack of coherent agenda. How Washington and its allies respond to this unique power pattern will shape the future strategic landscape of East Asia and beyond.
... The discussion surrounding the BRI as a Chinese strategy for global relevance and expansion bearing on China's use of soft power has gained attention, particularly with the suspicions and skepticism surrounding the initiative. Previous studies have addressed the limitations of China's soft power, despite its improvement, as a failure to translate soft power resources (culture, diplomacy, and political values) into desired foreign policy outcomes (Gill and Huang 2006). According to Gill and Huang (2006), three major factors constrain China's soft power projection: a lack of a coherent agenda, legitimacy concerns about its diplomacy, and a resource imbalance. ...
... Previous studies have addressed the limitations of China's soft power, despite its improvement, as a failure to translate soft power resources (culture, diplomacy, and political values) into desired foreign policy outcomes (Gill and Huang 2006). According to Gill and Huang (2006), three major factors constrain China's soft power projection: a lack of a coherent agenda, legitimacy concerns about its diplomacy, and a resource imbalance. Putting these factors into perspective illuminates the suspicions and skepticism surrounding the BRI that have led to push-backs. ...
China's call for the co‐construction of the belt and road initiative (BRI) with African countries has drawn scholarly attention to issues such as China's interest in Africa, Africa's interests in participating in the BRI, potential areas of synergy for complementary development, and Africa's strategy for engaging in the BRI. The paper revealed that there is a possible nexus for synergies between the BRI and Africa's development agenda, Agenda 2063. Nevertheless, the paper argued that despite the many promising potentials present in the BRI, without a better management strategy for engagement, the desired meaningful partnership will be far from actualization. As a result, it proposes engaging in BRI at the multilateral level. The paper submits that engagements at the multilateral level with AU and AUDA‐NEPAD other than bilateral engagement are critical for achieving the desired partnership.
... Gill dan Huang mengungkapkan sangat penting bagi China untuk menggunakan alat diplomasi publiknya untuk mempromosikan soft power nya, yaitu akan berakar pada tradisi, ideologi, budaya dan karakteristik China (Gill & Huang, 2006). Dan selama bertahun-tahun instrumen yang digunakan untuk diplomasi publik China ini sering ditanyakan, terkait bagaimana dana sebenarnya yang efektif. ...
... Bates Gill dan Yanzhong Huang (2006) Jurnal Transformasi Global [133] memberikan kesimpulan bahwa instrumen yang saat ini ada dan dilakukan oleh China adalah dengan menggunakan lembaga Confucius Institute, bahasa, dan pertukaran budaya. Tetapi yang dilewatkan oleh China adalah bagaimana soft power yang digunakan untuk melakukan diplomasi publiknya itu memiliki karakteristik China yang kuat, memiliki identitas China dan juga unik, yaitu adanya hewan asli China dengan nama ilmiah Ailuropoda melanoleuca atau dikenal dengan panda raksasa (Gill & Huang, 2006). ...
Since the 7th century, China has been giving their endemic animal, Giant Panda, as one of public diplomacy practice also known as Panda Diplomacy. China’s Panda Diplomacy only applies to countries that have profitable historical trade with China. This Research will discuss on how China’s government effort to implement panda diplomacy to Germany, which has been the high-technology main importer country for China since 1999. However the relations ever been on a tense stage, since Germany considered China as a competitor. To keep rhe good relation market with Germany, Xi Jinping commanded China’s Wildlife Conservation and Association to lend a giant panda as a friendship symbol for both countries. This paper employs a qualitative method using Eytan Gilboa framework to analyze public diplomacy application with timw, purpose, public opinion, government and instrument as the research variable. From those variables will shown how panda diplomacy as a public diplomacy practice with long term relations as a result. Keywords : Public Diplomacy, Panda Diplomacy, China, Germany
... Tháng 7/2005, Trung Quốc tiếp đón trọng thể Tổng thống Zimbabwe Robert Mugabe, người đã thực hiện cuộc cải cách ruộng đất ở Zimbabwe mà theo lời Liên Hợp Quốc là một "sự bất công thảm khốc". Các mối quan hệ kinh tế và chính trị chặt chẽ giữa Trung Quốc với các chế độ này đã gây cản trở lên những áp lực mà cộng đồng quốc tế đặt ra nhằm mang lại những cải cách kinh tế và chính trị có ý nghĩa 17,20 . Theo Gill & Huang (2006), có hai nguyên nhân làm suy yếu quyền lực mềm đối ngoại của Trung Quốc. ...
... Các mối quan hệ kinh tế và chính trị chặt chẽ giữa Trung Quốc với các chế độ này đã gây cản trở lên những áp lực mà cộng đồng quốc tế đặt ra nhằm mang lại những cải cách kinh tế và chính trị có ý nghĩa 17,20 . Theo Gill & Huang (2006), có hai nguyên nhân làm suy yếu quyền lực mềm đối ngoại của Trung Quốc. Thứ nhất, sự xuất hiện của các tổ chức phi chính phủ (các nhóm nhân quyền, công đoàn, phong trào Pháp Luân Công, cộng đồng ly khai Tây Tạng, những người bất đồng chính trị) sẽ hướng sự tập trung của thế giới vào mối đe dọa Trung Quốc hoặc những vi phạm nhân quyền của nước này. ...
Since the Tiananmen incident on June 4, 1989, China has been likely to withdraw a lesson from its failure of using of hard power. In the early 1990s, when “soft power” was first introduced in China, the Chinese Communist Party gradually adopted this concept in order to create the image of a friendly China and a responsible member in international organizations to reassure as well as to lull its neighbors and the U.S. into a peacefully rising China. However, after nearly three decades of being imported and applied in China, the soft power has changed in nature and is no longer identical to the original concept coined by Joseph Nye in 1990. This paper analyzes the process and practice of China's soft power deployment in order to demonstrate that Beijing prefers to integrate elements of hard power into its soft power, thereby examining two new forms of power that have been coined recently to more accurately describe the nature of China’s soft power: smart power and sharp power. The article points out that the strategic motivation for China to exercise the soft power during the first two decades was to conceal its rising ambition as well as in line with the motto of “keeping a low profile” proposed by Deng Xiaoping, and during the latest decade, when having accumulated enough comprehensive national power, China is no longer afraid to reveal its true ambition. The paper uses the research method of synthesizing and analyzing information as well as applies Joseph Nye's power theories.
... The populated country is always misunderstood and suspected. According to soft power theory, China should extend global influence and improve its image not only through economic and industrial development but also the promotion of Chinese language and culture, products, trademarks, standards, and technologies (Gill & Huang, 2006). In this sense, expanding the media outreach to a wider range of audience is essential for enhancing China's soft power. ...
... Relevant studies demonstrate that China's soft power has been the central pillar in expanding its regional influence (Lampton, 2006;Sutter, 2005). Soft power is the ability to achieve desirable results through attraction or recognition rather than coercion or payments (Gill & Huang, 2006;Nye, 1990). To make itself more alluring, China makes use of all communication channels, both official domestic media organizations and commercial digital platforms, to increase its presence enhance its voice or discourse power. ...
Over four decades, ICT rapidly proliferated in China, transforming, and reshaping the country’s international communication in theory and practice. In parallel with economic achievements after the reform and opening-up, China aspires to enhance accordingly its international influence, thus requiring its media to emerge on the global stage. The article suggests that ICT plays a significant role in driving Chinese media’s global outreach, thereby enhancing soft power and improving its national image. Against the backdrop of continuous hegemony and unbalance in the global communication networks, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) launched by China aims to benefit developing countries in the Global South by constructing ICT infrastructures. Following the practice, the concept of a Community of Shared Future for Mankind was advanced to promote multilateral cooperation and better communication. China shoulders unprecedented responsibilities in an increasingly multipolar world where a new global communication order is expected.
... China views its culture as a global heritage (Gill and Huang 2006), rooted in a civilization that is thousands of years old and profound. This heritage manifests itself in remarkable architectural marvels such as the Great Wall and the Forbidden City, as well as in its diverse artistic expressions, ranging from calligraphy and painting to Peking Opera and dragon dances. ...
The twenty-first century has witnessed the rise of China as a major global player,
which is particularly evident in its growing economic influence, increasing
political power, and growing global presence. This chapter attempts to analyze
China’s strategies of power projection in the Middle East and East Asia. Using
methods such as content analysis and case studies, it attempts to uncover the
mechanisms underlying China’s expansion of soft power in these key regions.
Drawing on Joseph Nye’s groundbreaking power theory, the study examines how
China uses diplomacy, educational initiatives, and regional leadership, particularly
through flagship projects such as the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), to
influence perceptions and promote cooperation. Given the dynamic nature of soft
power, highlighted by scholars such as Joshua Kurlantzick, the study also looks at
China’s tactical maneuvers in projects and crisis management. By following the
basic tenets of soft power theory, this chapter offers insights into China’s nuanced
approach to soft power strategies and provides a comparative analysis within the
Middle East and East Asia regions.
... By presenting you with the scope and data this visualization provides, I emphasize that geopolitical influence goes beyond simple numbers and is influenced by various intricate factors. The analysis presented in the study thus refutes some of the conventions that equate economic capital with international politics (Gill & Huang, 2023). Even though this increase in China's economy is clear, it has not translated to China having a proportionately larger say in how the international governance system operates. ...
This paper focuses on the new characteristics of China's engagements in global governance and how these engagements are transformative in world politics. This paper adopts secondary data collection and implements a quantitative approach for data analysis retrieved from Kaggle. This study follows statistical tests in SPSS to analyze how China's economic performance relates to its responsibilities in the international system. The research findings mean that while China's GDP and economic growth correlate with its rising power, the state and character of foreign affairs dip, diplomacy, and geopolitical governance are not a direct function of economic power. This work further enriches the global governance debate by discussing the comprehensive coverage of the multi-faceted aspects of the Chinese appearance and providing support to the arguments regarding the concept of a gradual, multilayered process where economic indicators do not divide power. This study explores that more forceful efforts should be made to incorporate the other political, cultural, and institutional variables into the study and to learn more about the impacts of China's strategic actions on the modern international system.
... In nearly three decades since its emergence, because of its relatively straightforward theoretical framing which can easily be applied to attempts at ideational influence by any national actor, soft power analysis has dominated debates on immaterial power not only in academia but also in policy-making (Nye, 2004(Nye, , 2005Yan & Xu, 2008;Chen, 2011). The theoretical advantages and shortcomings of the soft power concept have been widely discussed by scholars (Gill & Huang, 2006;Hall, 2010;Kearn, 2011;Wei & Zhang, 2009). Compared to the wide range of debates on soft power, debates about normative power have largely been restricted to the academic arena: they originate from the notion of 'normative power Europe' (Manners, 2002). ...
... China aspired to exercise its soft power resources effectively using culture, language, foreign student enrolment, education, and Confucian institutes to promote China's values and present a positive image (Gill and Huang, 2006). In addition, China promoted economic diplomacy and an image of responsible power (Wuthnow, 2008). ...
Since gaining its independence in 1991, Kazakhstan has sought to balance its foreign policy toward those of the superpowers and regional powers. This study conducts a literature review and analyses the soft power strategies of superpowers and regional powers toward Kazakhstan, and the country's endeavors to avoid being dominated by a single country to maintain a balanced relationship with all the great powers. The data is collected through qualitative interviews with Kazakhstan officials who have lower- and middle-level executive experience in security organizations. Overall, pragmatic relations with all foreign actors are deeply engrained in the mindset of Kazakhstan's middle-management officials, which indicates the development of balanced reports for higher decision-makers, leading to balanced relations with other powers.
... The researcher explores the role of national actors along with institutions, values and normative practices towards foreign states -rule of law, democracy, accountability and social justice. In foreign policy, soft power has to do with the ability of a state to maintain legitimacy and moral authority in its relations with other entities in the international system (Gill, B., & Huang, 2023). ...
This study examines regional power dynamics and security approaches within two prominent African regional organisations: ECOWAS– Economic Community of West African States and the SADC– Southern African Development Community. Since Africa remains insecure due to internal conflicts, and terrorism, regional organisations have a vital role in stability. ECOWAS and SADC are particularly marked by their specific security mechanisms; however, they are located in different political, social and economic environments and thus perform differently in terms of management and resolution of conflict. Using the theoretical framework of power theory and the adoption of case study research design and content analysis, the research critically explores regional power dynamics and security approaches within SADC and ECOWAS. The findings reveal that while ECOWAS’s interventionist policies enable swift action, they sometimes face issues of sustainability and regional buy-in. In contrast, SADC’s consensus-driven approach promotes stability but can lead to prolonged conflict resolution processes. This study contributes to the broader discourse on regional security in Africa, highlighting the need for adaptable strategies that address both immediate threats and long-term stability in diverse geopolitical environments. The study concludes that while both SADC and ECOWAS employ different strategies in Western and Southern Africa, yet the approaches are similar in many ways. Consequently, the two organisations though having the common strategic object of creating stability at regional level have significantly different operating models defined by their respective historical, political and socio-economic circumstances. These differences define their security actions, the coordination of the states which are members of the union, and their performance in the handling of conflicts.
... On soft power, studies have observed Chinese soft power in disseminating the Mandarin language and its unique cultural heritage, especially to Southeast Asian states (Cho and Jeong, 2008;Hartig, 2015;Huang and Ding, 2006). Having an authoritarian system, the fact that China's ascent has been marked by China's growing economic prowess on the global stage, there have been discussions on the possible soft power of Chinese political values in which the importance of economic pragmatism takes center stage (Barker, 2017;Gill and Huang, 2006;Huang, 2013;Liang, 2012). China's announcement of the BRI in 2013 has also led Southeast Asian states to express interest in the numerous institutions initiated by China concerning its BRI projects (Blanchard and Lu, 2012;Kurlantzick, 2007;Shambaugh, 2015). ...
... Grix and Kramareva 2017). While a number of works exist on either China's domestic or international use of 'soft power' (Shambaugh 2015;Gill and Huang 2020), we believe that studying all three levels offers a more holistic account of China's 'soft power' strategy. ...
This article investigates the contribution of states’ soft power strategies to the process of East Asia’s increasing global economic and political significance. We identify hosting sports mega-events as key to such strategies and thereby seek to add to both the literature on regional ‘soft power’ and acquiring it through sport. Using East Asia as the focus, we concentrate on China’s leveraging of the Beijing 2008 and 2022 Olympics for soft power gains. We show that China’s propaganda system is also part of their soft power strategy, which tends to focus primarily on domestic soft power. Our findings indicate that China cares about its national image abroad but places greater emphasis on attaining domestic soft power. Knowing that China’s understanding of ‘soft power’ is distinctly different from the ‘West’ allows greater insight into their approach to regional and international soft power acquisition.
... As China deepened its economic and security ties with developing countries, think tanks in the United States worried that such ties would eventually challenge the US-led world order on other issues. Such change might be achieved through "soft power," namely persuasion and attraction based on intangible resources such as national cohesion, culture, political values, and influence on international organizations (Gill and Huang, 2006). ...
This study analyzed “China threat” coverage in US media and examined how such coverage affected public perception of China from 1999 to 2019. We retrieved 15 national polls on perceptions of “China threat” together with 30,795 China-related news articles published before each poll. Media discourse related to “China threat” was coded into ideological, military, and economic second-level agendas using computational methods. We first tracked how “China threat” waxed and waned in media discourse over this period. Second, we examined whether the salience of “China threat” in the media has agenda-setting effects on public opinion. We found the economic threat agenda is correlated with the American public perception of China's threat at a marginally significant level and is significantly correlated with the Democrats’ threat perception.
... The concept of soft power aims to gain the consent of other actors through the use of various factors rather than economic and military pressure. In other words, soft power is the ability of a country to present its interests and power to other nations to impose their goals to them indirectly (Gill & Huang, 2023). ...
Nowadays, many countries are trying to increase their soft power authority using the university communication facilities. Educational exchanges and the creation of university branches in different parts of the world, especially in countries where there are common cultural fields, give these countries the opportunity to interact with elites and students expand their influence. The university sector, as the most important and effective branch in creating the future of a country, will have a great impact on understanding and cultural alignment between nations.In this regard, one of the important regions that have a lot of common cultural identity with the Islamic Republic of Iran is the Middle East region. This article aims to answer the question of how the Islamic Republic of Iran can use its academic capabilities as the educational diplomacy in order to promote its position as soft power in the Middle East. Accordingly, Iran can use the cultural capacities, the Persian language, the common background of civilization and the capability of its higher education, especially in the field of university exchanges to empower its soft power authority in the region.
... Wealthy countries leverage media, entertainment, and other cultural exports to showcase their culture, values, and lifestyles (Morales, 2024). This cultural outreach strengthens a country's overall global status (Henne, 2022;Gill and Huang, 2023). On the basis of the 2020 per capita GDP data of all countries released by the International Monetary Fund, the comprehensive strengths of China and other countries were compared through in-depth interviews with five graduate students majoring in the international economy and international cultural exchange. ...
In cross-regional cultural interactions, the frequent and controversial practice of cultural borrowing has attracted attention. According to the different relative statuses and comparative directions of the cultural subjects, cultural borrowing can be divided into strong-to-weak (weak-to-strong) cultural borrowing between subjects with strong (weak) status and subjects with weak (strong) status in cultural interactions, as well as equal cultural borrowing between subjects with equal status in cultural interactions. After the concept and types of cultural borrowing are defined, a multisituation experimental method is used to confirm the internal mechanisms and effect boundaries of consumers’ cultural borrowing acceptance. The results of five experiments based on over a thousand subjects indicate that different types of cultural borrowing (strong-to-weak, equal, weak-to-strong) arouse consumers’ perceived cultural threat, thereby reducing their acceptance of cultural borrowing to varying degrees. The influence of different types of cultural borrowing on perceived cultural threat is moderated by the degree of incongruent use and reality of the presentation of the borrowed culture; the influence of perceived cultural threat on cultural borrowing acceptance is moderated by the positioning of the borrowing subjects and the degree of identity in the relationship. By exploring cultural borrowing and consumer acceptance issues in the field of consumption through a series of experiments, this study effectively reveals the differentiated impacts and underlying mechanisms of different types of cultural borrowing on consumers’ acceptance responses.
... This focus on single-country studies and American soft power does not allow us to answer even basic theoretical questions about the general use of public diplomacy. For example, questions about U.S.-China soft-power competition (Gill and Huang 2006;Scott 2015;Shambaugh 2015;Wang 2008) or the influence of "South-South" public 1 See, for example, the U.S. Advisory Commission on Public Diplomacy's Comprehensive Annual Reports on Public Diplomacy and International Broadcasting, available at https://www.state.gov/ reports-u-s-advisory-commission-on-public-diplomacy/ (last accessed on February 6, 2021). 2 Widely used international relations textbooks and encyclopedias give little attention or weight to public diplomacy. ...
... Yang and Liu (2012) view China as a threat because China is the only major and revisionist communist country that promotes authoritarian values. In addition, China is considered an ideological threat because it promotes values that are contrary to the dominant liberal world order, including through the use of Chinese soft power, such as culture, economic development models, and an alternative political system (Gill and Huang 2006). ...
Discussions on the ‘China threat theory’ in Southeast Asia have been reignited by China’s assertive manoeuvres in the South China Sea and its expansive Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). While substantial research has investigated the views of political elites and policymakers, the perceptions of educated urban youth, particularly regarding China’s geopolitical and economic strategies, remain underexplored. This study centers on Indonesia, Southeast Asia’s most populous nation, to gauge the sentiments of urban youth towards China’s rising influence. Through a survey of 403 university students in Jakarta and its vicinity, we reveal an intensifying negative stance among these young, educated Indonesians corresponding with China’s increased assertiveness and economic pursuits under the BRI. This article underscores the nuanced perspectives of Indonesia’s future leaders, offering a targeted analysis of the attitudes of educated youth in an urban setting towards evolving Sino-Indonesian relations.
... According to (Gill & Huang, 2023), if an actor succeeds in making his power appear legitimate in the eyes of others and establishes institutions that others coordinate their interests based on the rules of those institutions, there is no longer a need for that dominant actor to act in a traditional way and to fulfill his wishes. He sought the use of military force or violent economic threats, because other actors want things or developments that the dominant actor wants, and in fact, the interests of others are formed or changed in the direction that the dominant actor wants. ...
The article is devoted to the study of acts of national soft law and to identify their advantages and disadvantages in the context of determining the possibility of solving with its help, the problems of legal regulation, generated, inter alia, by the informatization and globalization of law, for example, the problem of instability of legislation. Methods such as formal logic, systemic and structural analysis, thought experiments, legal forecasting, and modeling using ideal models are applied. The following official documents are considered to constitute acts of national soft law because they are commonly used in domestic legal regulations: official explanations, planning documents, and recommendations. Such documents have been investigated for their impact on the stability of the Russian legal system. National soft laws have shown their significant potential in this area, because they, first of all, possess greater stability than traditional laws, and secondly, they are able to avoid additional legislative changes.
... China perceives its culture as inherently a global heritage (Gill & Huang, 2006), rooted in a profound and ancient civilization spanning millennia. This heritage manifests in remarkable architectural wonders like the Great Wall and the Forbidden City, as well as in its diverse artistic expressions, spanning calligraphy, painting, Peking opera, and dragon dances. ...
In the current multipolar world, China has emerged as a formidable competitor to the United States, employing soft power strategies to expand its influence, particularly in South Asia-a region of strategic importance for both nations. This study utilizes Joseph Nye's soft power theory to comparatively analyze the approaches of China and the US. Employing case study analysis, including document research and content analysis, the research reveals that China strategically utilizes soft power by promoting its culture in educational institutions and leveraging the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) for trade infrastructure development in South Asia. Conversely, the US relies on its renowned education system, attracting students from the region, and implements soft power through foreign aid, trade, investment, and security cooperation. As the global order undergoes transformations, comprehending these soft power dynamics is crucial for deciphering the intricacies of contemporary international relations.
... Though APS confirms the importance of specialised services in the APS network that appear to easily transcend borders, based on the processes of CMNEs' overseas expansions, we find evidence of the influence of the state -particularly salient in sectors critical to national geo-economic objectives such as BEM, which extends the operations of Chinese state-owned companies abroad, in many cases to less-developed countries, both in Asia and elsewhere. By extension, this fosters Chinese soft power abroad (Gill and Huang, 2006) and serves to secure relationships critical to state objectives including the continuous expansion of overseas markets and the securing of natural resource reserves. As geopolitics evolve, with strong evidence of regionalism (McKinney, 2018), further research may investigate the observed inter-relations between economic globalisation and national developmental and political objectives. ...
This paper analyses the overseas expansion of Chinese multinational enterprises using city-network analysis, with the focus on identifying the ‘globalisations’ that influence Chinese firm expansion. Applying a stepwise regression model to explain the world city networks of Chinese multinational enterprises (CMNEs), we find that variables linked to political, infrastructural, economic and cultural attributes explain the overall network. We then analyse in detail the connectivities produced by CMNEs in four main economic sectors: advanced producer services (APS), general services (GS), manufacturing (MF) and building, energy and mining industry (BEM), finding evidence of multiple, overlapping globalisations across sectors. This conforms to intensive globalisation in APS, extensive globalisation in GS and MF, and politically oriented globalisation in BEM, driven largely by Belt and Road, and related initiatives. The state presence in CMNEs’ overseas expansions suggests that globalisation by firms is tied to state-led globalisation objectives in some contexts, which complements the narratives that cast firm-led globalisation as market-oriented and stateless.
... An example of China's promotional channels in the name of soft power is the establishment of Confucian institutes, where Chinese language and culture are taught around the world. In Southern Asia and the Middle East, in such countries as Indonesia and the Philippines, China has a strongly positive image among people (Gill & Huang, 2006). However, China's eff orts for the sake of att ractiveness and international infl uence have not always been welcomed and celebrated abroad; due to the fact that Chinese organizations in foreign countries may also pose a threat as propaganda organs of the Chinese Communist Party, according to most of the host countries, primarily the U.S.. ...
China and South Korea, appearing as the strong competitors of a soft power rivalry in Eastern Asia, have their peculiar policies in an attempt to attain soft power in the region. Although both countries have a strong potential for soft power, in the context of the Japanese community, China and South Korea intend to elicit positive impressions owing to their soft power strategies. Several public opinion polls and the survey conducted by Tomoko Yasuno and Yasuko Enomoto reveal surprising fi ndings. Impressions of China and Korea are indeed critically poor among Japanese society, as most respondents to multiple surveys state that they are unfriendly to the two countries in question. Yasuno and Enomoto investigate the variables that influence such negative attributions, while elaborating on the Japanese conception of Korea and China further. This paper provides an overview of their hypotheses, findings and interpretations.
... It highlights China's commitment to contributing to world peace, facilitating global development, and advocating for a just and reasonable international order. This statement reflects China seeks to play a more responsible and cooperative role in international affairs (Gill and Huang, 2023). ...
Diplomatic discourse is a formalized form of political communication that significantly influences a country’s international perception. However, there is a research gap in the analysis of China’s diplomatic discourse, particularly in relation to the speeches available on the official Chinese Foreign Ministry website. This study aims to address this gap by conducting a quantitative and qualitative analysis of China’s diplomatic speeches. This study utilizes a quantitative corpus-assisted discourse analysis to explore the prevalent themes in China’s official speeches. Additionally, qualitative discourse analysis is employed to examine the ideologies manifested in specific examples from the official speeches. The research combines a corpus-based approach with critical discourse analysis to investigate language use, discourse practices, and social practices. The analysis of China’s diplomatic discourse reveals several key themes related to President Xi Jinping’s leadership, international relations, and future community and economy. The findings provide valuable insights into China’s diplomatic strategies and its international image, emphasizing its commitment to cooperation, development, and peace. This research contributes to a better understanding of China’s diplomatic discourse and its role in shaping international perceptions of the country. By highlighting the prevalent themes and ideologies in China’s official speeches, the study emphasizes China’s commitment to fostering positive international relations. The findings offer valuable insights into China’s diplomatic strategies and its efforts to shape its international image.
... Thus, this renders the state cuffed to a soft power that is socially constructed and for which orchestrating is at their hands. However, Gill and Huang (2006) view that the true value of soft power is at the hands of neighboring nations. In the sense that soft power gains its value from the impact it makes on other nations that choose to accept it. ...
This chapter delves into the intricate and multifaceted role of international higher education (IHE) as a crucial instrument of soft power in fostering intercultural understanding and diplomacy in foreign policy. It highlights the profound impact of education in shaping societies and its pivotal function in advancing a nation’s culture, politics, and ideology. The chapter highlights intercultural education as a fundamental constituent of soft power, underscoring the significance of candid and respectful communication among individuals, groups, and organizations from diverse cultural backgrounds. It examines the dichotomy between hard power and soft power in international relations. Additionally, it examines the concept of nation branding, utilizing South Korea as an illustrative example. This chapter elucidates the crucial role of IHE as a soft power tool, promoting intercultural understanding and diplomacy in foreign policy.
... 3. Cultural communication: The research findings from this viewpoint are split into two opposing groups. One is that the Confucius Institute significantly strengthens China's soft power, and China has been using the Confucius Institute to improve its reputation among the international public (e.g., Gill and Huang 2006;Kluver 2014). Brazys and Dukalskis (2019) suggested that Confucius Institutes systematically enhanced media attitudes towards China on a worldwide scale by comparing regions with or without Confucius Institutes. ...
This study aims to examine the differences in lexical priming features between Confucius Institutes and Goethe-Instituts in developing countries using lexical priming theory and natural language processing techniques. By collecting news media coverage from 2014 to 2023, this study analyses the corpus through collocation, colligation, semantic association, and semantic prosody. In this study, it was found that the Goethe-Institut has a more stable institutional identity, while the Confucius Institute is still largely recognized for language teaching and cultural dissemination activities. The association of the Confucius Institute with China and its government creates a stronger sense of "otherness" and leads to negative perceptions. Overall, this study contributes to a better understanding of public perception and institutional image in developing countries.
... Cho and Jeong (2008) claimed that the theories of peaceful rise and peaceful development, which have been considered as diplomatic methods to realise China's development into a global power, are crucial cases that study soft power and its applicability to China's national policy. This policy establishes a stable external environment so Beijing can focus on socioeconomic growth, assures China's neighbours of its growing power and fosters generally cordial relations with the world's main powers, particularly the US (Gill and Huang 2006). Thus, China's peaceful rising strategy endorses soft power to improve its global reputation. ...
The significance of a country’s national image in international relations is the rationale behind governments placing greater emphasis on the use of soft power initiatives to shape their image. The purpose of this paper is to examine the impact of the Chinese Government Scholarship Program (CGSP) and the Confucius Institute at the University of Botswana (CIUB) on China’s national image in Botswana. The study is framed by Joseph Nye’s theory of Soft power. It employs a mixed method approach and uses both qualitative and quantitative methods to collect data. It analyses secondary information from electronic books, journal articles and thesis. The primary data for the study originates from an online questionnaire of fifty CGSP recipients and CIUB students. The results of the study show that CGSP and CIUB’s educational and cultural activities helped dispel negative perceptions of China in Botswana. However, both programs have limited impact on China’s image, as they only serve students and excludes the general population. Based on the survey results, Chinese government should undertake scholarships geared explicitly at correcting the western negative narratives that fuel the unfavourable perceptions in Botswana that the CIUB and CGSP have not sufficiently addressed.
... China Daily, People's Daily, China Global Television Network), and sports (e.g., the 2008 Summer and 2022 Winter Olympics), among others, real Chinese soft power is still in its "embryonic phase" ( Wu 2018 ). From a resource-based perspective, China still lacks competitive popular cultural products that can help it build an appealing global image ( Gill and Huang 2006 ;Peng and Keane 2019 ). ...
In this article, we explore the relationship between soft power projection and public opinion, specifically investigating how cinema as a soft power resource can shape people's positive perceptions about a country. While soft power has been defined as a form of persuasive power associated with intangible resources such as culture, ideology, and institutions, the link between these resources and public opinion has received limited attention in previous research. This study aims to fill this gap by using the film industry as a proxy for soft power projection. We compare the United States’ and China's soft power sources and projections through an online survey with 908 participants in Brazil. Our findings indicate that exposure to soft power via films can shape people's positive perceptions of countries. However, some dimensions of soft power appear to be more challenging to activate than others, such as patriotic films’ association with admiration for US military power. The study also discovered that soft power activation may be context dependent, with greater knowledge of a country's soft power resources in a particular context leading to increased soft power projection/activation. We contribute to research by empirically expanding our understanding of soft power dynamics and how power resources can be converted into public opinion in world politics.
This thesis seeks to cover the shift of relation between Iran and Saudi Arabia from cut throat competitors to moderate competition to some extent cautious competitors. This rivalry is economically based on old and new post-colonial competition over hegemony in Africa and in the Horn of Africa. The Iranian support of Shiite government and revolutionary principles could not be at the same time in tangent with the Saudi Arabian Sunni Monarchy which resulted on proxy battle and conflict in different parts of the Middle East. This paper will therefore aim at critically analyzing the following factors that have led to shift in relations between the two countries; issue of effect of international sanctions on Iran, the mutiny by leadership in the two countries and the other actors, particularly US, Russia and China. In addition to learning about the changes to paradigms of foreign policies and diplomacy due to these external pressures, it also estimates the impacts at the level of platforms for multilateral discussing and channels for secret diplomacy. For this reason, based on the historical, political and economical background, the research, emphasizes how the Iran-Saudi reconciliation may lead to long term changes in the context of the Middle Eastern region. Such kind of the process may lead to the changes of regional affiliations, in stabilization of energy markets and other proxy-war related events etc. Furthermore, it also places an emphasis on the different factors that make it easy for an individual of one culture to associate and interact with an individual of another culture. It then argues how these nations that have for along time been in conflict would come to work for peace and harmony and thereby bringing stability and economic growth of the region after uniting.
Discussions of soft power in recent years have paid a growing amount of attention to international politics. In particular, both Nepal and China have given great importance to cultural exchanges based on Confucius Institutes, which help deepen mutual understanding between the two nations and promote cultural cooperation between Kathmandu and China. This paper utilizes the cultural communication approach to examine China's soft power policies in Nepal through the Confucius Institute, highlighting Nye's concept of 'the power of attraction to a state based on its culture, political values, and foreign policies.' Based on the qualitative narrative analysis, China's concentrated efforts to use soft power diplomacy in Nepal have been a great success, with large investments in culture, education, and tourism. Countries executing the Confucius Institute not only spread the cultural value of CI host countries but also exchange their diverse values and traditions through the language reciprocally.
Yumuşak güç, etki alanını her geçen gün genişleten bir kavram olarak literatürdeki yerini geliştirmektedir. Özellikle ilk ortaya çıktığı alan olan uluslararası ilişkiler boyutuyla değerlendirildiğinde bu kavram, ülkeler arası güç uygulamalarının sadece askeri unsurlarla değil kültür vb. unsurlarla da gerçekleştirilebileceğine odaklanmaktadır. Yumuşak güç yönetim alanında da son dönemlerde kullanılmaya başlanan bir kavram olarak yerini almaktadır. Motivasyon, personel güçlendirme, yetki devri, ortak vizyon oluşturma, yönetişim ve temsilci seçerek yönetime katılma gibi uygulamalar yumuşak güç unsurlarını oluşturmaktadır. Çalışmanın amacı, yumuşak güç kavramının bilimsel bağlamda incelenmesi ve yumuşak güç kavramının anlaşılmasına yönelik teorik bir çerçeve oluşturmaktır. Bu amaç doğrultusunda, SCOPUS uluslararası indeks esas alınarak yumuşak güç kavramı ile ilgili bibliyometrik bir analiz gerçekleştirilmiştir. Ayrıca görsel haritalama programı VOSviewer programı ile ortak yazarlık, ortak alıntı, bibliyometrik birleşmeler, ortak alıntı ağları, yer paylaşımı ve yoğunluk alanları görselleştirilerek haritalar yoluyla ilişkilerin keşfedilmesi amaçlanmıştır. Araştırma, belirli kriterlere göre seçilen 1486 ve 1989-2023 yıllarında yayınlanan çalışmaları kapsamaktadır. Elde edilen bulgulara göre, en fazla çalışma 2016 yılında yayınlanmıştır. Kaynağına göre yapılan analizde en fazla çalışmanın Journal of Political Power dergisinde olduğu, en fazla çalışmanın Nye J.S. tarafından yapıldığı belirlenmiştir. Bu bilgilerle birlikte ABD, en fazla yayın yapılan ülke, Harward University, en fazla yayın yapılan kurum, yumuşak güç kelimesi en sık kullanılan anahtar kelime ve Zhang, X ise en yoğun ilişkinin olduğu yazar olarak belirlenmiştir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Yumuşak Güç, Güç, Uluslararası Politika, Bibliyometrik Analiz JEL Sınıflandırması: M14, M16, M21
This paper examines exhibits at the Shanghai Expo and the urban improvement schemes undertaken for the Shanghai Expo for what they reveal about the ideals for and experiences of urban modernity in contemporary China. Rather than focus on the experiences and perceptions of a global audience, this paper examines how the Expo sought to speak to a domestic audience about state legitimacy through its messaging about urban citizenship and urban modernity. It argues that the manner in which the Expo promoted certain forms of sustainability and the domestic audience's experiences with Shanghai urban improvements revealed tensions in the nation's development model and excluded sectors of the population from participation.
China has emerged as a formidable actor in the Middle East, expanding its engagement with the region well beyond its quest for resources. It has adopted a multilayered approach and engaged with the region through diplomacy, economic investments, security, and cultural outreach. This complex web of engagement is designed to promote China as a reliable partner and role model in the Middle East. China has developed a conscious soft power projection plan that leverages its economic weight and promotes values associated with a strong state and social stability. The emphasis on economic development and a strong state resonates with many states in the Middle East. Public opinion surveys in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) reveal a highly favorable perception of China and its role in the region. There is clear interest in China's economic model, with overwhelming support for trade and economic engagement. China's political system is also seen as attractive. This study reveals interest in closer political and cultural ties with China, suggesting that Chinese has achieved discernible soft power in the region.
This study explores the application and concept of the Theory of Five colours in ancient Chinese urban architectural design. Nowadays, urban colour has emerged as a crucial aspect of urban planning, carrying significant historical, cultural, and aesthetic information in the evolution of cities. Colour plays a symbolic role in expressing the character and quality of cities, with its impact evident in various aspects of human habitation and daily life. The conceptual analysis via on-site observation and secondary data delves into the historical shifts in architectural colour schemes for various periods, including the Warring States, the Qin Dynasty, the Han Dynasty, the Wei-Jin Northern and Southern Dynasties, and the Tang, Song, Ming, and Qing Dynasties. Through an analysis of the evolution of architectural colour across different historical eras, the finding reveals that the use of colour in ancient Chinese urban architecture was rooted in the traditional Theory of Five colours. Notably, red and yellow predominantly adorned noble, imperial, and religious structures, underscoring their esteemed and sacred significance. Conversely, colours like black, white, and green were prevalent in civilian constructions, emphasising the vibrancy and diversity of primary buildings through extensive use of neutral colours. This practice of colour differentiation contributed to distinctive regional variations within cities, reflecting a hierarchical architectural concept. However, with the passage of time and the disappearance of the hierarchical system, the application of colour in urban architecture became more flexible. Modern urban architecture, based on the foundation of ancient urban colour, exhibits diverse expressions according to factors such as cultural history, geographical location, and urban characteristics. As a result, the architectural landscapes of different cities display rich and varied colour palettes. These research findings will contribute as a significant reference value for the cultural connotations of ancient urban architecture and the colour design of modern urban spaces in China.
Social media platforms host a wealth of interactions and content sharing among over 4.7 billion users, offering unparalleled opportunities for communication, intelligence gathering, and sentiment analysis. However, they also present grave threats, such as information warfare and operational security breaches. This article provides a nuanced examination of these platforms as both a strategic asset and a potential liability. It discusses the imperative for monitoring,
controlling, and leveraging social media for military advantages while safeguarding against privacy risks, information leaks, misinformation, and cyber espionage. The dualistic role of social media in military operations, with a focus on the Bangladesh Army has also come under scrutiny. Concluding, with strategic recommendations, this paper underscores the critical need for the Bangladesh Army to manage social media use effectively in order to protect national security interests and harness its power for information warfare.
The past decade has witnessed an unprecedented transformation of China into an important “receiving” nation for international student mobility (ISM), underscored by the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)-tied African countries becoming the main import markets. The emerging China-bound ISM, driven by contextually-specific motivations, necessitates a re-theorisation of the Western-centric, neo-liberal-driven push–pull model within the broader context of multipolarity in higher education. Through semi-structured in-depth interviews with eight international students from BRI African countries pursuing postgraduate programmes in Beijing, this micro study explores the dynamic macro–micro interface of push and pull factors. These narratives of how the push (e.g. the under-developed higher education system in the home country) and pull factors (i.e. host nation’s financial support for international students, economic and political links between the home and host countries, and host nation’s exponential growth) intersected with individuals’ desire, reflect the multipolar shifts in global higher education landscapes. By extending the macro-focused push–pull model to incorporate these complexities, this study echoes the need to recognise contemporary multipolarity when explaining ISM in diverse contexts.
This article examines the sources of Turkish, Iranian, and Saudi soft power in the Middle East through the utilization of Joseph Nye's soft power concept. The study is based on three claims. The first claim argues that there exists an increasing discrepancy between espoused values and actual practices in Turkey, Iran, and Saudi Arabia at home, which may undermine their soft power. The second claim contends that cognizant of the fact that the Palestinian cause is a major concern for most of the Middle Eastern people, all of the three states pursue an active foreign policy to alleviate the plight of the Palestinians. Finally, the last claim upholds that Turkey, Iran, and Saudi Arabia have been benefitting, albeit to varying extents, from high culture products such as education and popular culture products such as mass entertainment and tourism to appeal to the public in the Middle East.
21. yüzyılda, Çin’in yükselişi ve bu doğrultuda ABD-Çin rekabeti bir tartışma konusu olmuştur. Çin’in genelde uluslararası politikada özel de ise ekonomik alandaki yükselişine ek olarak, Latin Amerika bölgesindeki varlığında da artış görülmüş ve taraflar arasındaki rekabet ABD’nin arka bahçesi olarak zikredilen Latin Amerika bölgesine de yansımıştır. Bu çalışmanın amacı Latin Amerika’daki Çin varlığının bölgedeki ABD hegemonyasına yönelik etkilerini irdelemektir. Bunun için Çin’in bölgedeki varlığı sert ve yumuşak güç kavramları üzerinden analiz edilmiş ve Çin’in bölgede gücünü nasıl kullandığı ve bunun bölgeyi nasıl etkilediği incelenmiştir. Çin’in ekonomik açıdan ABD’ye bölgede ciddi bir rakip olduğu ve ABD hegemonyasını aşındırdığı ancak askerî açıdan bir tehdit oluşturmadığı; yumuşak güç konusunda ise potansiyeline rağmen demokratik değerler, kültürel taşıyıcılar ve Çin menşeli firmalara ilişkin ekolojik sorunlar gibi çeşitli nedenlerden dolayı bölge bazında ABD’nin gerisinde kaldığı sonucuna ulaşılmıştır.
This chapter analyzes the impact of soft power on trade relationships using Africa–Europe as analytical context. It examines the prospects of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) as the epitome of African soft power. Although it may not seem arbitrary to assume that two continents with different socio-cultural attributes, institutional rules, and asymmetrical structural configuration can engage in a mutually beneficial cooperation, it has been observed that the inability of African states to deploy soft power partially accounts for why they are perpetually subservient to Europe in trade relationships. While there is a wealth of scholarly work on AU–EU cooperation in general, there is a dearth of materials on the role of African soft power in intercontinental cooperation. Therefore, this chapter addresses two salient questions. First, can the AfCFTA wield the AU’s soft power? Second, can the deployment of Africa’s soft power change the dynamics of African–European trade relationship? The chapter concludes that the AfCFTA can wield the AU’s soft power, but the ability of Africa to effectively deploy such soft power depends largely on the full implementation of the AfCFTA agreements.
Foreign investors often treat Africa as merely a source of uranium, but African governments have nuclear aspirations of their own. In pursuit of their nuclear ambitions, African leaders are turning to China both for material resources and for inspiration. How and why has China become a model for African governments’ nuclear pursuits, and what are the implications of the nuclear ‘China model’ for African governments and Africans? This paper extends scholarly discussions of the ‘China model’ of development by considering how African state actors interpret China’s nuclear trajectory and its relevance as a model for their own nuclear strategies. Rather than attempting to identify a singular ‘China model,’ I synthesize African political leaders’ interpretations of and perspectives on China’s nuclear model. I then examine the grounded implications of the nuclear China model in Namibia, which hosts more Chinese foreign direct investments in uranium mining than any other country and has its own nuclear ambitions. My analysis suggests that the Chinese government, Chinese nuclear state-owned enterprises, and African governments stand to reap significant benefits from the diffusion of the nuclear China model in Africa, but radioactive development is also likely to come with significant costs, particularly for Africans living near uranium mines.
The Palgrave Handbook of Sovereign Wealth Funds aims to provide a comprehensive analysis of SWFs from a multidimensional perspective. It spans the gamut from theoretical to practical while offering the right balance of detailed and user-friendly coverage. Discussion of relevant research permeates the handbook. This volume helps fill the gap by showing how SWFs are a growing and dynamic force in international finance. This chapter discusses the book’s distinguishing features, intended audience, and structure. It provides an overview of each section and chapter.
The era of globalization, which is characterized by intensified borderless exchanges and increased interconnectedness, pressures countries to reassess their use of ‘hard power' in realizing nation's objectives as well as dealing with the global community. China has been recognizing the importance of ‘soft power' – the need to enhance its global image. Primarily, this strategy is called ‘charm offensive' which projects a “benign national image” to secure strong alliances and demonstrate itself as an epitome of social and economic success. This matter is another interesting subject of various discourses and not yet exhausted by existing knowledge production efforts and hence, the focus of this chapter. Specifically, through the use of secondary literature and scrutinization of policy statements and landmark speeches of officials, diplomats, and cultural agents of soft power, this chapter examines China's charm offensive in Southeast Asia – focusing on its sources, limits, and implications to the stability of the region.
Метою статті є розкриття деталей еволюції китайського культурного ландшафту та його впливу на світовій арені в дипломатичному й міжкультурному контекстах, беручи до уваги культурні надбання як Китайської Народної Республіки, так і Республіки Китай. Дослідження узагальнює огляд актуальних тематичних публікацій, визначає невирішені питання, пропонує перспективи подальших досліджень у цій сфері. Як інструменти зовнішньої культурної політики аналізуються традиційні китайські перформативні мистецтва й сучасні форми культурного самовираження – маньхуа (комікси), дунхуа (анімаційні серіали), сі-поп (китайська популярна музика) та драми (фільми й серіали). Міждисциплінарний підхід дослідження слугує вивченню динамічного злиття традиційних і сучасних елементів у художньому вираженні; технологічних інновацій у цифровому мистецтві; соціальної ангажованості мистецтва як форми коментування, культурного активізму. Наукова новизна роботи полягає в цілісному підході, що поєднує традиційні й сучасні культурні форми, робить внесок у дискурс про культурну дипломатію та глобальні культурні взаємодії, зокрема, в українському академічному полі. Результати підкреслюють стратегічне використання різноманітних форм мистецтва в культурній дипломатії Китаю. Отримані результати роблять внесок як у наукову, так і в практичну сферу, забезпечуючи розуміння культурного впливу Китаю та закладаючи основу для майбутніх досліджень.
The original concept of soft power embraced the belief that culture, values and foreign policy practice are the basic resources upon which this type power is based. This article argues that popular national leaders can also – maybe even more so – be treated as soft power resources as their popularity and trustworthiness go hand in hand with the positive public opinion about their countries abroad. This hypothesis is tested against survey data collected from all over the globe by the U.S.-based polling institute Pew Research Center over the last two decades. The data shows a strong positive correlation between the public confidence in a leader and the view of their country abroad in almost every case that was examined. The view of a country among foreign audiences often changes with the change of its top leadership. The results of this reseach cast doubt on whether national culture and values rather than national leaders are the preeminent source of soft power of any given country in international politics.
Existing analyses of China’s soft power coverage by the media largely focus on individual soft power activities, and rarely study media coverage of comprehensive soft power projection as a whole. This study shines new light on soft power narratives through a content analysis of its components, actors, information sources, and themes from 2010 to 2019. This study has provided a deeper and more holistic understanding of China’s soft power narratives in its attempts to address negative perceptions and build a positive image. The major findings reveal that Chinese media focus on achievements, weaknesses, and potentials as themes, and their attention has shifted from culture and domestic information sources to economy and non-Chinese information sources in the two periods: 2010–2016 and 2017–2019. The analysis of this paper indicates a trend toward a more balanced portrayal of China’s soft power initiatives. It also presents China’s growing confidence and self-assurance in soft power coverage. However, given the role of the state-run media outlets as instruments of the state’s public diplomacy strategy, the media coverage might reflect a selective representation of soft power to engage with international audiences more effectively.
The concept of national sovereignty serves to sustain domestic authority against foreign incursions. For the Chinese leadership, defence of a 'thick' notion of sovereignty also serves its efforts to enhance its legitimacy, to deflect criticism of its domestic policies, and to resist outside involvement in the Taiwan issue. Yet from the initial opening of the People's Republic in the 1970s, China has steadily acquiesced in the slow erosion of its strict sovereign prerogatives. Today, the nexus where defence of Chinese sovereignty meets the imperative of engaging the outside world defines both the limits and the possibilities of further enmeshing China within the norms and institutions of international society. The challenge for the international community is to understand the dynamics of that sovereignty-integration nexus in China, then to identify and to implement policies that will strengthen China's commitment to international peace and stability in a more globalised world. In this regard, China's participation in United Nations peacekeeping operations (PKOs) is an often-overlooked area of interest. Encouraging China to take on a greater peacekeeping role could lead to significant benefits for the international community. These include China's greater integration into international society, its greater acceptance of inter- national norms, establishing a new multilateral confidence-building measure to gain greater Chinese military transparency while reducing regional distrust of China, and spreading the burden of and strengthening international support for UN peacekeeping. As China's concepts of sovereignty and peacekeeping change, concerned observers need to revisit previous assessments that expressed little hope for expanding Chinese participation in such operations.1
Predicting the outcome of China's upcoming leadership succession has become a popular parlor game in certain Washington circles. But a focus on power plays in Beijing misses the real story: China is facing a hidden crisis of governance. Whoever they are, the new leaders will have to deal with a failing state, an ailing party apparatus, and rising social tensions if they wish to sustain China's economic growth.
The Bush administration's new national security strategy gets much right but may turn out to be myopic. The world has changed in ways that make it impossible for the most dominant power since Rome to go it alone. U.S. policymakers must realize that power today lies not only in the might of one's sword but in the appeal of one's ideas.
HIANG RAI, Thailand -In pagoda-style buildings donated by the Chinese government to the university here, Long Seaxiong, 19, stays up nights to master the intricacies of Mandarin. The sacrifice is worth it, he says, and the choice of studying Chinese was an easy one over perfecting his faltering English. China, not America, is the future, he insists, speaking for many of his generation in Asia. "For a few years ahead, it will still be the United States as No. 1, but soon it will be China," Mr. Long, the son of a Thai businessman, confidently predicted as he showed off the stone, tiles and willow trees imported from China to decorate the courtyard at the Sirindhorn Chinese Language and Culture Center, which opened a year ago. The center is part of China's expanding presence across Southeast Asia and the Pacific, where Beijing is making a big push to market itself and its language, similar to the way the United States promoted its culture and values during the cold war. It is not a hard sell, particularly to young Asians eager to cement cultural bonds as China deepens its economic and political interests in the region. Put off from visiting the United States by the difficulty of gaining visas after 9/11, more and more Southeast Asians are traveling to China as students and tourists. Likewise, Chinese tourists, less fearful than Americans of the threat of being targets of terrorism, are becoming the dominant tourist group in the region, outnumbering Americans in places like Thailand and fast catching up to the ubiquitous Japanese.
In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:
International Security 27.4 (2003) 5-56
[Figures]
The People's Republic of China (PRC) is more integrated into,
and more cooperative within, regional and global political and
economic systems than ever in its history. Yet there is growing
uneasiness in the United States and the Asia-Pacific region about
the implications of China's increasing economic and military power.
Characterizations of Chinese diplomacy in the policy and scholarly
worlds are, if anything, less optimistic of late about China's
adherence to regional and international norms. In the 1980s there
was little discussion in the United States and elsewhere about
whether China was or was not part of something called "the
international community." Since the early 1990s, however, scholars
and practitioners alike have argued increasingly that China has not
demonstrated sufficiently that it will play by so-called
international rules and that somehow it must be brought into this
community. The subtext is a fairly sharp othering of China that
includes a civilizing discourse (China is not yet a civilized
state) or perhaps a sports discourse (China is a cheater).
Many of the most vigorous policy debates in the United States in
recent years have been over whether it is even possible to
socialize a dictatorial, nationalistic, and dissatisfied China
within this putative international community. Engagers argue that
China is becoming socialized, though mainly in thesphere of
economic norms (e.g., free trade and domestic marketization).
Skeptics either conclude that this is not the case, due to the
nature of the regime (for some, China is still Red China; for more
sophisticated skeptics, China is flirting with fascism), or that it
could not possibly happen because China as a rising power, by
definition, is dissatisfied with the U.S.-dominated global order (a
power-transition realpolitik argument). A logical conclusion is
that both groups view the problem of China's rising power as the
primary source of instability in Sino-U.S. relations and by
extension in the Asia-Pacific region.
This article explores the degree to which China's leaders are
pursuing status quo or revisionist foreign policies. It examines
the evidence for and against the most common characterization of
China—that it is a dissatisfied, revisionist state, expressed in
everything from a desire to resolve the Taiwan issue in its favor
to excluding U.S. military power from the Asia-Pacific region to
replacing U.S. unipolarity with a multipolar distribution of power.
This characterization generally draws on or hews to various realist
insights into why rising powers are almost invariably interested in
challenging extant institutions, norms, and power distributions.
That is, the argument falls generally within a power-transition
version of realism where a static set of interests—the desire to
establish a great power's sphere of influence—interact with
changing Chinese relative capabilities to give China more
opportunities to challenge U.S. power. I suggest that this line of
argument is insufficiently attentive to the analytic ambiguities in
the terms "status quo" and "revisionism" as used in international
relations theory and practice. Moreover, this hypothesis fails to
examine both the status quo elements in Chinese diplomacy over the
last couple ofdecades and the problematic status of the empirical
evidence used to makeclaims about PRC revisionism. In short, it is
not clear that describing China as a revisionist or non-status quo
state is accurate at this moment in history.
What Is a Revisionist State in the Twenty-First Century?
In the last decade or so in the United States, many scholars,
pundits, and policymakers have characterized China as a state
operating outside of, or only partly inside, the so-called
international community on a range of international norms. As
Secretary of Defense William Perry noted in a speech in Seattle in
1995, engagement was a strategy for getting China to act like a
"responsible world power." In March 1997, in outlining national
security policy for President Bill Clinton's second term, National
Security Adviser Samuel Berger referred to Sino-U.S. engagement as
designed to pull China "in the direction of the international
community." Stanley Roth, assistant secretary of state for East
Asian and Pacific affairs, noted that "[the United States wants]
China to take...
Since the 1995-96 Taiwan Strait crisis, scholars and policymakers have become increasingly concerned about China's territorial ambitions. Yet China has also used peaceful means to manage conficts, settling seventeen of its twenty-three territorial disputes, often with substantial compromises. This article develops a counterintuitive argument about the effects of domestic confict on foreign policy to explain China's behavior. Contrary to the diversionary war hypothesis, this argument posits that state leaders are more likely to compromise in territorial disputes when confronting internal threats to regime security, including rebellions and legitimacy crises. Regime insecurity best explains China's pattern of compromise and delay in its territorial disputes. China's leaders have compromised when faced with internal threats to regime security, including the revolt in Tibet, the instability following the Great Leap Forward, the legitimacy crisis after the Tiananmen upheaval, and separatist violence in Xinjiang.
Based on its size, strategic location, and rising economic and military power, China exerts worldwide economic influence and is the leading military and political power in Asia, but Chinese leaders are not inclined to assert influence in world affairs more forcefully.
Pundits point to the awesome growth of East Asia's economies and fret that the West cannot compete. But there is nothing miraculous about the successes of Asia's "tigers." Their rise was fueled by mobilizing resources--increasing inputs of machinery, infrastructure, and education--just like that of the now-derided Soviet economy. Indeed, Singapore's boom is the virtual economic twin of Stalin's U.S.S.R. The growth rates of the newly industrialized countries of East Asia will also slow down. The lesson here for Western policymakers is that sustained growth requires efficiency gains, which come from making painful choices.
China's New Nationalism: Pride, Politics, and Diplomacy. By Peter Hays Gries. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004. 224p. $24.95.
Arguments in the West over the existence of a “China threat” frequently atomize and even demonize China, as the author of the book points out at the beginning. Is Chinese nationalism benign or malign? The rise of Chinese nationalism in recent times has become an issue of great interest and importance to the world because of concerns over China's intentions as economic growth propels the country's ascendance onto the world stage. This timely account analyzes the sources and dimensions of the new nationalism, from what Peter Hays Gries calls the “rarely told Chinese side of the story” (p. 4). It is premised on a refreshing perspective that “to understand Chinese nationalism, we must listen to the Chinese” (p. 4). Gries's attempt to introduce Western scholars to the views of these new nationalists is an important contribution in itself, as so often mainstream views of Chinese nationalism in the West construe it as a tool to legitimize Communist Party rule. This book gets it right by taking Chinese nationalism seriously and treats it as a matter of genuine popular base and emotional content.
The recent crisis over North Korea's nuclear weapons has had at least one unexpected aspect: the crucial -- and highly effective -- intervention of Beijing. China's steady diplomacy is a sign of how much things have changed in the country, which has long avoided most international affairs. Recently, China has begun to embrace regional and global institutions it once shunned and take on the responsibilities that come with great-power status. Just what the results of Beijing's new sophistication will be remains to be seen; but Asia, and the world, will never be the same
China Wages Classroom Struggle to Win Friends in AfricaSudan: China's Outpost in Africa
- French
French, 'China Wages Classroom Struggle to Win Friends in Africa', New York Times, 20 November 2005. 59 See Yitzhak Shichor, 'Sudan: China's Outpost in Africa', China Brief, vol. 5, no. 21, 13 October 2005; and Joshua Eisenman, 'Zimbabwe: China's
China's Prudent Cultivation of " Soft " Power and Implications for U.S. Policy in East Asia', Asian Affairs: An American Review 39 For a background on China's changing approach to peacekeeping, see Bates Gill and James Reilly, 'Sovereignty, Intervention and Peacekeeping: The View from Beijing
- Jean A Garrison
38 Renmin ribao, overseas edition, 20
October 2005; Jean A. Garrison,
'China's Prudent Cultivation of " Soft "
Power and Implications for U.S.
Policy in East Asia', Asian Affairs: An
American Review, vol. 32, no. 1, Spring
2005, p. 26.
39 For a background on China's changing
approach to peacekeeping, see Bates
Gill and James Reilly, 'Sovereignty,
Intervention and Peacekeeping: The
View from Beijing', Survival, vol. 42,
no. 3, Autumn 2000, pp. 41–59.
The Myth of Asia's Miracle', Foreign Affairs
- Paul Krugman
66 Paul Krugman, 'The Myth of Asia's
Miracle', Foreign Affairs, vol. 73, no. 6,
November–December 1994, pp. 62–78.
Beijing Charms its Neighbors', International Herald Tribune See also Edward Cody, 'China's Quiet Rise Casts Wide Shadow
- David Shambaugh
54 David Shambaugh, 'Beijing Charms
its Neighbors', International Herald
Tribune, 14 May 2005. See also Edward
Cody, 'China's Quiet Rise Casts Wide
Shadow', Washington Post, 26 February
2005.
37459/3587825.html. 72 'The Medical Reform Controversy 73 From Project Team of the State Council Development Research Center, 'An Evaluation of and Recommendations on the Reforms of the Health System in China
71 Zhongguo qinnian bao (China youth
daily), 3 August 2005, available
at http://www.people.com.cn/GB/
news/37454/37459/3587825.html.
72 'The Medical Reform Controversy,'
Beijing Review, vol. 38, 2005.
73 From Project Team of the State
Council Development Research
Center, 'An Evaluation of and
Recommendations on the Reforms of
the Health System in China', China
Development Review (supplement),
vol. 7, no. 1, March 2005, pp. 121 and
151–2.
Rising China Counters US Clout in Africa', Christian Science MonitorChina Flexes Economic Muscle
- Abraham Mclaughlin
Abraham McLaughlin, 'A Rising
China Counters US Clout in Africa',
Christian Science Monitor, 30 March
2005; and Leggett, 'China Flexes
Economic Muscle'.
US Accepts nearly $1b in Foreign Aid', The Boston Globe
- Farah Stockman
45 Farah Stockman, 'US Accepts nearly
$1b in Foreign Aid', The Boston Globe, 8
Soft Power in the Information Age', luncheon lecture 77 United Nations Information Service, 'Secretary-General Calls for Immediate Halt to Evictions, Demolitions in Zimbabwe, Saying Envoy's Report Confirms " Catastrophic Injustice
- Xinhua News
- Joseph S Nye
75 Xinhua News, 12 January 2005.
76 Joseph S. Nye, 'Soft Power in the
Information Age', luncheon lecture,
Harvard University, 2 May 2000.
77 United Nations Information
Service, 'Secretary-General Calls
for Immediate Halt to Evictions,
Demolitions in Zimbabwe,
Saying Envoy's Report Confirms
" Catastrophic Injustice " ', 25 July
2005, available at http://www.unis.
unvienna.org/unis/pressrels/2005/
sgsm10012.html. The full report is
available at http://www.unhabitat.
org/documents/ZimbabweReport.pdf.
China in Africa: All Trade and No Political BaggageMugabe Rebuffed by China The Australian
- Zhou Wenzhong
79 Zhou Wenzhong, then Chinese deputy
foreign minister, quoted in Howard
French, 'China in Africa: All Trade and
No Political Baggage', New York Times,
8 August 2004.
80 Gavin du Venage, 'Mugabe Rebuffed by
China,' The Australian, 1 August 2005.
China Widens Economic Role in Latin America 56 Reuters, 'Iran's Islamic Conservatives Ponder " Chinese Model
- Larry Rohter
55 Larry Rohter, 'China Widens
Economic Role in Latin America', New
York Times, 20 November 2004.
56 Reuters, 'Iran's Islamic Conservatives
Ponder " Chinese Model " ', 25 February
2004.
Warming Sino-Iranian Relations: Will China Trade Nuclear Technology for Oil?
- Sharif Shuja
57 Sharif Shuja, 'Warming Sino-Iranian
Relations: Will China Trade Nuclear
Technology for Oil?', China Brief, vol.
5, no. 12, 24 May 2005, p. 10.
s address to a Joint Sitting of the Australian Parliament on 24
- See Hu
See Hu Jintao's address to a Joint
Sitting of the Australian Parliament
on 24 October 2003, available at
http://www.australianpolitics.com/
news/2003/10/03-10-24b.shtml.
Public Opinion and Foreign Policy (Sydney: Lowy Institute for International Policy, 2005), available at www.lowyinstitute.org. Similarly favourable views of China and more cautious views of US policy were expressed to the author by Australian businesspersons, politicians and policy analysts in Perth
- Ivan Cook
- Australians Speak
60 Ivan Cook, Australians Speak
2005: Public Opinion and Foreign
Policy (Sydney: Lowy Institute for
International Policy, 2005), available
at www.lowyinstitute.org. Similarly
favourable views of China and more
cautious views of US policy were
expressed to the author by Australian
businesspersons, politicians and policy
analysts in Perth, Melbourne, Canberra
and Sydney. Author discussions and
interviews in Australia, October 2005.
Northeast Asia's Intra-mural Mural Wars', Asia Times
- David Scofield
84 David Scofield, 'Northeast Asia's
Intra-mural Mural Wars', Asia Times,
23 December 2003, available at http://
www.atimes.com/atimes/Korea/
EL23Dg01.html.
China Moves Toward Another West
- W Howard
- French
Howard W. French, 'China Moves
Toward Another West: Central Asia',
New York Times, 28 March 2004.
The President's AgendaIn Review: President Bush's Visit to Beijing', e-mail broadcast Randall Schriver was deputy assistant secretary of state for Asia and Pacific affairs in the George W
- G Randall
- Schriver
62 Randall G. Schriver, 'The President's
Agenda', in National Committee
on US–China Relations, 'In Review:
President Bush's Visit to Beijing',
e-mail broadcast, 1 December 2005.
Randall Schriver was deputy assistant secretary of state for Asia and
Pacific affairs in the George W. Bush
administration.
- See Joseph
- S S Nye Jr, 'u
- Power
- Strategy After
- Iraq
See Joseph S. Nye Jr, 'U.S. Power and
Strategy After Iraq', Foreign Affairs,
vol. 82, no. 4, July–August 2003, pp.
60–73.
Africa Looks East for Political Role Models', Christian Science Monitor
- Abraham Mclaughlin
- Ryan Truscott
Abraham McLaughlin and Ryan
Truscott, 'Africa Looks East for
Political Role Models', Christian
Science Monitor, 5 July 2005.
Chinese Model Passes the Test', The Australian
- Greg Sheridan
22 Greg Sheridan, 'Chinese Model Passes
the Test', The Australian, 25 August
2005.
23 Thomas L. Friedman, 'Thou Shalt Not
Destroy the Center', New York Times,
11 November 2005.
See the United Nations Department of Peacekeeping Operations website http
- Xinhua Net
40 Xinhua Net, http://news.xinhuanet.
com/mil/2005-09/21/content_3519927.
htm.
41 See the United Nations Department
of Peacekeeping Operations website
http://www.un.org/Depts/dpko/dpko/
contributors/2005/dec2005_2.pdf.
Sometimes, Autocracy Breeds Freedom'
- Robert Kaplan
21 Robert Kaplan, 'Sometimes, Autocracy
Breeds Freedom', New York Times, 28
43 'No Time like the Present', The Economist, Survey of China
- Robert Sutter
42 Robert Sutter, 'Why Does China
Matter', The Washington Quarterly, vol.
7, no. 1, Winter 2003–04, p. 87.
43 'No Time like the Present', The
Economist, Survey of China, 25 March
2006, p. 19.
A Loss of Foreign Talent
- Anne Mcgrath
Anne McGrath, 'A Loss of Foreign
Talent', U.S. News & World Report, 22
After Britain and the US, China is in Line to be our New Best Friend', The Sydney Morning Herald
- Hugh White
61 Hugh White, 'After Britain and the US,
China is in Line to be our New Best
Friend', The Sydney Morning Herald, 24
March 2005.
The Beijing Consensus (London: Foreign Policy Centre
- Joshua Cooper
Joshua Cooper Ramo, The Beijing
Consensus (London: Foreign Policy
Centre, 2004).