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The Business Improvement District: An Internationally Diffused Approach to Revitalization
Abstract
Is it possible that someone went to City Hall asking permission to do something and offer to pay for it on their own? Our businessmen did and the cost of all these improvements is added to their business tax bill every year through a special arrangement made with the city. The area now has a bright new name to complement its image, 'the Bloor West Village.' It belongs to the residents of Ward One who should enjoy it and patronize the businesses that made it possible. After all, there are other parts of the city that want one like it. -Alderman Boytchuk describing the world's first BID, in 1971
... Given its economic success, these organisations grew exponentially in Canada throughout the 1980s-1990s as federal and provincial governments encouraged their formation through various government grants and incentives (Hoyt, 2006). The first BIA in the US (called Business Improvement Districts) formed soon after in New Orleans in 1975 (Ward, 2007a) before they expanded across Europe, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa and Japan throughout the 1990s (Hoyt, 2003(Hoyt, , 2006Ward, 2007a). While these organisations originally focused on mundane tasks like garbage collection, upgrading street furniture and lighting enhancement, they now have a major influence over local urban development and take greater responsibility managing and controlling urban spaces. ...
... For the purpose of this paper, BIDs are defined as a group of business/property owners within a designated geographical area who pay an annual levy to provide supplemental services to their commercial district such as security and crime control, beautification upgrades and marketing campaigns. Given their geographical spread across the world, these organisations do not have a standard naming convention and go by many different names depending on the region (see Hoyt, 2003). 2 For the sake of consistency, this paper refers to these organisations as Business Improvement Districts (BIDs) given that this is the conventional name in the US and academic literature. ...
... This work, however, has been dominated by select case studies from Germany, South Africa and more recently Nordic countries. Little work (at least in English-speaking journals) has documented the adoption of the BID model outside of these contexts despite BIDs being documented in countries such as Australia, New Zealand, Japan, France, Belgium and Holland (Grossman, 2010;Hoyt, 2003). Since the lack of research in these countries is likely due to the lack of a standard naming convention, future work should investigate similar organisations with different names that have emerged with or without ties to global policy networks (see e.g. ...
Originally created in 1970 by a small group of business people in Toronto's Bloor West Village, Business Improvement Districts (hereafter BIDs) have become commonplace urban revitalisation strategies in cities across the world. Many critical urban scholars have conceptualised BIDs as neoliberal organisations and have resultantly critiqued their role in contemporary urban govern-ance. With BIDs now existing for over 50 years, the purpose of this paper is to provide an overdue reappraisal of the BID research and orient future scholarship. After describing key debates from early BID research, this paper analyses two distinct themes in more recent scholarship: (1) BID policy mobility, and (2) BIDs and social regulation. As the BID model has been transferred to new locations across both the Global North and South, its rapid mobility demonstrates the per-meability, resilience and limits of neoliberal urban policies. Moreover, BIDs' social control tactics highlight how these organisations are shaped by a neoliberal logic that seeks to manage and control urban spaces in ways that attract desirable consumers and exclude the visible poor. This paper outlines the origins of both bodies of work and traces common patterns and variances over time. It concludes by highlighting gaps in the existing literature and offers suggestions for future work.
... The variety of measures is far-flung, starting from simple firm-driven social, educational or recreational object-based building infrastructure (e.g., child-care centers) (Albers, 2011), revalorization (e.g., privately-owned spaces for public use, Kayden, 2000), relocation (e.g., corporate re-urbanization, Mozingo, 2011) or alteration of corporate premises (e.g., district renewal through cultural creative industries) (Suwala, 2015). Some of the most embedded practices range from involvement in business improvement districts or town center management schemes to more comprehensive private-sector-driven and business-community-led spatial development models (Hoyt, 2003;Coca-Stefaniak et al., 2009;Enright et al., 2016). These latter cases are particularly prevalent where there is a lack of consolidated government bodies or where public authorities display little effectiveness in pursuing development goals (Enright et al., 2016;Suwala et al., 2018). ...
... But some family firms are also involved in more strategic tasks of urban management in a variety of spatial contexts. These include direct involvement in planning processes on a district level, as well as in business improvement districts, in town center management schemes or in the preparation of spatial master plans for the city or region (e.g., Hoyt, 2003;Albers & Suwala, 2018). This is far from new. ...
... A first mode, originating in Canada and the U.S. from the 1970s on, are business improvement districts (given similar names depending on the country; e.g., 'downtown improvement districts' in Japan, 'main street associations' in New Zealand [Hoyt, 2003], etc.). Business improvement districts are among the most widespread initiatives in local governance and represent a geographically defined area where the majority of property owners and/or merchants agree to provide an enhanced level of public service by imposing an additional tax or fee on all the properties and/or businesses in the area (Mitchell, 2001). ...
This book explores the relationship between families, firms, and regions and the extent to which these relationships contribute to regional economic and social development.
... privately owned spaces for public use; Kayden 2000), relocation projects (also known as corporate reurbanization; Mozingo 2011), as well as the alteration of corporate premises (seen, for example, in district renewal through cultural creative industries; Rogerson 1996). More complex approaches take the form of business improvement districts (BIDs) (Hoyt 2003), town centre management agreements (TCM; Coca-Stefaniak et al. 2009) and even holistic urban frameworks that include a systemic understanding of CSpR within so-called enterprise-driven and business-community-led models (Albers and Suwala 2018;Enright et al. 2016). In many of these latter cases, the lack of consolidated government bodies (Enright et al. 2016) or effectiveness of public authorities, e.g. ...
... In addition to corporate object-and structure-based engagement, private-sector participation is also prevalent in more strategic urban management activities. This happens in a number of contexts central to urban planning, for example planning processes on a district level, business improvement districts (BIDs), town centre management (TCM) or the preparation of master plans (Cointreau-Levine 1994, Stubbs et al. 2002, Hoyt 2003. These practices chart a long history; the Plan of Chicago, or Burnham Plan, of 1909 is considered the most famous example of a master plan initiated by the private sector. ...
... Instances which originated in Canada and the USA in the 1970s are Business Improvement Districts (BIDs), otherwise known as downtown improvement districts (DIDs) in Japan and main street associations (MSAs) in New Zealand (Hoyt 2003). BIDs are among the most important developments in local governance in the last four decades in those countries (Ward 2006) and consist of geographically defined areas where property owners and/or retailers agree to cooperate financially and administratively to provide higher levels of a service than the public authorities can and would otherwise provide to the area (Mitchell 2001). ...
The management of urban and rural areas has always consisted of a mixture of state, market and civil society actors. In times of increased liberalization, deregulation and privatization of many former state-dominated tasks, limited institutional capabilities of smaller communities, a lack of consolidated government bodies and low effectiveness of authorities, there exists a greater interest for non-state ‘place-based’ economic engagement in general, and for private-sector involvement and leadership in regional governance in particular. This chapter introduces approaches to enterprise-driven urban and regional engagement. Empirically, the chapter summarizes existing case studies from the literature on enterprise-driven urban and regional engagement and asks if and how place leadership initiatives interact with corporate social responsibilities. In conclusion, the chapter suggests it is desirable to explicitly include the private sector in place leadership roundtables in order to create tri-sectoral negotiations.
... The variety of measures is far-flung, starting from simple firm-driven social, educational or recreational object-based building infrastructure (e.g., child-care centers) (Albers, 2011), revalorization (e.g., privately-owned spaces for public use, Kayden, 2000), relocation (e.g., corporate re-urbanization, Mozingo, 2011) or alteration of corporate premises (e.g., district renewal through cultural creative industries) (Suwala, 2015). Some of the most embedded practices range from involvement in business improvement districts or town center management schemes to more comprehensive private-sector-driven and business-community-led spatial development models (Hoyt, 2003;Coca-Stefaniak et al., 2009;Enright et al., 2016). These latter cases are particularly prevalent where there is a lack of consolidated government bodies or where public authorities display little effectiveness in pursuing development goals (Enright et al., 2016;Suwala et al., 2018). ...
... But some family firms are also involved in more strategic tasks of urban management in a variety of spatial contexts. These include direct involvement in planning processes on a district level, as well as in business improvement districts, in town center management schemes or in the preparation of spatial master plans for the city or region (e.g., Hoyt, 2003;Albers & Suwala, 2018). This is far from new. ...
... A first mode, originating in Canada and the U.S. from the 1970s on, are business improvement districts (given similar names depending on the country; e.g., 'downtown improvement districts' in Japan, 'main street associations' in New Zealand [Hoyt, 2003], etc.). Business improvement districts are among the most widespread initiatives in local governance and represent a geographically defined area where the majority of property owners and/or merchants agree to provide an enhanced level of public service by imposing an additional tax or fee on all the properties and/or businesses in the area (Mitchell, 2001). ...
... The variety of measures is far-fung, starting from simple frm-driven social, educational or recreational object-based building infrastructure (e.g., child-care centers) (Albers, 2011), revalorization (e.g., privately-owned spaces for public use, Kayden, 2000), relocation (e.g., corporate re-urbanization, Mozingo, 2011) or alteration of corporate premises (e.g., district renewal through cultural creative industries) (Suwala, 2015). Some of the most embedded practices range from involvement in business improvement districts or town center management schemes to more comprehensive private-sector-driven and business-community-led spatial development models (Hoyt, 2003;Coca-Stefaniak et al., 2009;Enright et al., 2016). These latter cases are particularly prevalent where there is a lack of consolidated government bodies or where public authorities display little effectiveness in pursuing development goals (Enright et al., 2016;Suwala et al., 2018). ...
... But some family frms are also involved in more strategic tasks of urban management in a variety of spatial contexts. These include direct involvement in planning processes on a district level, as well as in business improvement districts, in town center management schemes or in the preparation of spatial master plans for the city or region (e.g., Hoyt, 2003;Albers & Suwala, 2018). This is far from new. ...
... A frst mode, originating in Canada and the U.S. from the 1970s on, are business improvement districts (given similar names depending on the country; e.g., 'downtown improvement districts' in Japan, 'main street associations' in New Zealand [Hoyt, 2003], etc.). Business improvement districts are among the most widespread initiatives in local governance and represent a geographically defned area where the majority of property owners and/or merchants agree to provide an enhanced level of public service by imposing an additional tax or fee on all the properties and/or businesses in the area (Mitchell, 2001). ...
By connecting the two evolving discourses on family firms in spatial contexts and corporate spatial responsibilities, this chapter introduces a unique perspective on family firm-driven urban and regional engagement. This chapter summarizes selected existing case studies of family firm-driven urban and regional engagement from literature and asks how and to what extent family firms implement corporate spatial initiatives. In other words, whether family firms are spatially responsible.
... The variety of measures is far-flung, starting from simple firm-driven social, educational or recreational object-based building infrastructure (e.g., child-care centers) (Albers, 2011), revalorization (e.g., privately-owned spaces for public use, Kayden, 2000), relocation (e.g., corporate re-urbanization, Mozingo, 2011) or alteration of corporate premises (e.g., district renewal through cultural creative industries) (Suwala, 2015). Some of the most embedded practices range from involvement in business improvement districts or town center management schemes to more comprehensive private-sector-driven and business-community-led spatial development models (Hoyt, 2003;Coca-Stefaniak et al., 2009;Enright et al., 2016). These latter cases are particularly prevalent where there is a lack of consolidated government bodies or where public authorities display little effectiveness in pursuing development goals (Enright et al., 2016;Suwala et al., 2018). ...
... But some family firms are also involved in more strategic tasks of urban management in a variety of spatial contexts. These include direct involvement in planning processes on a district level, as well as in business improvement districts, in town center management schemes or in the preparation of spatial master plans for the city or region (e.g., Hoyt, 2003;Albers & Suwala, 2018). This is far from new. ...
... A first mode, originating in Canada and the U.S. from the 1970s on, are business improvement districts (given similar names depending on the country; e.g., 'downtown improvement districts' in Japan, 'main street associations' in New Zealand [Hoyt, 2003], etc.). Business improvement districts are among the most widespread initiatives in local governance and represent a geographically defined area where the majority of property owners and/or merchants agree to provide an enhanced level of public service by imposing an additional tax or fee on all the properties and/or businesses in the area (Mitchell, 2001). ...
... Historical records show that the first model of a Business Development Zone was implemented in Toronto in 1970 to fund a commercial district's renewal. In the following decades, the model has expanded to several cities in Canada and other countries such as the United States (Mitchell, 1999), South Africa (Didier et al., 2012), Germany (Michel and Stein, 2014), the United Kingdom (Cook, 2009) and lately Denmark (Richner and Olesen, 2018) and Sweden (Valli and Hammami, 2020) as a new mechanism of urban revitalization and social-economic development (Hoyt, 2003;Billings & Leland, 2009). The model is almost the same, a flexible form of governance that allows its participants to autonomously operate and craft solutions to improve their lives in a single area, thus creating a more attractive destination offer for tourism, leisure, shopping, living, and doing business. ...
... There is no universal definition for a business improvement district (Becker et al., 2011) because the very nature of a BID is to be adaptive and flexible to serve each district as needed by stakeholders (Hoyt, 2003). The model definition varies depending on the country or region where it has been implemented, its' regulations, or other local conditions. ...
... BIDs are established through a ballot of those who will be expected to pay the levy, business occupiers, or property owners. The district must perform traditional BID services such as capital improvements, additional cleaning, area security, and marketing (Hoyt, 2003;Becker et al., 2011) that do not intent to substitute public services but are supplementary. ...
The spreading of business improvement districts (BIDs) and similar forms of a public-private partnership, as a new mechanism of urban revitalization and economic development, have emerged in Canada five decades ago and quickly adopted to many cities in countries such as the USA, Germany, UK, South Africa and lately Denmark and Sweden. This form of a public-private partnership with local authorities is created when a significant number of businesses or business property owners agree through a democratic process ballot to manage a delimited area and offer additional public services such as security, maintenance, infrastructure improvement, and marketing, to improve decaying commercial and residential areas. Since 2011, the model has been applied in 8 districts in Albania, contributing to improved business life, infrastructure improvement, and enhanced general public services. The period is long enough to offer insights regarding their evolution and transformative effect in the areas where it has been applied. This paper aims to explore the adaptation of the business improvement district (BID) model in urban areas in Albania and, at the same time, point out its characteristics, activities, and contribution to the area development. The methodology used includes a qualitative research design, including primary and secondary data sources. Primary data sources include interviews with BID association members, administrators, and consultants in Albania, businesses, local government officials, and lawyers. Secondary sources include different research papers on BID functionality and BID legislation, conference proceedings, project reports, entrepreneurship magazines. By identifying the effects of the model in area transformation, this study results have important implications for Albania's public and development policies and extracts practical lessons from its introduction in this local context. The findings presented demonstrate BID's transformative role for area renewal, economic and social development of the areas where it has been applied.
... The variety of measures is far-flung, starting from simple firm-driven social, educational or recreational object-based building infrastructure (e.g., child-care centers) (Albers, 2011), revalorization (e.g., privately-owned spaces for public use, Kayden, 2000), relocation (e.g., corporate re-urbanization, Mozingo, 2011) or alteration of corporate premises (e.g., district renewal through cultural creative industries) (Suwala, 2015). Some of the most embedded practices range from involvement in business improvement districts or town center management schemes to more comprehensive private-sector-driven and business-community-led spatial development models (Hoyt, 2003;Coca-Stefaniak et al., 2009;Enright et al., 2016). These latter cases are particularly prevalent where there is a lack of consolidated government bodies or where public authorities display little effectiveness in pursuing development goals (Enright et al., 2016;Suwala et al., 2018). ...
... But some family firms are also involved in more strategic tasks of urban management in a variety of spatial contexts. These include direct involvement in planning processes on a district level, as well as in business improvement districts, in town center management schemes or in the preparation of spatial master plans for the city or region (e.g., Hoyt, 2003;Albers & Suwala, 2018). This is far from new. ...
... A first mode, originating in Canada and the U.S. from the 1970s on, are business improvement districts (given similar names depending on the country; e.g., 'downtown improvement districts' in Japan, 'main street associations' in New Zealand [Hoyt, 2003], etc.). Business improvement districts are among the most widespread initiatives in local governance and represent a geographically defined area where the majority of property owners and/or merchants agree to provide an enhanced level of public service by imposing an additional tax or fee on all the properties and/or businesses in the area (Mitchell, 2001). ...
... After the success of Bloor West Village, BIAs began to form across Canada as federal and provincial governments encouraged their formation through various government grants and incentives (Hoyt, 2003(Hoyt, , 2006Ward, 2006; for U.S. context see Billings & Leland, 2009). These organizations continued to spread across Canada throughout the 1990s to combat declines in downtown retail sales, the demise of the Eaton Company, and the dominance of new U.S. retail developments located in the suburbs such as Wal-Mart, The Home Depot, Costco, and Best Buy (Hernandez & Jones, 2005). ...
... The BIA model has even expanded across Europe, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, and Japan (Hoyt, 2003;Ward, 2007). In fact, many European countries (mostly Spain, the U.K., Germany, Ireland, and Sweden) began replacing a similar European version called Town Centre Managements (TCMs) with the BIA model (see Page & Hardyman, 1996). ...
... This is often the same business members who comprised the steering committee. Typically made up of six to ten members in Canada (Hoyt, 2003), the board of management has the delegated power to make important decisions that shape their commercial district. This includes tasks such as overseeing revitalization planning, hiring staff, budgeting, and evaluation (Government of Ontario, 2010). ...
Business Improvement Areas (hereafter BIAs) have become a central feature of urban revitalization across North America, Australia, Western Europe, and South Africa. Urban scholars describe BIAs as a neoliberal form of urban governance insofar as these quasi-state organizations use private sector strategies to make changes to public spaces. Despite growing literature highlighting BIAs’ neoliberal form of power, there is little understanding of the influence these organizations have during urban revitalization decision-making processes. Drawing on interviews, participant observation, and document analysis from two BIAs in London, Ontario, I use the pragmatic sociology of critique to study interactional settings where BIAs engage in normative and morally-laden discussions about urban revitalization. I specifically focus on the Downtown London BIA’s involvement in the revitalization of a four-block downtown street called Dundas Place as well as the Old East Village BIA’s involvement in the neighbourhood’s residential development planning process. I argue that the production of BIA spaces is contingent on interactional settings where social actors engage in dialogue, debate, and negotiation. This is not to discount BIAs’ political and economic forms of power; rather, I argue these forms of power cannot be separated from socio-cultural forms of power enacted during interactional decision-making processes. In addition to showing the justificatory strategies used by BIAs, I show how BIA-related decision-making processes are influenced by their organizational interests and limited by certain institutional arrangements.
... Much as was the case in European and North American cities, business improvement districts (BIDs) have been broadly adopted in South African cities under the name city improvement districts (CIDs) since the mid-1990s. While the designations and organizational and decision-making structures of BIDs vary according to geographical contexts (Hoyt, 2005), South African CIDs share a set of key principles with their North American and European counterparts: they represent a form of business and landowners' organization at the neighbourhood level, dealing with the provision of additional services in order to improve commercial and residential areas in decline. They derive their funding from additional taxes (top-ups) levied from these same owners (Berg, 2004;Morange and Didier, 2006a;Dubresson, 2008), and rely on the doxa of public-private partnership. ...
... The growing international body of literature documenting BIDs has studied them as urban regeneration tools (Lloyd et al., 2003;Hoyt, 2005;, and, owing to their common focus on providing private security services, as an instrument of policing and control (Marquardt and Füller, 2003;Eick, 2007;Lippert, 2009). Scholars have largely emphasized the changing forms of urban governance underlying the implementation of BIDs and the ways in which they influence policymaking (Morçöl and Zimmermann, 2006;Wolf, 2006;Cook, 2009). ...
... In Johannesburg, the CJP, and now Urban Genesis, are members of the IDA. 22 See Hoyt (2005;. Lorlene Hoyt is also part of a private consulting firm in Massachusetts. ...
The spreading of city improvement districts (CIDs) and connected forms of public–private partnership as an international model of urban renewal has been linked to the rise of ‘urban entrepreneurialism’ and the neoliberalization of policies and practices, at a time when competition between cities in the global economy has never been greater. The aim of this article is to explore the transfer and adaptation of the CID model in two cities of the South, Johannesburg and Cape Town. Arguing that CIDs are an example of the local embeddedness of neoliberalism, we highlight the role of the private sector in importing and adapting CIDs in South Africa, and point out the rise of techno‐politicians in CID management. Paying particular attention to discourses, we analyse the way images of decaying urban centres were used to legitimate the adoption of such schemes. The subsequent transformation of the model also enables us to explore the specificity of the adoption of this international best practice model in South Africa and its further circulation at the Southern African level. We conclude that while CIDs in South Africa raise familiar North American issues regarding the private management of public spaces, they also question the very nature of the African city model proposed and envisioned locally.
Résumé
La diffusion du modèle du CID et du principe du partenariat public–privéà l'échelle internationale pour servir des stratégies de renouvellement urbain a été lue comme conséquence de la montée en puissance de l'urbanisme entrepreneurial et comme l'avènement de pratiques et politiques néolibérales, ceci alors que la compétition économique mondiale entre les villes est plus vive que jamais. Les auteures s'attachent dans cet article à décrypter le processus de transfert et d'adaptation du modèle du CID dans deux villes du Sud, Johannesbourg et le Cap. L'argument central est que les CIDs offrent un cas d'école de l'ancrage local du néoliberalisme. Le rôle du secteur privé dans l'importation et la promotion du modèle en Afrique du Sud est souligné, et illustre la montée en puissance des techno‐politiciens dans les affaires urbaines. Faisant une place particulière aux discours, les auteures analysent la façon dont les images du déclin des centres ont légitimé l'adoption du modèle. La transformation ultérieure du modèle permet par ailleurs de réfléchir aux spécificités de l'ancrage de ce modèle de «best practice» en Afrique du Sud et sa circulation à l'échelle de l'Afrique australe: alors que les CIDs nous renvoient à des questions relatives à la gestion privée des espaces publics déjà traitées dans les contextes du Nord, ils permettent également de réfléchir à la nature même du modèle de ville africaine proposé ici.
... In addition, as a form of BID, SCIPs provided a useful comparison with BIDs overseas and a link to the body of knowledge on BIDs that relates to the research questions here on motivations and barriers behind responsible business behaviour (Houstoun 2003;Mitchell 1999Mitchell , 2008Morcol et al. 2008;Schaller & Modan 2005). Many BID locations internationally provide examples of how local business owner-operators have used their influence in the local area for community benefit such as by supporting the homeless, crime prevention and cultural programs (Houstoun 2003;Hoyt 2003Hoyt , 2004Hoyt , 2005aHoyt & Gopal-Agge 2007;Mitchell 2008 Based on research of American BIDs, Houstoun (2009) argues that once established, business owner-operators involved with BIDs almost never abandon them. This continuity of BIDs is reliant on majority support of all business owner-operators within the BID area and suggests that at least the majority of the small and micro-business owner-operators involved agree that the initiatives funded are the right ones. ...
... Of the 41 SCIPs in Brisbane at the time of this study, 27 have involved ballots. (Houstoun 2003;Hoyt 2003Hoyt , 2004Hoyt , 2005aMorcol 2006;Ward 2007). The issues that small business owner-operators decide to support can be seen through the programs and initiatives BIDs fund. ...
... argues that communities in the USA have used BID funds to transform downtown areas into exciting, interesting places where businesses want to relocate and people want to work, shop, live and have fun. Proponents argue that through BIDs, disconnected places in disrepair are unified for improved ambience(Hoyt 2003). Barren, traffic dominated spaces are transformed into sheltered places with greenery, artworks and entertainment. ...
... The BID institutional form has been adopted in several other countries, such as Canada, Germany, Ireland, England, the Netherlands, Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa (Hoyt 2008). The increasing number of the studies on the BIDs in the US (e.g., Grossman 2008;Mitchell 2001Mitchell , 2008Morçöl and Gautsch 2013) and the studies on its spread to other countries (Cook and Ward 2012;Didier, Peyroux, and Morange 2012;Hoyt 2004Hoyt , 2008Peyroux 2012;Peyroux, Pütz, and Glasze 2012;Richner and Olesen 2019;Stein et al. 2017;Van Melik and Krabben 2016) underscore the importance of this institutional form and highlights its significance in studying policy learning across nations. ...
... How and why did the American institution of BIDs spread to other countries? Two groups of studies offer answers to these questions: those that use the policy transfer/diffusion framework (Hoyt 2004(Hoyt , 2008 and those that use the neoliberalism framework (Didier, Peyroux, and Morange 2012;Eick 2012;Lippert 2012;Michel and Stein 2015;Peyroux 2012;Stein et al. 2017). The first group of studies is mainly descriptive. ...
This study aims to answer the question how political cultures of respective countries affect policy learning processes. Using historical and contextual information about the political cultures of the United States and Germany and with applications of the advocacy coalition framework and cultural theory, this study finds that the originally American business improvement district (BID) institutional form was adopted in Germany when its political culture was open to it. German policy makers adopted the provisions of the U.S. laws that were compatible with their secondary beliefs, which were related to where and how to deliver local services. They did not directly adopt the BID governing models in the U.S. laws, which were based on the American deep core and policy core beliefs. Instead, they adapted the American models to their own Hegelian deep core beliefs and the hierarchical political core beliefs, which resulted in the formulation of the “ Aufgabenträger” (task performer) model.
... There is no universal definition for a business improvement district (Becker et al., 2011) because the very nature of a BID is to be adaptive and flexible to serve each district as needed by stakeholders (Hoyt, 2003). The model definition varies depending on the region or country's regulation and other conditions. ...
... BIDs are established through a ballot of those who will be expected to pay the levy, business occupiers, or property owners. The district performs traditional BID services such as capital improvements, additional cleaning, area security, and marketing (Becker et al., 2011;Hoyt, 2003) that do not intent to substitute public services but are complementary or supplementary. Their emergency is generally connected to revitalizing decaying urban areas, increasing area footfall, improving the general conditions of the businesses operating in the area, and increasing their respective turnovers. ...
As a form of a public-private partnership with local authorities, the business improvement district (BID) is created when most businesses or business property owners agree through balloting to manage a delimited commercial area with prior authorization by the local authority. The district is managed through a non-profit organization that provides additional public services such as security, maintenance, infrastructure improvement, and marketing, to improve decaying commercial and residential areas. BIDs have been praised as engines for urban development, filling the need gap between the public and private sector by providing entrepreneurial local public management and augmented public services for socioeconomic revitalization. The business improvement districts (BIDs) and similar forms of a public-private partnership, as a new mechanism for urban renewal and economic development, have emerged in North America five decades ago and quickly adopted in many cities worldwide. Since 2011, the model has been applied in 8 districts in Albania, contributing to improved business life, infrastructure improvements, and enhanced general public services. This time is considered long enough to offer insights regarding their evolution and transformative effects. This study aims at exploring the adaptation of the business improvement district (BID) model in urban areas in Albania and, at the same time, point out its characteristics, operational and functional activities, accountability, and contribution to business development and area revitalization. The methodology used in this study adopts a qualitative method, including a case study approach to data gathering Primary data sources include semi-structured interviews with BID association members, administrators, and consultants in Albania, businesses, local government officials, and lawyers. This study will contribute to a more robust contextual understanding of the establishment and effectiveness of BIDs in developing economies The findings presented demonstrate BID’s transformative role for area regeneration, economic and social development. Furthermore, this study provides additional insights regarding the effects of development organizations’ involvement in this public-private partnership model for area regeneration. The results have important implications for Albania’s public and development policies and provide practical lessons for practitioners in these fields. Furthermore, it contributes to the international literature on BIDs, including evidence of this model applied in a developing economy.
... The BID model is perhaps best understood as involving a non-profit organisation consisting of private actors, such as business or property owners, within a geographically defined area (the district) with the aim of solving common issues and dealing with mutual challenges (Briffault 1999;Cook and MacDonald 2011). One distinctive feature of the BID model is that regional or national legislation is used to legally require actors within the district to become members of the organisation and to pay a levy to fund supplementary services within the designated improvement district (Briffault 1999;Hoyt 2003;Morçöl and Wolf 2010). However, there are also several examples of BID-inspired initiatives in which the collaboration builds on voluntary membership but employs a similar type of organisation and membership fees, such as Town Centre Management partnerships (Forsberg et al. 1999;Reeve 2008). ...
... The first BIDs were established in the USA and Canada in the early 1970s, but the BID model has since spread to several nations around the world (e.g. Hoyt 2003Hoyt , 2006Ratcliffe and Ryan 2008;Eick 2012;Didier et al. 2012;Radosavljević et al. 2015;Richner and Olesen 2018). During this expansion, there has also been a shift in focus from commercial districts, with the aim of revitalising business profitability in waning retail areas, to residential neighbourhoods. ...
The business improvement district (BID) model has spread rapidly worldwide and has recently caught the eye of Swedish politicians and practitioners as a feasible approach to reduce crime in urban neighbourhoods. Research on the crime-preventive effects of BIDs is, however, limited to a handful of US studies, and there is a lack of research from European contexts. The aim of the present study is to fill gaps in knowledge by examining the crime-preventive effects of a BID-inspired property owner collaboration (BID-Malmö) implemented in a residential neighbourhood in Malmö, Sweden. Based on the use of a difference-in-difference estimator and weighted displacement quotients, our results demonstrate a significant reduction in crimes reported to the police in the intervention neighbourhood relative to control areas, with signs of spatial diffusion of benefits rather than displacement of crime to adjacent areas. This result is, however, mainly driven by a decrease in reported incidents of vandalism, while no effect is observed in regard to violent crime in public places. Implications of the findings and further research are discussed. Springer Nature SharedIt full-text: https://rdcu.be/b1Tzk
... De esta manera, los BID pueden entenderse como un claro ejemplo de lo que significa la colaboración público-privada como política de regeneración urbana. Oficialmente, el origen de los BID se sitúa en Toronto, Canadá, en la década de 1960, con la aprobación de la Ordenanza Municipal 170-70 en 1969 por parte del Ayuntamiento de la ciudad, que autorizó la creación del primer BID -o BIA (Business Improvement Area) según la terminología empleada en ese país (Hoyt, 2003)-en el distrito de Bloor West Village (Ward, 2006;Villarejo, 2014). La expansión de esta figura a lo largo y ancho del país fue tal que en las cuatro décadas posteriores se llegaron a crear más de 300 nuevos BID (Ward, 2006). ...
... Como se comprobará a continuación y por norma general, los BID suelen llevan a cabo medidas en los siguientes ámbitos: mejoras físicas, provisión de servicios de limpieza y seguridad y servicios sociales, actividades promocionales y eventos, y acciones destinadas a favorecer a la comunidad empresarial de la zona (Briffault, 1999;Hoyt, 2003;Villarejo, 2014 Asimismo, en relación con medidas de carácter social, los BID de Paddington y Piccadilly, en Londres, promueven medidas relacionadas con la movilidad sostenible, mejorando las vías de acceso a sus respectivos distritos tanto para ciclistas como para peatones, y facilitando la utilización en la zona de nuevos tipos de vehículo como el coche eléctrico para mejorar la calidad ambiental de la zona (Paddington Business Improvement District, 2012; Heart of London Business Aliance, 2016). ...
The evolution in urban governance tendencies has led to the emergence of new management models, as is the case of Business Improvement Districts (BIDs). BIDs are a public-private partnership formula that aims to increase the amount and standard of public services supplied in a specific geographical district, in order to stimulate the economic activity in the area. This essay studies this model in detail, both through the analysis of its inbuilt characteristics and its performance in the United Kingdom, as well as the exploring its hypothetical implementation in Spain. The ultimate purpose of the dissertation is to formulate -and, as far as possible, attempt to answer- a series of questions that stem from the reflection on this peculiar model.
... The first BID in the US was established in 1975 with the Downtown Development District in New Orleans. However, as early as the 1960s specific concepts for central cities such as the 'special purpose district' and the 'special assessment district' existed in the US and served as models; therefore, US BIDs are best understood as a 'hybrid of these two concepts' (Hoyt, 2004;Houstoun, 2003). The 1990s witnessed a boom in the establishment of BIDs in the US. ...
... There is no standard naming convention concerning BIDs. Denominations vary from country to country (Special Improvement Districts, Public Improvement Districts, Neighborhood Improvement Districts are found in the US, Business Improvement Areas in Canada, City Improvement Districts in South Africa) (Hoyt, 2004). The establishment of BIDs in residential areas also led to other denominations such as Community Improvement Districts and Residential Improvement Districts. ...
In many countries across the world, Business Improvement Districts (BIDs) are seen as a new model of sub-municipal governance to secure private capital for improving the attractiveness of a city’s central spaces. Originating from North America (Canada and the United States), this model of self-taxing districts, often based on public–private partnerships, has spread to other continents, including Europe, Australia and Africa. This theme issue explores the internationalization and the contextualization of the BID model in both Northern countries (the United States, Canada, Germany and Sweden) and Southern countries (South Africa). The collection of articles focuses on key debates surrounding BIDs and presents different theoretical perspectives as well as lines of argument in relation to these debates. Relying on approaches based on political economy and local governance regimes, Foucault-inspired sociology of governance and governmentality studies or critical discourse analysis, the authors discuss the nature and significance of BIDs in relation to state restructuring and the neoliberalization of urban policies and to emergent rationalities and practices of security governance and policing arrangements. Using the recent discussions of policy transfer and ‘urban policy mobilities’, they look at the international circulation of the BID model and its local embeddedness, exploring the role of the global circuits of knowledge and the ways in which the model has been adopted and reshaped in different cities. Drawing a complex and differentiated picture of BIDs across continents and cities, this collection of articles emphasizes both the need for more comparative research across diverse urban experiences and contexts and the relevance of a relational perspective in urban studies that blurs the traditional lines of separation between studies of Northern and Southern cities.
... In the USA several thousand BIDs are operating. As well, the BID is spreading to other countries such as South Africa and the UK (see Hoyt, 2003). The BID's defining feature and the key to its main function is a mandatory levy collected from all property owners in a targeted urban commercial space. ...
... Recent scholarly discussions of the BID either uncritically view the BID's governance of its business members as self-evident (e.g. Hoyt, 2003), or in a more critical vein, suggest the BID's most important (and deleterious) function is to police and exclude the homeless and 'undesirables' from public city streets on behalf of parochial private interests (e.g. Coleman, 2003;Kempa et al., 2003). ...
From the inception in the early 1980s of the Foucauldian-influenced corpus of work known as ‘governmentality studies’, theorists sought to encourage the empirical study of rationalities and technologies of government as elements that are mutually dependent but not related in a one-to-one fashion. Yet in the years since then, rationalities have received attention from analysts to the relative neglect of technologies. This article undertakes an analysis of the business improvement district and church sanctuary: two disparate, mundane and mutant devices which suggest that technologies cannot be permanently assigned to one kind of power; can shift back and forth between civil society and the state; and can resemble heretofore disassociated technologies. Reinvigorating the quest to understand technologies of government such as these necessitates a greater openness to their possible links to a plurality of powers and recognition of their historical character and capacity for mutations.
... The strategic influence that BIDs can play is strongly related to the local needs of the area where the BID operates. When Hoyt [54], in collaboration with the International Downtown Association, conducted the first international systematic examination on the types of services BID-like organizations provided in different territories, she concluded that most BIDs in South Africa were very involved in security and maintenance services while in Canada most of them prioritized capital improvements and consumer marketing services. Moreover, according to some studies [39,53,[55][56][57], the strategic influence that BIDs can achieve locally also depends on their geographical and financial dimensions as these attributes influence the range of services BIDs deliver. ...
Business Improvement Districts (BIDs) have flourished as local governance structures to foster the vitality and viability of traditional shopping districts that have struggled to adapt to retail changes. This paper examines the evolution of placemaking activities that former UK government-funded pilot BIDs have delivered over the last 15 years. Drawing on an exploratory sequential research design that combines a qualitative and quantitative thematic analysis of 72 BIDs' business plans, the findings suggest that UK BIDs have described a non-hierarchical operational framework as services providers considering that: (i) elementary placemaking services, such as 'clean, green and safe', have regained thematic relevance due to recent environmental sustainability concerns; (ii) higher-tier lobbying and advocacy services have been an operational priority since BIDs' inception; (iii) while consumer and place marketing/branding services have seen continual thematic reductions , digital presence and marketing services have emerged as a new category of operational activities. These results extend place management and BID-related literature by discussing the growing role that digital marketing services may perform in the management of town centers and high streets and are relevant to practitioners as it discusses how place management organizations should reposition their operational strategies towards the creation of places of phygital shopping experiences .
... Några år efter införandet observerades det att frekvensen av rån minskat med 90 40 Friesecke & Lockemann (2008) 41 Morçöl m.fl. (2008), Houstoun (2005) 42 Hoyt (2003) procent i ett BID-område i Johannesburg. Som en ytterligare del i att förbättra områdets omgivning har BID-organisationen startat härbärgen för hemlösa samt möjliggjort för större marknadsplatser för torghandlare. ...
Business Improvement Districts (BID) finns idag i olika former på flera internationella fastighetsmarknader. Ett BID omfattar ett väl avgränsat område i en stad inom vilket en hållbar samverkan mellan fastigheter, handel, boende och en kommun är formaliserad. Syftet är att utveckla områdets affärsmöjligheter eller områdets attraktivitet i en vidare bemärkelse. Med ett BID kan en kommun stärka marknadens effektivitet genom att begränsa incitamenten till ”snålskjutsbeteende” bland fastighetsägare, handlare eller andra aktörer. Ett BID reducerar därmed t.ex. behovet för fastighetsägare att ta över närliggande fastigheter i området för att möjliggöra förnyelse. Mångfalden på stadens fastighetsmarknad kan således bevaras. I denna rapport studeras internationella motiv, lagstiftning, positiva och negativa erfarenheter av BIDs. Här diskuteras även något hur BIDs skulle kunna utformas
i Sverige. Inom nuvarande lagstiftning, PBL och Anläggningslagen, är
det inte uppenbart möjligt att införa en sådan tidsbegränsad samverkan mellan flera fastigheter (varav några kan ha motsatt sig samverkan). Rapporten indikerar även vilka förändringar som kan krävas i svensk lagstiftning för att BID ska bli en möjlig policyåtgärd för kommuner i Sverige.
... Darüber hinaus existieren aber auch weitreichende privatwirtschaftliche Ansätze wie bspw. Business Improvement Distrikte (BID)(Hoyt 2003) oder raumbasierte Vermarktungsstrategien (z.B. Town Center Management)(Coca-Stefaniak et al., 2009). ...
Viele Unternehmen haben ihre gesellschaftliche Verantwortung (Corporate Social Responsibility – CSR) sowohl professionalisiert als auch um die räumliche Dimension erweitert und nehmen – gerade in kleinen Städten und im ländlichen Raum – eine aktive Rolle in der Stadt- und Regionalentwicklung ein. Dieses Handeln lässt sich unter dem Begriff Corporate Spatial Responsibility (CSpR) zusammenfassen. Damit
die meist partnerschaftlich organisierten Vorhaben gelingen, ist die funktionierende Zusammenarbeit der Akteure und Institutionen unentbehrlich. Je nach Intensität des Engagements kann es sogar zur Etablierung sogenannter, alternativer ortsspezifischer Organisations- und Führungsstrukturen kommen (Place Leadership). Diese wirken dann bestenfalls abgestimmt und ergänzend zu den formellen Verwaltungsstrukturen. Der Beitrag stellt die CSpR - und Place Leadership Diskurse vor, formuliert eine Kombination der beiden Konzepte und diskutiert die Einordnung anhand von Fallbeispielen.
... Internationally, there has been a wide dispersion of the BID model, particularly in Europe, but also in non-European states such as South Africa, Japan, New Zealand and Australia. 28 Study of BIDs across continents and within major global cities allows for especially pertinent analysis in terms of applied understanding of them. As BIDs have carried influence past North America and into both European and non-European localities, analysis of the concept's international progression enhances understanding of myriad relevant issues concerning cities. 29 Permeation of the conceptual structure of BIDs into England and Wales transferred from the US reflects the ability of localities within the UK to reshape previously employed city management methods and achieve sufficient response to novel political and social contexts. ...
Business improvement districts (BIDs) have become increasingly prevalent entities in urban neighbourhoods and communities. BIDs are non-profit organisations established to deliver public services and improve economic conditions by imposing additional assessments on property owners. BIDs are invariably intertwined with the communities they are established to serve, and as a result understanding the complex relationship between BIDs and communities is imperative. This paper seeks to evaluate the role historical community development and community actors play in the development and implementation of BIDs by utilising a case study analysis of two BIDs in the New York City borough of Staten Island. Findings from this study reveal that historical patterns of community development are the principal determinant of the organisational objectives and budget allocation of BIDs. Further research concerning the interconnection between communities and BIDs is also suggested.
... In particular, we focus on urban commerce, as it is one of the elements that have received the least monographic attention relative to the primary focuses of preservation and the scientific knowledge of cultural heritage. There is a large amount of literature devoted to the management of commercial activity in urban areas, which in some cases looks at areas with heritage protection, but generally concentrates on the analysis of economic and management aspects [29,[35][36][37][38][39][40][41], lacking a deep cultural heritage-oriented approach. ...
By analyzing the urban landscape, this investigation focuses on some commercial typologies that exist in historical urban areas and its relationship with the urban landscape and its heritage values. Trade plays an essential role in historical urban areas, both in the past and in the present, since it is part of the urban landscape—creating it and modifying it, but also preserving it. Historical protected urban areas contain diverse elements reflecting the impacts of commercial activities that have existed in cities throughout history. At present, the urban landscape of commercial activity is made up of a multiplicity of typologies and formats which interact with the historical landscape and its values, using them to strengthen its strategies of attraction, differentiation, and sales. Shop owners contribute to the preservation of historic urban areas by maintaining the commercial functions within them. Therefore, we affirm that the role of commercial activity in the preservation of urban protected areas is essential. However, further research is needed because this aspect has not been addressed in depth by the scientific community specializing in the management of cultural heritage.
... This feature has gained prominence when to revitalize the high streets through the creation and dissemination of several models that intend to somehow replicate this feature. This is the case of Business Improvement Districts (Hoyt, 2005;Peel & Lloyd, 2005;Ward, 2007), Town Centre Management Schemes (Guimarães, 2018b;Hogg, Medway, & Warnaby, 2004;Whyatt, 2004) and other similar approaches (Mullin & Kotval, 2003). ...
Highlights
• Already a consolidated urban planning problem in North America, dead malls are raising in importance in Western Europe.
• With the decline of shopping centres, demalling is arising as a practice to give new uses to those retail precincts.
• High vacancy rates affects the majority of shopping centres in Lisbon.
• Demalling is already a visible practice to redevelop shopping centres in Lisbon.
• Demalling in Lisbon is characterised by two groups of redevelopment measures: functional requalification and moving out.
... Similar co-productions of public space can also be found elsewhere, with BIDs being a common phenomenon in Canada, New Zealand, Japan, the UK, Belgium, Germany and the Netherlands (Hoyt, 2003;Stevens, 2009;Schmidt and Németh, 2010). A more recent trend is brand urbanism. ...
Public space is increasingly developed and managed by actors other than local governments, ranging from citizens to corporations. This article investigates the role of local citizens as managers of five community gardens in the Netherlands. It aims to unravel conditions required for such civic-led initiatives to thrive in the management phase. Our in-depth interviews with volunteers revealed three important conditions for maintaining these gardens: (1) fully connected cooperation with a 'fun factor', (2) strong neighbourhood involvement, and (3) lively places of encounter. Overarching these conditions is the need for a flexible and resilient organisation structure to respond to changing circumstances.
... We argue this middle position can be exemplified by examining urban revitalization in commercial districts managed by Business Improvement Areas (hereafter BIAs). These organizations are more commonly known as Business Improvement Districts (BIDs) in the U.S. as well as many other naming conventions around the world (see Hoyt, 2003). These organizations emerged during the 1970s as a small-scale downtown beautification strategy led by business owners (Briffault, 1999). ...
Business improvement areas (BIAs) have become key mechanisms through which notions of authenticity are implemented on the urban scale. Some scholars argue that BIA claims to authenticity represent a form of cultural power that merely justifies who and what should be present in BIA space. Using the “pragmatic sociology of critique”, this study asks the following questions: how is authenticity constructed and how does it legitimize BIA interests, plans, and visions? More specifically, how do BIAs leverage notions of authenticity in order to justify moral boundaries around who and what should be present within BIA space?
... We argue this middle position can be exemplified by examining urban revitalization in commercial districts managed by Business Improvement Areas (hereafter BIAs). These organizations are more commonly known as Business Improvement Districts (BIDs) in the U.S. as well as many other naming conventions around the world (see Hoyt, 2003). These organizations emerged during the 1970s as a small-scale downtown beautification strategy led by business owners (Briffault, 1999). ...
Wacquant’s territorial stigmatization concept asserts that state/private actors mobilize discourses of stigmatization about specific areas in a city in order to legitimize spatial solutions in an attempt to solve complex political-economic problems. Unlike conventional studies of territorial stigmatization which delineate the concept between the production of stigma from ‘above’ and the resistance of stigma from ‘below,’ this paper contributes the concept of territorial stigmatization from the ‘middle’. Given their conceptualization as key players in the urban assemblage, we specifically examine how Business Improvement Areas (also known as Business Improvement Districts in the U.S) negotiate territorial stigmatization throughout the neighbourhood revitalization process. We highlight Business Improvement Areas’ unique middle position by drawing on data collected from interviews, media articles, and urban planning reports in London Ontario’s Old East Village over a fifteen-year period. In short, we find the use of territorial stigmatization by Business Improvement Areas is contingent upon their relationship within the urban assemblage (both actors from above and below).
... This has become a major global issue in the USA, Europe, and Japan. England and Japan have even proposed various schemes to revitalize the traditional retail districts through alternatives such as the Business Improvement District (BID) and Town Centre Management (TCM) etc. [70,71]. Similarly, the problems of the traditional retail districts during the city development process are becoming a social issue in Korea. ...
This paper seeks to measure the effects of policy on the self-employed conducting business in traditional retail districts. To verify policy we performed a practical analysis utilizing the multinomial logit model on the relationship between consumption behaviors and the attendant satisfaction level of consumers in the urban commercial districts. We first identified traditional retail districts that had received government policy support and those that had not. We then visited these districts to survey the satisfaction levels of customers. In total, 400 people were surveyed for this study. The results show that political support for the self-employed who conduct business inside the traditional retail districts has a partial effect. Especially, for the policy beneficiaries, the customer's satisfaction level in specific political support has a very important meaning. The study analyzed the factors necessary for the continuous growth of traditional retail districts, considering consumption behaviors and shop selection attributes. We argue that government support can help sustain regional commercial districts and the individual self-employed through consumer behavior and the magnification of satisfaction levels.
... This feature has gained prominence when to revitalize the high streets through the creation and dissemination of several models that intend to somehow replicate this feature. This is the case of Business Improvement Districts (Hoyt, 2005;Peel & Lloyd, 2005;Ward, 2007), Town Centre Management Schemes (Guimarães, 2018b;Hogg, Medway, & Warnaby, 2004;Whyatt, 2004) and other similar approaches (Mullin & Kotval, 2003). ...
In the last two decades, the Portuguese Government has responded to the decline of centres of commerce. In this paper, we analyse the three different experiences of town centre management (TCM) schemes developed in Portugal since the turn of the millennium. The first two stages were developed using public sector initiatives and their impacts were limited. The third stage is still under way and is composed of private projects created by local business owners. Taking Lisbon as a case study for this third stage we conclude that these projects have become a pro-active means of intervention in Portuguese town centres.
... TCM and associated concepts such as BIDs have attracted more attention from scholars over the last two decades (Forsberg, Medway, & Warnaby, 1999;Hoyt, 2005;Riviezzo et al., 2009;Ruffin, 2008;Warnaby, 2009;Wells, 1991). The Association of Town and City Management (ATCM) in the UK represents the interests of the sector as the largest association of its type in Europe and one of the largest in the world with a membership base in excess of 550. ...
Full article available at http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0264275116305522
Although the knowledge about place branding and place management is growing, there is a substantial gap in the understanding of place branding among professionals responsible for the management of town and city centres, including private-public partnership formats such as business improvement districts (BIDs). This exploratory study addresses this knowledge gap through in-depth interviews with key professionals in England, Wales, Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. The results suggest that the strategic potential of place branding is negatively affected by a focus on operational thinking, which hinders innovation towards more holistic approaches to place management. Further quantitative research is needed to elaborate on these findings across the UK, Ireland and other countries to enhance the understanding of the uses and interpretations of place branding among town and city managers.
To access the full article, go to: http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0264275116305522
... The BIA is a part of the municipal government's urban revitalization policy, which is aimed at facilitating economic development at the neighborhood level. This urban revitalization policy was initiated in Toronto in 1970 and has diffused across a number of municipalities in developed countries, not only in Canada but also in the United States, United Kingdom, New Zealand, Germany, and South Africa (Hoyt, 2003(Hoyt, , 2006(Hoyt, , 2008. North America had around 1,000 BIAs (or Business Improvement Districts in the United States) as of 2008 (Morçöl, Hoyt, Meek, & Zimmerman, 2008, p. 2). ...
This article clarifies neighborhood politics in Toronto’s Little Portugal Business Improvement Area (BIA), an ethnic neighborhood facing gentrification, by focusing on local entrepreneurs and the social relations among them. In the BIA, non-Portuguese businesses have replaced Portuguese businesses in the past decade; Portuguese and non-Portuguese entrepreneurs are now found in almost the same numbers. I visualized their social relations by using a diagram called a sociogram. Portuguese and non-Portuguese entrepreneurs are spatially inseparable but socially divided in the neighborhood. The BIA board, an organization for community development spearheaded by local entrepreneurs and property owners, has become predominantly non-Portuguese. The social relations among non-Portuguese entrepreneurs affect and are affected by the activities of this organization. While the Portuguese community could potentially mount resistance by mobilizing the collective power of the provincial ethnic alliance, the BIA is a form of quasi-government in Little Portugal; hence, the Portuguese community may have limited options for such resistance.
... Local municipalities can also be founders of the BID. This concept originates from the 1960s when a small group of businessmen and shop owners in Toronto invented a new model for cooperation contributing to the revitalization of the area [12]. It is usually stated that the BID is an instrument used in the old city centers and the main reason for its widespread acceptance is the ability to adapt to local conditions [13]. ...
Urban regeneration and economic development in the context of competitive
global markets and impacts to Serbian cities represent challenges calling for
new responses for transformative action in urban governance. Policy-makers
understanding of that relation may contribute to suitable use of policy
instruments for creating good business environment in cites. Business
improvement districts (BIDs) represent possible model used as a management
instrument for fostering local economic development, city promotion and
improving the quality of urban public space and life. The paper presents
theoretical approaches of policy instruments use and sets recommendations for
management of BIDs based on two cases of city center’s regeneration in
Serbia. We argue that for BIDs to be a useful model for city center’s
regeneration, an appropriate use and combination of regulatory, economic and
informational management instruments is necessary. [Projekat Ministarstva
nauke Republike Srbije, br. TR 36035: Spatial, Environmental, Energy and
Social Aspects of Development of Settlements and Climate Change]
... Lastly there are probes into the staffing levels of the BIAs (question [30][31][32][33]. ...
... So there is a clear indication of some sort of global proliferation of a highly specific way to govern urban space (Hoyt, 2003(Hoyt, , 2006Ward, 2006;Cook, 2008). BIDs, one should keep in mind, are a relatively unique and highly regulated model of private urban governance and should not be confused with the wide range of other forms of private or public city and place management. ...
This paper presents findings from research on the globalization of Business Improvement Districts (BIDs). Across a wide range of urban contexts, Business Improvement Districts are presented as prime strategies for resolving what is framed as an urban crisis and a crisis of urban public space. Building on a discourse analytical approach and on recent debates on mobile policies, I argue for a place sensitive approach that starts from the local and takes local trajectories seriously, but at the same time engages in comparative research. The case studies from Hamburg and Cape Town focus on public discourses in the early years of the implementation of BIDs in the respective contexts. After presenting brief descriptions of these discourses and the rationalization within different urban and national contexts, I highlight the links the discourses on BIDs establish, with notions of international best practices and international showcases; the way BIDs reframe notions of public space; and the way BIDs are constituted as the legitimate voice of the local common good. [Key words: comparative urbanism, discourse analysis, business improvement districts, urban policy mobilities].
... A growing literature examines the governance of urban space through BIZ associations, which, after originating in Toronto in the 1960s (Lippert 2010), have spread rapidly throughout the world (Cook 2008;Hoyt 2003). Scholars have described BIZ spaces as breeding grounds for market-friendly subjectivities , assemblages of co-evolving governmentalities (Rankin and Delaney 2011), technologies of government (Lippert 2010) and a new mode of Defining order in Winnipeg's Exchange District 3 urban governance (Lewis 2010). ...
In this paper, we examine the ways in which the urban brand is policed in an attempt to ensure that the Exchange District business improvement zone in Winnipeg, Manitoba maintains a stable and safe image. In doing so, we pay particular attention to the use of security and beautification services as well as environmental design in the production of perceptions of safety. In addition, we suggest that the brand itself is a source of policing, since it evokes a regulatory ideal or ‘definition of order’ that facilitates coordination of the institutions, auspices and agents engaged in the co-production of the brand and its boundaries.
... The self-imposed additional taxes are used to maintain, promote and develop public areas through the enhancement of public services (security, cleaning and refuse collection), as well as capital improvement, landscaping, marketing and social services (Houstoun, 2003). The BID model, transferred from the USA to Europe, has been analyzed as an urban revitalization tool (Hoyt, 2005 andLloyd et al., 2003), an instrument of policing and social control (Töpfer et al., 2007), and as part of wider urban management and state restructuring processes (Ward, 2006). This form of 'international best practice', which is often found in the debates on 2 neoliberalization of policy taking place since the 1980s (Peck and Tickell, 2002;Brenner and Theodore, 2002), has been viewed as an example of 'neoliberal urbanization' (Ward, 2005). ...
Współkształtowanie przestrzeni publicznych przez mieszkańców rozumiane
jest często poprzez partycypację w rozmaitych formach konsultacji społecznych. Artykuł niniejszy wychodzi od refleksji nad pojęciem przestrzeni publicznej i zmierza do omówienia, jak mieszkańcy i przedsiębiorcy mogą się
włączyć w kształtowanie miejskich przestrzeni. Konieczne jest też omówienie,
jak samorządy ustosunkowują się do pomysłu współtworzenia przestrzeni
i czy są przygotowane na tego rodzaju inicjatywy. Żeby odpowiedzieć na te
kwestie, przedstawiono studia przypadków tego typu działań – a każde dotyka
innej skali i sposobu zaangażowania aktorów: parklet, Business Improvement
District i ambient marketing. Artykuł prezentuje następnie wyniki badania
własnego i kończy się kilkoma sugestiami dotyczącymi tego, jak można
poprawić responsywność władz miasta.
By analyzing the urban landscape, this investigation focuses on commercial typologies in historical urban areas and its relationship with the urban landscape and its heritage values. Trade plays an essential role in historical urban areas, both in the past and in the present, since it is part of the urban landscape—creating it and modifying it, but also preserving it. Historical protected urban areas contain diverse elements reflecting the impacts of commercial activities that have existed in cities throughout history. At present, the urban landscape of commercial activity is made up of a multiplicity of typologies and formats which interact with the historical landscape and its values, using them to strengthen its strategies of attraction, differentiation, and sales. Shop owners contribute to the preservation of historic urban areas by maintaining the commercial functions within them. Therefore, we affirm that the role of commercial activity in the preservation of urban protected areas is essential. However, further research is needed because this aspect has not been addressed in depth by the scientific community specializing in the management of cultural heritage.
From the analysis of the urban landscape, the investigation focuses on the role of commerce in historical urban areas and their relations at present with the landscape, in relation to the preservation of heritage values. Trade plays an essential role in historical urban areas, both in its past and in its present, since it is part of the urban landscape, creating it and modifying it but also preserving it. The historical protected urban areas contain diverse elements that reflect the impact of the commercial activity existing in the city throughout history. At present, the urban landscape of commercial activity is made up of a multiplicity of typologies and formats. Trade interacts with the historical landscape in which it is developed and the heritage values of that landscape, using them to strengthen its strategies of attraction, differentiation and sales. The shop owners contribute to the preservation of historic urban areas by maintaining the commercial function in them. Therefore, we affirm that the role of commercial activity in the preservation of urban protected areas is essential. However, further research is needed because the scientific community specializing in the management of cultural heritage has not deepened in this aspect.
U savremenoj poreskoj literaturi na srpskom jeziku, ova knjiga Dušana Vasiljevića predstavlja pravo blago. Pored jasnog i celovitog razmatranja teorijskih osobina i dobro izabrane uporedne prakse oporezivanja imovine, ona sadrži i obrazložene predloge za unapređenje ovog poreskog oblika u Srbiji, kako iz normativnog i ekonomskog ugla, tako i sa administrativnog stanovišta, najčešće zaboravljenog u poreskim analizama u Srbiji. Pruža priliku čitaocu da ovaj poreski oblik sagleda iz različitih uglova i stoga je idealno štivo kako za profesionalne poreznike tako i za one koji se prvi put suočavaju sa poreskim temama. Autor je u ovom radu pokazao ne samo izvanredno poznavanje ekonomskih nego i pravnih instituta ali i praktičnih problema koji nastaju u primeni postojećih zakonskih rešenja o porezu na imovinu u Srbiji. Istraživač koji ne poznaje ekonomiju i pravo ne može uspešno izučavati institut poreza na imovinu. To je glavni razlog zbog čega u Srbiji, sve dok se nije pojavio ovaj rad, problemi poreza na imovinu nisu sistematski obrađeni. Knjiga odgovara na sledeće: Zašto poreski sistem treba da izgleda kao da ga je neko namerno takvim napravio? Zbog čega su učitelji u Atlanti odvedeni iz sudnice sa lisicama na rukama? Da li porez na imovinu može (i treba!) da bude instrument za ekonomski razvoj? Šta je porez na imovinu značio za fiskalnu konsolidaciju Grčke? Koliko vredi kvadratni metar njive u centralnoj zoni opštine u Srbiji? Da li porez na imovinu plaćamo premalo? Koga porez na imovinu u Srbiji favorizuje, a koga diskriminiše?
Over 60,000 Business Improvement Areas (BIAs)1 exist worldwide. Generally, BIAs seek to revitalize their shopping districts, finance services, and improve and promote their area. The first BIA started in Toronto's Bloor West Village in 1970 and its model is now employed worldwide. Despite the global popularity of BIAs, there is controversy about what they can achieve. Some boosters argue that BIAs can revitalize urban streetscapes and allow small retailers to compete with urban malls. Opponents disagree and allege that BIAs are an unnecessary burden on small businesses because they achieve few tangible results. Amidst this controversy, this paper analyzes the effects of longest-running BIA to help resolve some of these questions. After offering a history of the creation of the Bloor West Village BIA, this paper assesses the impact of the Bloor West Village BIA over a 35 year period and suggests some of the limitations of long-term studies of BIAs. Copyright © 2015 by the Institute of Urban Studies. All rights of reproduction in any form reserved.
One important finding that emerges from the literature on Business Improvement Associations (BIAs) is that businesses are, quite often, not as unified and homogeneous as what is proclaimed by their “business voice”—their collective values, visions, and ethos. What has not received full consideration is the nuanced, complex, and complicated manner in which the business voice is produced and sustained. Intended as a corrective to this void, I explore the ways that BIAs in Toronto and Vancouver have attended to problems of public disorder. I suggest that the ways BIAs frame and construct public disorder as problematic to businesses, and the ways this is publicized, can be understood as a well-orchestrated and choreographed performance that encompasses both a front and back region. The front region tells the story that public disorder is inimical to businesses and does so by relying on particular tactics and techniques. The back region reveals a more complicated picture—first, with respect to the ways the issues are framed and (re) produced, which also has the effect of reinforcing and sustaining the narrative that is presented in the front region, and second, with respect to the fragility and fractured state of the “business community” that is often in disarray and characterized by disunity, disagreements, and disharmony
ISSN 0008-0055 Texte intégral à l'adresse : http://www.cairn.info/resume.php?ID_ARTICLE=CEA_202_0369
Because of free, unrestricted access to urban public spaces collective action seems to be the key element of functioning this kind of areas. The main objective of this paper is to discuss solutions for dilemmas of urban public spaces governance. Both rules of governing the commons and experimental economics will be useful theories. The end of the paper presents the effect of Business Improvement District (BID) as an example of collective action in urban public spaces. Wprowadzenie Tematyka miejskich przestrzeni publicznych pojawia się najczęściej w kontek-ście problemów, współczesnych miast, a w szczególności ich centrów. Co ciekawe, krytyka dotyczy zarówno sytuacji, w których mówimy o przestrzeniach zaniedba-nych i niefunkcjonalnych, jak również wtedy, gdy negatywnie oceniamy przestrze-nie publiczne poddane rewitalizacji, odnosząc się do zachodzących na ich obszarze procesów prywatyzacji, czy komercjalizacji [m.in.: Carmona et al. 2008, s. 6; Bier-wiczonek et al. 2012, s. 9]. Powyższa krytyka ma coraz szersze ujście w aktywno-ści obywatelskiej i powstawaniu tzw. ruchów miejskich skupiających osoby chcące współdecydować o mieście, w tym mieć wpływ na kształtowanie i funkcjonowanie miejskich przestrzeni publicznych [m.in.: Harvey 2012; Nawratek 2012]. Zachodzące w miastach przemiany wskazują na konieczność głębszej refl eksji nad zagadnieniami związanymi ze współzarządzaniem miejskimi przestrzeniami pu-blicznymi. Po pierwsze, należy z większą precyzją defi niować miejskie przestrzenie publiczne w kategoriach ekonomicznych. W zależności od typu i funkcji powinny być one traktowane jako lokalne dobra publiczne (local public goods) lub miejskie dobra wspólne (urban commons). Po drugie, należy podjąć próbę wypracowania koncepcji gospodarowania miejskimi przestrzeniami publicznymi. Obecnie brakuje komplekso
Résumé La circulation internationale de « modèles » et leur transfert d’un contexte géographique à l’autre font l’objet de nombreux débats théoriques et méthodologiques. S’appuyant sur l’exemple du modèle nord-américain des business improvement districts et sur l’étude de cas de Johannesburg, cet article mobilise la littérature française et anglophone pour analyser la construction sociale de ce modèle, appréhendée à travers les modalités de constitution et de circulation des savoirs. Le recours à des approches discursives permet d’éclairer les réinterprétations locales de ce modèle, en mettant en lumière les processus de décontextualisation et recontextualisation à l’œuvre dans les stratégies entrepreneuriales à l’échelle micro-locale.
The international circulation of policy models and their transfer from one geographical context to another constitute the core of many theoretical and methodological debates. By examining Johannesburg’s adoption of the North American model of Business Improvement Districts, this article mobilizes both French and English language scholarship to analyze the social construction of this model. Attention is paid to the ways in which knowledge is constituted and circulates. The discursive approach throws light on the ways in which this model is re-interpreted locally, in particular through decontextualization and recontextualization processes that operate within entrepreneurial strategies at the micro-local scale.
Policy transfer across countries is occurring with increasing frequency. Yet, despite the fact that the importance of such policy learning is often cited as one of the primary rationales for comparative policy analysis, policy transfer is an under-researched area of political science. This article examines and analyzes the actual process of policy transfer between the US and Britain and considers the relationship between policy transfer and the policymaking process.
The emergence and rapid spread of business improvement districts ("BIDs") is one of the most important recent developments in American cities. BIDs have been controversial, with both supporters and proponents viewing the districts as part of a trend toward the privatization of the public sector. By examining the legal and political structures that determine BID formation, functions, finances and governance, this Article determines that BIDs are not private entities but are, instead, a distinctive hybrid of public and private elements. Moreover, although the particular fusion of public and private institutions, values and concerns embodied in the BID is unique, Professor Briffault demonstrates that an interplay of public and private themes is a longstanding tradition in American local government law. BIDs depart from the norm of democratic governance and they raise questions concerning equity in the delivery of local services. BIDs, however, are ultimately subject to municipal control and they provide a mechanism for providing the public services and investment that financially strapped cities need if they are to survive. With appropriate municipal oversight and limits, BIDs, and the experimentation in combining public and private roles that BIDs represent, can make a significant contribution to the quality of urban public life.
This paper examines two cities in terms of measures to improve feelings of safety of their city centres. Coventry and Nottingham are recognised as being at the forefront of town and city centre management in the United Kingdom. In this regard, this paper focuses on the creation of safer city centres and discusses how town centre management partnerships in the two cities have guided programmes to improve the sense of safety in their city centres. The effectiveness of such programmes is not just to reduce the actual incidence of offences, but also to change people's perceptions of their environments and to develop a sense of control, security and confidence — and a corresponding diminution in the fear of crime — so that people are not forced to impoverish their lives through avoidance, precautionary actions and fear of crime.
BIDs’ growing Urban Land Business Improvement Districts Urban Land Institute. r61 Hoyt, L. 2004 Collecting private funds for safer public spaces: an empirical examination of the business improvement district concept Business improvement districts: Untold stories and substantiated impacts
- L O Houstoun
- D C Washington
Houstoun, L. O. 2000. BIDs’ growing. Urban Land (February): 64-70. _____. 1997. Business Improvement Districts. Washington, D.C.: Urban Land Institute. r61 Hoyt, L. 2004. Collecting private funds for safer public spaces: an empirical examination of the business improvement district concept. Environment & Planning B 31 (3): 367-380. _____. 2001. Business improvement districts: Untold stories and substantiated impacts. Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania. Abstract in Dissertation Abstracts International 62 (11): 3961-4221
Community service representative supervisor. Interview by author
- W Hughes
Hughes, W. 2000. Community service representative supervisor. Interview by author. Notes. Center City District, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. 15 May
Executive director of the Central Johannesburg Partnership. Interview by author. Tape recording
- Fraser
- Neil
Fraser, Neil. 2003. Executive director of the Central Johannesburg Partnership. Interview by author. Tape recording. City of Johannesburg, January