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Intergenerational Mobility in Europe and North America A Report Supported by the Sutton Trust

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... Second, we run multilevel models on the intergenerational transmission of income, by ethnicity and education. It is well-known that poverty transmits between generations (Blanden et al. 2005;Bloome 2014), and the neighbourhood can be seen as a spatial dimension to such intergenerational transmission patterns (de Vuijst et al. 2017). Historically, ethnic minorities have had lower incomes than the native population in the Netherlands. ...
... Poverty is known to be transferable between generations, and the literature stresses the lack of upward social mobility for individuals from a poor parental background (Blanden et al. 2005;Bloome 2014). Recent studies suggest that housing and neighbourhood outcomes over the life course can be seen as a spatial dimension or translation of such intergenerational transmission patterns (de Vuijst et al. 2017). ...
... The results show that the income of children overall increases with the income of their parents over time. These results are in line with sociological literature which has shown that individuals born to poor parents often experience less socio-economic mobility throughout life in comparison to those from higher socio-economic classes (Blanden et al. 2005;Bloome 2014). Similarly, we find a significant negative effect of growing up in a deprived parental neighbourhood on individual income over time, which is strongest overall for native Dutch children with a lower education. ...
... 8 For example, Corak (2012). Blanden, Gregg and Machin, 2005 Björklund UK ...
... Finally, there are six countries (Bulgaria, Hungary, Luxemburg, Poland, Romania and the United States) where intergenerational associations are significantly stronger than in the UK. This broadly follows a more general 53 Blanden, Gregg and Machin, 2005;Blanden, 2013. 54 This is in contrast to some other work on social stratification, which has found intergenerational correlations to be particularly strong in these countries (though in terms of educational attainment-see, for example, Pfeffer (2008)). ...
... Britain is thus broadly in line with several other members of the 59 See Appendix C, available online. 60 Blanden, Gregg and Machin, 2005;d'Addio, 2007;Blanden, 2013. 61 Saunders, 2012, p. 11. 62 Blanden, 2013 OECD, including the Czech Republic, France, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Spain and Switzerland. ...
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The link between family background and labour market outcomes is an issue of great academic, social and political concern. It is frequently claimed that such intergenerational associations are stronger in Britain than in other countries. But is this really true? I investigate this issue by estimating the link between parental education and later lifetime income, using three cross-nationally comparable data sets covering more than 30 countries. My results suggest that the UK is broadly in the middle of the cross-country rankings, with intergenerational associations notably stronger than in Scandinavia but weaker than in eastern Europe. Overall, I find limited support for claims that family background is a greater barrier to economic success in Britain than in other parts of the developed world.
... Dentre as evidências empíricas internacionais, pode-se citar trabalhos como o de Blanden et al. (2005), com dados da Europa e América do Norte, que atestam a importância do background familiar na determinação do status socioeconômico individual. Behrman et al. (2000) mostram que os países da América Latina tendem a apresentar um menor grau de mobilidade intergeracional de educação, em comparação com os países desenvolvidos 3 . ...
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Este trabalho fornece estimativas da influência das amenidades sobre o valor dos imóveis residenciais em Recife, cidade particularmente marcada pela presença de praias e rios. Para tanto, considera-se um modelo de preços hedônicos com correção para diferentes tipos de dependência espacial e utiliza-se um rico banco de dados fornecido pela Prefeitura, que inclui informações sobre imóveis vendidos e amenidades urbanas. As evidências obtidas indicam que “vista ao mar” e “proximidade ao rio” são as amenidades mais valorizadas na cidade, enquanto o valor dos imóveis tende a ser negativamente afetado pela proximidade às ZEIS (Zonas Especiais de Interesse Social), aos metrôs e aos locais violentos.
... Although still few, existing studies assessing factual data confirm so far that the greater the Socio Economic Inequality is, the lower Social Mobility is [Blanden et al., 2005;Wilkinson & Pickett, 2010;Dabla-Norris et Al, 2015]; i.e. the less the equality of opportunity between people is. As SEI increases, the place each one occupies in society throughout his life comes determined to a greater extent by his birth condition/family background. ...
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Socio-Economic Inequality [SEI] has been of fundamental importance in the birth and evolution of human societies. In essence, it alludes to the different distribution of rights and obligations [and the legitimacy of such distribution/differences] in each society. It is therefore inextricably related to Article 01 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Within the possible forms of SEI, in this text we focus on revising the one that implies the segregation in the urban space of the inhabitants according to their levels of income, usually designated as Spatial Segregation by Income [SSI]. Individualized study of SSI is interesting for architects because it is possible to act on it from almost all scales of architects’ work. From codes that regulate cities to small scale residential projects, through urban plans and different sizes of urban transformations. Our objective with this text is to propose easy indicators and procedure for assessing SSI in urban areas, so usual urban transformations can be designed in a way that always directs our cities towards optimum levels of SSI. Previously, we briefly review the state of the art in Inequality and Segregation, differentiating between general issues regarding SEI and specific issues of Space Segregation. This will allow us to know when it is necessary acting in the urban planning/architectural field and when it is more convenient to implement another type of strategies [mostly political] as limiting housing speculation; improving corporate governance; redistributive policies... Additionally, we use herein explained indicators to review 11 Spanish cities, both to validate indicators’ design and to obtain an overview of current state of Spatial Segregation by Income in Spain. This analysis allows us to propose some strategies to improve Spanish cities’ current situation and prevent non-desired scenarios in the future.
... Dentre as evidências empíricas internacionais, pode-se citar trabalhos como o de Blanden et al. (2005), com dados da Europa e América do Norte, que atestam a importância do background familiar na determinação do status socioeconômico individual. Behrman et al. (2000) mostram que os países da América Latina tendem a apresentar um menor grau de mobilidade intergeracional de educação, em comparação com os países desenvolvidos 3 . ...
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Este artigo analisa a mobilidade intergeracional segundo a igualdade de oportunidades qualificada proposta por Anderson et al. (2009). Realizam-se dois testes empíricos com dados de educação de pais e filhos do Canadá e do Brasil. Estima-se a relação entre a escolaridade dos filhos e dos pais e em seguida a relação entre o erro da regressão e a educação dos pais. Foi utilizado o método de regressões quantílicas para dados discretos de Machado & Santos Silva (2005), como solução do problema de identificação de equações não lineares apontado por Figueiredo et al. (2014). Em ambos os países a mobilidade intergeracional apresenta características não condizentes com a igualdade de oportunidades qualificada, especialmente no Brasil
... It has been argued that Britain is moving towards a meritocracy, in which one would expect social advancement to result from an individual's talents and abilities, and not depend on social class, where you were born, or where you live (van Ham et al. 2012b). However, there seems to be little evidence of any increase in social mobility in the UK and many other West European societies (Breen 2004;Blanden et al. 2005;Nunn et al. 2007). Social mobility may even have fallen in UK for those in the lowest income groups, despite the expansion of the education system and the erosion of traditional class structures. ...
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The literature on neighbourhood effects suggests that the lack of social mobility of some groups has a spatial dimension. It is thought that those living in the most deprived neighbourhoods are the least likely to achieve upward mobility because of a range of negative neighbourhood effects. Most studies investigating such effects only identify correlations between individual outcomes and their residential environment and do not take into account that selection into neighbourhoods is a non-random mechanism. This paper investigates occupational mobility between 1991 and 2001 for those who were employed in Scotland in 1991 by using unique longitudinal data from Scottish Longitudinal Study (SLS). We add to the existing literature by investigating neighbourhood effects on occupational mobility separately for social renters, private renters and home owners. We find that ‘neighbourhood effects’ are strongest for home owners, which is an unexpected finding. We argue that the correlation between characteristics of the residential environment and occupational mobility can at least partially be explained by selection effects: homeowners with the least resources, who are least likely to experience upward mobility, are also most likely to sort into the most deprived neighbourhoods. Social housing tenants experience less selective sorting across neighbourhoods as other than market forces are responsible for the neighbourhood sorting mechanism.
... En efecto, la movilidad social está intrínsicamente relacionada con el concepto de igualdad de oportunidades y, por ello, constituye un aspecto ineludible en la determinación de cuán justa es una sociedad. El nivel de movilidad intergeneracional constituye una aproximación al grado de igualdad de oportunidades económicas y sociales, por establecer en qué medida las circunstancias de una persona en su infancia se reflejan en su éxito futuro, o, de manera inversa, por indicar en qué medida los individuos pueden tener un cierto éxito relativo gracias a su propio talento, motivación y suerte (Blanden, Machin y Gregg, 2005). Desde una perspectiva liberal, la movilidad es deseable y justa en tanto indica en qué medida los resultados presentes dependen de decisiones, trabajo o esfuerzo por parte de un adulto responsable, y no de condiciones recibidas sobre las que el individuo no tuvo control ni responsabilidad 5 . ...
Article
The purpose of this paper is to contribute with the research of poverty and income distribution by analyzing an often overloooked dimension, social mobility. Given the data restrictions, we focus on intergenerational mobility. We compute three main indicators of mobility for Latin American countries at the beggining of the 1990s and 2000s: the social mobility index (Andersen, 2001), the intergenerational schooling mobility index (Birdsall y Székely, 1998), and the sibling correlation index (Dahan y Gaviria, 1999). Then, we analize the link between the evolution of mobility and that of inequality. The results indicate that mobility increased during the period under study, but there are differences among countries in the region. Also, we found evidence of a negative relation between mobility and inequality.
... Research has established that patterns can even be found between generations; showing a clear link between the outcomes of parents and their children over long periods of time. Socioeconomic characteristics and (dis)advantage have repeatedly been shown to transfer between generations [21][22], and recently, residential neighbourhood status has been shown to follow similar patterns [23,10,15,24]. Studies from the Netherlands, Sweden, and the United States have shown that children who grew up in deprived parental neighbourhoods were more likely to reside in similarly poor neighbourhoods as adults over their life course (ibid.). ...
... So far this kind of large-scale, granular analysis has not been matched in the UK. Indeed research on intergenerational income mobilitylike occupational mobilitycontinues to be conducted almost exclusively at the national level due to data limitations (Gregg et al., 2016, Blanden et al., 2004, 2005. ...
Article
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In this paper we explore for the first time regional differences in the patterning of occupational social mobility in the UK. Drawing on data from Understanding Society (US), supported by the Labour Force Survey (LFS), we examine how rates of absolute and relative intergenerational occupational mobility vary across 19 regions of England, Scotland and Wales. Our findings somewhat problematise the dominant policy narrative on regional social mobility, which presents London as the national ‘engine-room’ of social mobility. In contrast, we find that those currently living in Inner London have experienced the lowest regional rate of absolute upward mobility, the highest regional rate of downward mobility, and a comparatively low rate of relative upward mobility into professional and managerial occupations. This stands in stark contrast to Merseyside and particularly Tyne and Wear where rates of both absolute and relative upward mobility are high, and downward mobility is low. We then examine this Inner London effect further, finding that it is driven in part by two dimensions of migration. First, among international migrants, we find strikingly low rates of upward mobility and high rates of downward mobility. Second, among domestic migrants, we find a striking overrepresentation of those from professional and managerial backgrounds. These privileged domestic migrants, our results indicate, are less likely to experience downward mobility than those from similar backgrounds elsewhere in the country. This may be partly explained by higher educational qualifications, but may also be indicative of a glass floor or opportunity hoarding.
... This is consistent across both and , along with a host of other research (e.g. Blanden & Machin, 2007;Crawford, Macmillian & Vignoles, 2014;Cunha, Heckman & Lochner, 2006;Goodman, Sibieta & Washbrook;Jerrim, Vignole, Lingam & Friend, 2014;Jerrim & Choi, 2014;. We believe that this represents the main message that policymakers should have taken from Feinstein 2003. ...
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In an opening paper Leon Feinstein reviews methodological criticism of his influential research into the relationship between early cognitive development and socioeconomic grades, based on UK 1970 Birth Cohort Study data. The points he raises are then debated in commentaries by John Jerrim and Anna Vignoles, Harvey Goldstein and Robert French, Elizabeth Washbrook and RaeHyuck Lee and Ruth Lupton. Leon Feinstien's response to these comments will be published in the next issue of the journal.
... While greater equality of opportunity has often been one motivation to increase university size (see for instance the 1963 Robbins Report of the Committee on Higher Education in the UK), this massive expansion has often not been accompanied by a reduction in inequality of access. For instance, in the UK, studies have consistently found that better-o¤ youths disproportionately bene…ted from the expansion (even though university education was tuition-free until 1997), so that participation gaps according to parental income actually grew instead of shrinking (seeBlanden et al., 2005). This persistence (or even aggravation) of educational inequality across generations despite the expansion of higher education has also been documented in many countries where universities are basically tuition-free (seeVona, 2012, for twelve European countries) as well as in countries with high tuition fees like the US or Australia (e.g.Cameron and Heckman, 2001;Cardak and Ryan, 2009), and in the BRIC countries (Carnoy et al., 2012).In this paper, we build a simple and tractable political economy model with the objective of shedding light on the stylized fact that the expansion of higher education has not been accompanied by a decrease in the participation gap. ...
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We build a political economy model allowing us to shed light on the empirically observed simultaneous increase in university size and participation gap. Parents differ in income and in the ability of their unique child. They vote over the minimum ability level required to attend public universities, which are tuition-free and financed by proportional income taxation. Parents can invest in private tutoring to help their child pass the admission test. A university participation gap emerges endogenously with richer parents investing more in tutoring. A unique majority voting equilibrium exists, which can be either classical or “ends-against-the-middle” (in which case parents of both low- and high-ability children favor a smaller university). Four factors increase the university size (larger skill premium enjoyed by university graduates, smaller tutoring costs, smaller university cost per student, larger minimum ability of students), but only the former two also increase the participation gap. A more unequal parental income distribution also increases the participation gap, but barely affects the university size.
... distributions). As research on inequalities of incomes and skills has repeatedly shown, there is a close relationship across countries between social origins effects on incomes and skills (common proxies for social mobility), and distributions of incomes and skills(Esping-Andersen, 2003, 2005Blanden et al, 2005). Countries where social origins have a greater impact on individual skills and incomes tend also to be countries where the distributions of the latter are widest. ...
Article
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This article examines cross-country variations in adult skills inequality and asks why skills in Anglophone countries are so unequal. Drawing on the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development’s recent Survey of Adult Skills and other surveys, it investigates the differences across countries and country groups in inequality in both skills opportunities and outcomes and uses pseudo-cohort analysis to establish trends over time and during the life course. The analysis shows that adults’ skills in Anglophone countries, and particularly in the United States and England, tend to be more unequal than in other countries on a wide range of measures. This cannot be explained by intercohort differences, skills distributions among adult migrants, or levels and distributions of adult learning, but inequality in education levels provides a strong predictor of skills inequality among adults. Whereas research suggests that early selection drives skills inequality in compulsory schooling, certain forms of tracking, such as bifurcation into academic or apprenticeship/vocational education in upper secondary education, can have a mitigating effect. © 2015 by the Comparative and International Education Society. All rights reserved.
... A general theoretical framework is provided by Bourdieu's (e.g., 1970) concept of reproduction. According to this proposal, well-educated social classes would be able to reproduce their cultural capital in the following generations, so inequality could be interpreted as a process that is repeated across generations (Blanden et al. 2005;Heckman et al. 2006) and transmission and access to education would represent key-variables in understanding social disadvantages (Breen 2004). According to the classical perspective (Boudon 1979), lack of financial assets would particularly affect the first years of education of children belonging to low-income families. ...
Article
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School dropout is still a relevant problem in the US, Canada, and European countries. The factors that determine, or contribute to, this phenomenon are still not clear and, especially in recent years, have been extensively investigated in the US, using large databases. This article presents a review of international literature from an inter-disciplinary perspective, takes a Developmental Systems Theory as a theoretical framework and examines personal, social and contextual risk factors for dropout. Results show that several determinants are associated with dropout, such as truancy, lack of motivation, health, bullying, and living in economically depressed areas. However, at the current state of the art, little is known about how these variables interact and their specific roles in different environments.
... La movilidad social se refiere al grado en que la posición que una persona ocupará en la sociedad está-más o menos-determinada por su condición de nacimiento. Alude por tanto a una cuestión fundamental del modelo socioeconómico occidental; a la igualdad [ Aunque todavía pocos, los estudios existentes que valoran datos empíricos confirman que a mayor Desigualdad Socio-Económica menor Movilidad Social [Blanden et Al, 2005;Wilkinson & Pickett, 2010, Dabla-Norris et Al, 2015; i.e., menor igualdad de oportunidades entre las personas. A medida que la DSE se incrementa, el lugar que cada uno ocupará en la sociedad a lo largo de su vida viene determinado cada vez en mayor medida por su condición de nacimiento. ...
Article
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La Desigualdad Socio Económica (DSE) ha sido fundamental en el nacimiento y evolución de las sociedades humanas. En esencia alude al reparto diferenciado de derechos y obligaciones (y la legitimidad de dicho reparto / diferencias) en cada sociedad. Se vincula por tanto inextricablemente a la Declaración Fundamental de Derechos Humanos. Dentro de las posibles manifestaciones de DSE, en este texto nos centramos en revisar aquella que implica la segregación en el espacio urbano de los habitantes según su nivel de renta, que designamos como Segregación Espacial por Renta (SER) El estudio individualizado de la SER es interesante para los arquitectos porque es posible actuar sobre ella en casi todas las escalas de trabajo; desde normativas que regulan las ciudades hasta proyectos residenciales de escala reducida, pasando por planes urbanísticos o transformaciones urbanas de diferente tamaño. Y el objetivo con este texto es proponer indicadores y un procedimiento relativamente sencillos para valorar diferentes estados de SER de las áreas urbanas, de forma que las intervenciones urbanas habituales puedan diseñarse para dirigir las ciudades hacia niveles óptimos de SER. Previamente a explicar los indicadores, revisamos brevemente el estado del arte diferenciando entre cuestiones generales de Desigualdad Socio Económica y específicas de la Segregación Espacial. Esto nos permitirá saber cuándo hay que actuar en el campo urbanístico y cuando poner el énfasis en medidas de otra naturaleza; e.g., mejora de la gobernanza corporativa; limitación de especulación en vivienda; políticas fiscales redistributivas,... Adicionalmente, utilizamos los indicadores explicados para revisar 11 ciudades españolas, tanto para validar su diseño como para obtener una visión del estado actual de la SER en España. Este análisis nos permite proponer algunas estrategias para mejorar la situación actual de las ciudades españolas y prevenir escenarios futuros no deseados. ABSTRACT: Socio-Economic Inequality [SEI] has been of fundamental importance in the birth and evolution of human societies. It alludes to the different distribution of rights and obligations [and the legitimacy of such distribution/differences] in each society. It is therefore inextricably linked to Article 01 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Within the possible forms of SEI, in this text we focus on revising the one that implies the segregation in the urban space of the inhabitants according to their levels of income, usually designated as Spatial Segregation by Income [SSI]. Individualized study of SSI is interesting for architects because it is possible to act on it from almost all scales of architects’ work. From codes that regulate cities to small scale residential projects, through urban plans and different sizes of urban transformations. Our objective with this text is to propose easy indicators and procedure for assessing SSI in urban areas, so usual urban transformations can be designed in a way that always directs our cities towards optimum levels of SSI. Previously, we briefly review the state of the art in Inequality and Segregation, differentiating between general issues regarding SEI and specific issues of Spatial Segregation. This allows us knowing when it is necessary to act in the urban planning/architectural field and when it is more convenient to implement other type of strategies: e.g., improving corporate governance; limiting housing speculation; redistributive policies... Additionally, we use herein explained indicators to review 11 Spanish cities, both to validate indicators’ design and to obtain an overview of current state of Spatial Segregation by Income in Spain. This analysis allows us to propose some strategies to improve Spanish cities’ current situation and prevent non-desired scenarios in the future.
... Until recently most European names were identified by the first name which is usually of a Christian religious background. In Spain, and recently adopted by people of African origins, Blanden et al (2005) noted that people have two surnames. The first one is the surname of the father and the second one is the surname of the mother. ...
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The uniqueness of surnames makes it curious for continuous studies to be made on them. In Ghana surnames are dominantly inherited from the male side except some few ethnic groups that acquire the surname of the mother. The pronunciation and spelling of these surnames are complex because of their length. It is by this reason that designers of computer database programmes may allocate far in excess of needed scarce computer memory for the storage of a surname. The study postulates a probability model that nearly fits the number of characters contained in a surname for over 3263 sampled students from Methodist University College Ghana. The distributions are the Loggamma and the Dagum distributions. Their descriptive properties are very close to the actual values of the length of surnames in the study area.
... Alternatively, intergenerational educational mobility is usually measured by estimating the relationship between parental and children's education measured by completed years of schooling. 14 There is an extensive body of literature that addresses these two types of mobility (Björklund and Jäntti, 2009;D'Addio, 2007;Corak, 2006;Blanden et al., 2005). This paper uses a slightly different approach. ...
Article
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This paper assesses the role of literacy skills as an equalizer in both educational outcomes and educational opportunities. First, by linking two surveys of adult skills for 11 OECD countries (PIAAC - Survey of Adult Skills (conducted in mid-1990s) and IALS - International Adult Literacy Survey (conducted in 2011)), the relationship between performance (average literacy test scores) across countries and within-country skill inequality (dispersion in literacy test scores) is examined. Although Okun's style tradeoff could suggest that there is a tradeoff between efficiency and equality, in this analysis the opposite holds true. Countries with higher average literacy test scores have, at the same time, higher equality in literacy test scores. Second, the role of intergenerational educational mobility (one aspect of equality of opportunity) across countries on both average literacy scores and equality in literacy scores is estimated. There is a significant effect of parental educational levels on children's test scores in all countries, but there is a substantial cross-country variation in the size of the coefficients, which suggests that families play different roles in the transmission of educational skills across countries. Furthermore, this paper finds that an increase in average literacy scores (particularly, improvement in the literacy skills of the low-skilled adults) is positively associated with higher intergenerational educational mobility and higher equality of literacy test scores. Third, by decomposing differences in average literacy scores between the surveys, this paper finds that although increasing educational attainment was the primary driver behind the rise in average literacy scores, literacy scores for each educational age group declined in all countries, which may imply a decrease in educational efficiency. From a policy perspective, increases in access to education and rises in educational attainment alone (although extremely beneficial) are not enough. A focus on educational reform and better quality of education are required in order to improve educational efficiency. Additionally, family policies and an active welfare state may be necessary in order to tackle inequalities.
... The term "mobility" refers to the process by which individuals move from one position to another in society (Blanden et. al. 2005). So, Educational mobility is the process by which individual families and groups move from one educational position to another in society (Lillard & Wills, 2015). Education is the most important channel of mobility (Azam & Bhatt, 2012); especially for the Scheduled Castes (Benjamin, 1991;Khatoon, 2013). However, their education is full ...
Article
Educational attainment is one of the vital measuring instruments to judge the level of educational as well as social awakening of any person. The term "mobility" refers to the process by which individuals move from one position to another in society. So, Educational mobility is the process by which individual families and groups move from one educational position to another in society. Education is the most important channel of mobility; especially for the Scheduled Castes. Scheduled castes have been identified as the backward groups of Indian society. However, their education is full of struggles and they go through various problems while studying, although it is supplemented by special facilities implemented by the central and state government. This paper attempt to study the gender disparity in literacy between Scheduled Caste and Non-Scheduled Caste population and comparative analysis on intergenerational educational mobility between Scheduled Caste and Non-Scheduled Caste population of Mekhliganj block of Koch Bihar district. Entire work has been done on the basis of both primary and secondary data. Primary data has been collected from 280 male respondents (140 SC and 140 Non-SC respondents) of Mekhliganj block. Modified Gender Disparity Index after Kundu & Rao (1986) and Educational Mobility Matrix table have been employed in this study. Cartographic techniques such as maps and diagram have been applied for the depiction of result with the help of GIS Software. In Koch Bihar district, there are 53% scheduled caste population to total population as per Indian Census, 2011. Literacy rate of total population is 75.49% which is slight less than state average (77.08%) but higher than country average (74.67%). In this district SC literacy rate is 73.56% (Male and Female literacy 80.67% and 58.04% respectively). From the overall discussion it is found that the degree of gender disparity is very high among the Scheduled Caste population than the non-Scheduled Caste population and rate of mobility in education between "Respondent" and "Respondent"s Grandfather" generation is high in Scheduled Caste population compare to Non-Scheduled Caste population.
... When hierarchies are stable over time, individuals in higher status positions and those in lower status positions respectively keep their privileged or unprivileged position (Sidanius & Pratto, 1999; see also Blanden, Gregg, & Machin, 2005). In these contexts, the status quo is PERFORMANCE GOALS, STATUS AND HIERARCHY STABILITY 5 secured. ...
Article
Compared with lower status individuals, higher status individuals are particularly likely to endorse approach (vs. avoidance) forms of motivation—notably, performance-approach goals (e.g., seeking to demonstrate superior competence) rather than performance-avoidance goals (e.g., seeking not to demonstrate inferior competence). In the present paper, we argue that this effect is likely to occur when the hierarchy is stable (i.e., in contexts in which mobility is not expected). Conversely, in unstable systems, pursuing both performance-approach goals and performance-avoidance goals might become relevant strategies, regardless of status. In two studies, performance-approach and performance-avoidance goals were measured and status was manipulated. Perception of hierarchy stability was either measured (Study 1) or manipulated (Study 2). The results of both studies supported that the difference between higher and lower status individuals in terms of performance-based goal orientation only appeared in stable hierarchical systems, sustaining a view of performance-based goals as dynamic processes resulting from the position one occupies in a hierarchical system.
... However the large rises in participation were not matched with increases in university funding, so by 1997 the HE sector was in financial crisis: funding per FTE student had fallen to a historic low of £4,850 4 (from £8,000 5 per student at the end of the 1980s). The Dearing Report (2007) 6 was commissioned by the government to recommend ways to tackle the funding crisis as well as look at the issue of widening participation; despite the increases in enrolment, the gap between rich and poor was still very wide in comparison to other developed countries (Barr and Crawford, 1998), and rather than narrowing, it was widening (Blanden et al, 2005). The principal recommendation of the Dearing Report was to introduce upfront means-tested tuition fees of £1,200 in 1998. ...
... New firms are regarded as a potential source of economic growth, innovation, employment opportunities and competitive pressures on incumbent firms that enhance efficiency and favour consumers (Aldrich 1999;Beck et al. 2005;Carree and Thurik 2006). Moreover, engaging in entrepreneurial activity is seen as a way of advancing socially: upward social mobility is one of the main consequences of entrepreneurial success (Blanden et al. 2005;Minniti and Lévesque 2008). Hence, promotion of business start-ups has remained a key agenda item for economic development policy in most developed and developing nations (Atherton 2006;Storey 2003). ...
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In this paper, the start-up process is split conceptually into four entrepreneurial stages considering entrepreneurship, intending to start a new business in the next three years, nascent entrepreneurship and newly established business. We investigate the determinants of all of these stages jointly, using a multinomial logit model which allows the effects of resources and capabilities to vary across these different entrepreneurial stages. We employ a pooled Global Entrepreneurship Monitor database for the years 2006 to 2009, containing 8,269 usable observations of the East Midlands region in the United Kingdom, controlling for the local environmental effects. Our results show that the role of human capital, experience and local context varies along the different stages of the entrepreneurial process. In the early stages the negative (opportunity cost) effect of resources dominates, yet it tends to reverse in advanced stages, where the positive (endowment) effect becomes stronger.
... By introducing schooling into the analysis, they find that changes in the distribution of schooling across cohorts seem to be more important than changes in returns to schooling for explaining the observed decline in the brother correlation in income. By contrast, Britain has shown a recent decline in intergenerational mobility, which can be explained by growth in the gap between the educational attainments of the richest and the poorest (Blanden, Gregg, & Machin, 2005). ...
Article
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This paper investigates intergenerational mobility at the household level by using tax data for the city of Gothenburg, Sweden for two periods, 1925-1947 and 1936-1958, before the rise of the welfare state. Young households (selected persons under 18) are followed and income mobility (defined as changes in household disposable equivalent income) is followed across generations. In addition, socioeconomic mobility (defined as changes in the socioeconomic status of household head) is followed across generations. These two approaches of measuring mobility will tell us to what extent sons and daughters follow in their fathers' footsteps before the rise of the welfare state in Sweden. The results indicate significant intergenerational income mobility for both periods, while the period from 1925-1947 seems to be more mobile. In addition, socioeconomic mobility increased during the last period, 1936-1958. Hence, even before the rise of the welfare state, Sweden had high intergenerational income mobility.
... New firms are regarded as a potential source of economic growth, innovation, employment opportunities and competitive pressures on incumbent firms that favour consumers (Aldrich 1999;Beck et al. 2005;Carree and Thurik 2006). Moreover, engaging in entrepreneurial activity is seen as a way of advancing socially: upward social mobility is one of the main consequences of entrepreneurial success (Blanden et al. 2005;Minniti and Lévesque 2008). Hence, promotion of business start-ups has remained a key agenda item for economic development policy in most developed and developing nations (Atherton 2006;Storey 2003). ...
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In this paper, the start-up process is split conceptually into four entrepreneurial stages considering entrepreneurship, intending to start a new business in the next three years, nascent entrepreneurship and newly established business. We investigate the determinants of the start-up process using a multinomial logit model which allows the effects of resources and capabilities to vary across the different entrepreneurial stages. We employ a pooled Global Entrepreneurship Monitor database for the years 2006 to 2009, containing 8,269 usable observations of the East Midlands region in the United Kingdom, controlling for the local environmental effects. Our results show that the combinative role of human capital, experience and local context varies along the different stages of the entrepreneurial process. In the early stages the (negative) opportunity cost effect of resources dominates tends to reverse in advanced stages, where the (positive) endowment effect becomes stronger.
... Third, future public releases of geolocated gun homicide data should include information for disaggregating homicides by victim and perpetrator characteristics such as race/ethnicity and gender, and whether the homicide was committed by law enforcement. Fourth, recent unfavorable changes in income inequality and social mobility, as well as stalls or falls in life expectancy, have occurred in several Western European nations including the UK [35,[94][95][96] in tandem with the US. In these other developed economies, it would be useful to explore whether social determinants show analogous consequences with respect to violent behaviors, despite firearm-related homicide rates being markedly lower in other developed nations than in the US. ...
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Background Gun violence has shortened the average life expectancy of Americans, and better knowledge about the root causes of gun violence is crucial to its prevention. While some empirical evidence exists regarding the impacts of social and economic factors on violence and firearm homicide rates, to the author’s knowledge, there has yet to be a comprehensive and comparative lagged, multilevel investigation of major social determinants of health in relation to firearm homicides and mass shootings. Methods and findings This study used negative binomial regression models and geolocated gun homicide incident data from January 1, 2015, to December 31, 2015, to explore and compare the independent associations of key state-, county-, and neighborhood-level social determinants of health—social mobility, social capital, income inequality, racial and economic segregation, and social spending—with neighborhood firearm-related homicides and mass shootings in the United States, accounting for relevant state firearm laws and a variety of state, county, and neighborhood (census tract [CT]) characteristics. Latitude and longitude coordinates on firearm-related deaths were previously collected by the Gun Violence Archive, and then linked by the British newspaper The Guardian to CTs according to 2010 Census geographies. The study population consisted of all 74,134 CTs as defined for the 2010 Census in the 48 states of the contiguous US. The final sample spanned 70,579 CTs, containing an estimated 314,247,908 individuals, or 98% of the total US population in 2015. The analyses were based on 13,060 firearm-related deaths in 2015, with 11,244 non-mass shootings taking place in 8,673 CTs and 141 mass shootings occurring in 138 CTs. For area-level social determinants, lag periods of 3 to 17 years were examined based on existing theory, empirical evidence, and data availability. County-level institutional social capital (levels of trust in institutions), social mobility, income inequality, and public welfare spending exhibited robust relationships with CT-level gun homicide rates and the total numbers of combined non-mass and mass shooting homicide incidents and non-mass shooting homicide incidents alone. A 1–standard deviation (SD) increase in institutional social capital was linked to a 19% reduction in the homicide rate (incidence rate ratio [IRR] = 0.81, 95% CI 0.73–0.91, p < 0.001) and a 17% decrease in the number of firearm homicide incidents (IRR = 0.83, 95% CI 0.73–0.95, p = 0.01). Upward social mobility was related to a 25% reduction in the gun homicide rate (IRR = 0.75, 95% CI 0.66–0.86, p < 0.001) and a 24% decrease in the number of homicide incidents (IRR = 0.76, 95% CI 0.67–0.87, p < 0.001). Meanwhile, 1-SD increases in the neighborhood percentages of residents in poverty and males living alone were associated with 26%–27% and 12% higher homicide rates, respectively. Study limitations include possible residual confounding by factors at the individual/household level, and lack of disaggregation of gun homicide data by gender and race/ethnicity. Conclusions This study finds that the rich–poor gap, level of citizens’ trust in institutions, economic opportunity, and public welfare spending are all related to firearm homicide rates in the US. Further establishing the causal nature of these associations and modifying these social determinants may help to address the growing gun violence epidemic and reverse recent life expectancy declines among Americans.
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In the second section, Vikki Boliver and Queralt CapsadaMunsech argue Mansfield’s argument cannot be sustained because key elements of the data are missing. They say the Department for Education data used by Mansfield relate only to those pupils who were still in education at Key Stage 5 (that is, post 16), thereby ignoring the pupils leaving school at 16 in secondary modern schools. Further missing data relate to family income. Boliver and Capsada-Munsech conclude Mansfield’s claims for grammar schools tell us nothing about the causal mechanisms involved and whether it is grammar schools that are having an effect or other factors.
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Online groups, including chat groups and forums, are becoming important avenues for gathering and exchanging information ranging from troubleshooting devices, to sharing experiences, to finding medical information and advice. Thus, issues about the health and stability of these groups are of particular interest to both industry and academia. In this paper we conduct a large scale study with the objectives of first, characterizing essential aspects of the interactions between the participants of such groups and second, characterizing how the nature of these interactions relate to the health of the groups. Specifically, we concentrate on Twitter Discussion Groups (TDGs), self-organized groups that meet on Twitter by agreeing on a hashtag, date and time. These groups have repeated, real-time meetings and are a rising phenomenon on Twitter. We examine the interactions in these groups in terms of the social equality and mobility of the exchange of attention between participants, according to the @mention convention on Twitter. We estimate the health of a group by measuring the retention rate of participants and the change in the number of meetings over time. We find that social equality and mobility are correlated, and that equality and mobility are related to a group's health. In fact, equality and mobility are as predictive of a group's health as some prior characteristics used to predict health of other online groups. Our findings are based on studying 100 thousand sessions of over two thousand discussion groups over the period of June 2012 to June 2013. These finding are not only relevant to stakeholders interested in maintaining these groups, but to researchers and academics interested in understanding the behavior of participants in online discussions. We also find the parallel with findings on the relationship between economic mobility and equality and health indicators in real-world nations striking and thought-provoking.
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It is undoubted that inequality has come back with a bang in the wake of the global crises of the past decade. This is true with respect to advanced capitalist countries and to developing and underdeveloped countries alike. In the former, this renewed attention is perhaps best highlighted by Thomas Piketty’s Capital in the Twenty-First Century (2014) becoming a widely read and discussed bestseller. In the latter, the role of real and perceived inequalities is best exemplified by the calls for social justice at the heart of the revolutionary and protest movements in various corners of the Global South, from Egypt to Brazil to Turkey (Mason 2012). Indeed, those very international economic organizations (IEOs) that had been relentlessly promoting liberalizing policies have come to appreciate the potentially damaging effects of high levels of inequality (Ostry et al. 2014; Dabla-Norris et al. 2015).
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Rising inequality and the lingering effects of the most recent economic recession continue to engender negative perceptions of access to opportunity in the United States. While prior research has established the importance of geography in understanding opportunity in metropolitan areas, little attention has been given to the spatial distribution of opportunity outside urban areas or its temporal variation. This article builds on existing frameworks for measuring opportunity to calculate a multidimensional opportunity index for counties in the lower 48 states and the District of Columbia for the years 2000 and 2010. We use exploratory spatial data analysis techniques to map and critically examine the geography of opportunity at both time periods across regions and three distinct county typologies with an emphasis on identifying clusters of high and low opportunity. We find that opportunity decreased on average for all counties from 2000 to 2010 as did its standard deviation, consistent with arguments that opportunity in the U.S. has both declined and converged. While the opportunity index remains highest in metropolitan and urban counties, nonmetropolitan and rural areas fared well with respect to the spatial clustering of high opportunity counties. Clusters of high opportunity counties shifted from the Northeast to Midwest regions, while clusters of low opportunity counties in traditional strongholds of persistent poverty like Appalachia, the Mississippi Delta, and Lower Rio Grande Valley have become more fragmented.
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In this paper we explore changes over time in higher education (HE) participation and attainment between people from richer and poorer family backgrounds during a time period when the UK higher education system expanded at a rapid rate. We use longitudinal data from three time periods to study temporal shifts in HE participation and attainment across parental income groups for children going to university in the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s. The key finding is a highly policy relevant one, namely that HE expansion has not been equally distributed across people from richer and poorer backgrounds. Rather, it has disproportionately benefited children from relatively rich families. Despite the fact that many more children from higher income backgrounds participated in HE before the recent expansion of the system, the expansion acted to widen participation gaps between rich and poor children. This finding is robust to different measures of education participation and inequality. It also emerges from non-parametric estimations and from a more detailed econometric model allowing for the sequential nature of education choices with potentially different income associations at different stages of the education sequence. Copyright (c) Scottish Economic Society 2004.
Cross-Country Differences in Intergenerational Earnings MobilityDo Poor Children Become Poor Adults? Lessons for Public Policy from a Cross Country Comparison of Generational Earnings Mobility.’ Mimeo UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre. An expanded version of the introduction to M
  • Solon
Solon (2002) ‘Cross-Country Differences in Intergenerational Earnings Mobility’, Journal of Economic Perspectives, Vol. 16, pp. 59-66. Corak, M. (2004) ‘Do Poor Children Become Poor Adults? Lessons for Public Policy from a Cross Country Comparison of Generational Earnings Mobility.’ Mimeo UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre. An expanded version of the introduction to M. Corak (ed.) Generational Income Mobility in North America and Europe, Cambridge University Press. Jo Blanden, Paul Gregg, Stephen Machin June 15 2005 20