ArticlePDF Available

Direct-to-consumer prescription drug advertising: is there evidence of health benefits?

Authors:
19
E S S E N T I A L D R U G S M O N I T O R
Issue No. 31, 2002
D R U G P R O M O T I O N
Direct-to-consumer prescription
drug advertising: is there
evidence of health benefits?
B
ARBARA
M
INTZES
*
RESSURE from the pharmaceutical
industry and related lobby groups
to allow prescription drug adver-
tising to consumers is growing
in Australia, Canada and the European
Union. Proponents of direct-to-consumer
advertising (DTCA) argue it would be
a way to empower patients. But is that
actually true?
Arguments favouring
direct-to-consumer advertising
people want and need information
on medicines;
advertisements will help people to
get needed medical care at an
earlier stage;
advertisements will lead to better
compliance;
a doctor’s prescription is needed,
so the patient will still be
protected.
Arguments against
direct-to-consumer advertising
prescription drugs are not like
other consumer goods. Even when
used properly, they can cause
serious harm;
people are vulnerable when they
are ill;
advertisements aim to stimulate
sales – they cannot provide
impartial, objective information;
advertising drives up prescription
drug costs and total health care
costs.
The US experience
The US has never had a law
prohibiting DTCA. The first print direct-
to-consumer advertisements appeared
in the early 1980’s. However, in 1982 dis-
aster struck when a new anti-arthritic
drug was recalled by the Food and Drug
Administration (FDA) after only five
months on the market because of severe
adverse effects, including deaths. The
FDAs action came after the company had
mounted an intensive public relations
campaign aimed at health professionals
and the public. In its wake, prescriptions
for the drug rocketed from 2,000 to
55,000 a week, earning the manufacturer
more than US$1 million a week in sales.
Following this case, the FDA called for
a moratorium on DTCA of prescription
drugs so that there could be wide con-
sultation with all stakeholders. In 1985,
two years later, the moratorium was
lifted.
In 1997 the FDA issued new guide-
lines that relaxed the regulations
governing TV and radio advertising.
In effect it greatly reduced the amount
of risk information broadcast adver-
tisements had to include. Before that,
broadcast advertisements were bound by
the same regulations as the information
sent to health professionals, including the
full approved product labelling informa-
tion on risks and contraindications (what
the FDA calls the “brief summary”).
Since the early 1990’s spending on
DTCA has grown exponentially from
approximately US$55 million in 1991 to
US$2.5 billion in 2000.
Effects on spending
How has DTCA affected health
spending in the US? In 1999, US con-
sumers spent US$111.1 billion on retail
prescription drugs – up from US$93 mil-
lion just one year earlier. Interestingly,
the top 25 prescription drugs advertised
to the public accounted for US$7.2 bil-
lion of the US$17.7 billion increase
(40%). In 2000, the top 50 advertised
prescription drugs accounted for
US$9.94 billion of the US$20.8 billion
increase over 1999 (48%). This rapid in-
crease in drug costs reveals two trends:
that DTCA has led to more prescriptions
per person, and that it has increased de-
mand for newer, more expensive drugs.
What products are being advertised
for which health conditions? Around 40%
of the money spent by companies to ad-
vertise directly to consumers each year
is spent on only 10 drugs. Most drugs are
never advertised to the public. Because
so few drugs are advertised to consum-
ers, DTCA is a poor means of informing
patients about the treatment options
available. The top 10 drugs are typically
costly, new drugs meant for long-term use
by a large target audience. They include
treatments for common, mild problems
such as allergy and “lifestyle” conditions
including baldness, impotence and
shyness.
Consumers’ reactions
US consumer surveys have been
carried out to find out more about the
public’s views on DTCA. In national
surveys, 25% of respondents spoke to
a doctor about a drug or condition in
response to direct-to-consumer adver-
tisements – and 6–9% reported having
directly requested a drug from their
health care provider, most of whom
(80–84%) received a prescription.
The idea that the doctor will still be
able to protect the patient from toxic
medicines falls short if the doctor sim-
ply prescribes what the patient asks for.
One has to ask: how well do consumers
actually understand direct-to-consumer
advertisements? In a California survey,
43% – nearly half of the respondents –
thought that only completely safe medi-
cines could be advertised to the public.
Another national survey carried out by
the FDA found that over half of res-
pondents could not explain what
prescription-only status meant.
Do advertisements lead
to an informed, educated
consumer?
The quality of US direct-to-consumer
advertisements
In the US, many TV advertisements
have been found to be in violation of
regulations and there are frequent infrac-
tions. To be more specific, 17 of 33 (52%)
of US TV advertisements violated FDA
regulations in 1998. The agency sent out
94 notices of violations between 1997
and mid-2001 (48 broadcast, 46 print).
The key reasons included inadequate risk
information, exaggerated benefits and
unapproved uses.
Direct-to-consumer advertising
in New Zealand
Like the US, New Zealand has DTCA
by default, as there has never been a
law against it. It just wasn’t done until
recently. While the FDA regulates DTCA
in the US, New Zealand relies on indus-
try self-regulation, like many European
countries. This often means that adver-
tisements include less risk information
than those appearing in the US. In Feb-
ruary 2000, MedSafe (the country’s drug
regulatory agency) checked compliance
on direct-to-consumer advertising and
found that five out of six voluntarily
submitted television advertisements
and one-quarter of print advertisements
violated the Medicines Act. The main
reasons were inadequate or absent risk
information. Pharmac, New Zealand’s
drug management agency, commissioned
a survey in 2000 on consumer responses
to an advertisement that had been found
to violate the Act because of inadequate
risk information. Pharmac showed the
advertisement to 200 women aged 16–30
and asked them a few questions. Nearly
half of them thought the advertisement
provided enough information to decide
whether to take the drug. One-quarter
thought that it clearly stated risks and
side-effects. In fact, the only risk infor-
mation was a line in tiny print saying that
the risks were similar to other drugs used
for the same indication. This was untrue
and did not explain what those risks were.
The example suggests that misleading
advertisements work, and shows how
difficult it can be for the public to judge
P
...cont’d on page 20
and consumers about drug promotion.
Drug promotion will undoubtedly con-
tinue as a major industry tool to increase the
sales of its products. Our task is to under-
stand and educate both health professionals
and consumers about the limitations of ethi-
cal drug promotion as a source of treatment
information; its considerable potential for
harm when inaccurate, inappropriate or
biased; and its powerful influence on pre-
scribers and users. Promotion is a reality
of the commercial market place but we
need to ensure that drug promotion:
is adequately regulated;
problem areas are rapidly identified and
tackled;
potential influence on treatment deci-
sions, outcomes and costs is better
understood;
is adequately balanced by complete
and scientifically validated sources of
treatment information.
Dr Joel Lexchin is an emergency physician in
Toronto, Canada, and teaches health policy
at York University. He designed the database,
and collected and organized the initial 2200
items.
References
1. IMS Health. US promotional spend by type (online).
Available at: http://www.imshealth.com/public/structure/
dispcontent/1,2779,1343-1343-143223,00.html
2. Centro Studi Farmindustria. Indicatori farmaceutici
(Pharmaceutical indicators). Rome: Farmindustria;
1998. p.186. (In Italian).
3. Lexchin J. Deception by design: pharmaceutical
promotion in the third world. Penang: Consumers
International; 1995.
4. Dembner A. Drug firms woo doctors with perks.
Boston Globe, 5 May 2001:A1.
5. Scott-Levin. Rx’s and RSVP’s: pharmaceutical com-
panies holding more physician meetings and events
(online). Available at: http://www.quintiles.com/
products_and_services/informatics/scott_levin/press_
releases/press_release/1,1254,244,00.html
6. Magazine Publishers of America. Magazines: a healthy
diagnosis. Return on investment for DTC pharmaceu-
tical advertising. Available at: http://www.magazine.
org/resources/downloads/ROI_for_DTC.pdf.
7. National Institute for Health Care Management, Re-
search and Educational Foundation. Prescription drugs
and mass media advertising, 2000 (online). Available
at: www.nihcm.org
8. Caudill TS, Johnson MS, Rich EC, McKinney P. Phy-
sicians, pharmaceutical sales representatives and the
cost of prescribing. Arch Fam Med 1996; 5:201–6.
9. Orlowski JP, Wateska L. The effects of pharmaceutical
firm enticements on physician prescribing patterns:
There’s no such thing as a free lunch. Chest 1992;
102:270–73.
10. Waud DR. Pharmaceutical promotions. New Engl J
Med 1992;327:23:1688.
11. Chren M-M, Landefeld CS. Physicians’ behaviour and
their interactions with drug companies: A controlled
study of physicians who requested additions to a
hospital drug formulary. JAMA 1994;271:9:684–9.
12. Berings D, Blondeel L, Habraken H. The effect of in-
dustry-independent drug information on the prescribing
of benzodiazepines in general practice. European
Journal of Clinical Pharmacology 1994; 46:501–505.
13. Powers RL, Halbritter KA, Arbogast JG, Neely JL,
Williams AJ. Do interactions with pharmaceutical rep-
resentatives influence antihypertensive medication
prescribing practices of family medicine and general
internal medicine physicians? Journal of General
Internal Medicine, April 1998;13(supplement).
14. Wilkes MS, Doblin BH, Shapiro MF. Pharmaceutical
advertisements in leading medical journals: Experts’
assessments. Ann Int Med 1992;116:912–919.
15. Roughead EE. The pharmaceutical representative and
medical practitioner encounter: implications for qual-
ity use of medicines. Masters Thesis. School of Health
Systems Sciences. La Trobe University, Australia. Aug
1995.
16. Lexchin J. What information do physicians receive from
pharmaceutical representatives? Canadian Family
Physician 1997;43:941–5.
17. Sales representatives: a damning report by Prescrire
reps monitoring network. Prescrire International
1999;8:86–9.
18. Blondeel L, Cannoodt L, DeMeyeere M, Proesmans
H. Prescription behaviour of 358 Flemish general prac-
titioners. Paper presented at the International Society
of General Medicine meeting, Prague, Spring 1987.
19. Greenwood J. Pharmaceutical representatives and the pre-
scribing of drugs by family doctors. PhD Thesis. Notting-
ham, United Kingdom: Nottingham University; 1989.
20. Spingarn RW, Berlin JA, Strom BL. When pharmaceu-
tical manufacturers’ employees present grand rounds,
what do residents remember? Acad Med 1996;71:86–88.
21. Caudill TS, Johnson MS, Rich EC, McKinney WP. Phy-
sicians, pharmaceutical sales representatives and the
cost of prescribing. Arch Fam Med 1996;5:201–6.
22. Amhad SR, Bhutta ZA. A survey of paediatric prescrib-
ing and dispensing in Karachi. JPMA 1990;40:126–30.
23. Ferguson A. Commercial pharmaceutical medicine
and medicalization: a case study from El Salvador. In:
van der Geest S, Whyte SR (eds.). The context of medi-
cines in developing countries. Dordrecht: Kluwer
Academic Publishers; 1988:
24. WHO. Ethical criteria for medicinal drug promotion.
Geneva: World Health Organization; 1988.
... Over the past few years there has been increased pressure from pharmaceutical industry and related lobby groups to allow DTCA for prescription drugs in Australia, Canada and the European Union (Mintzes, 2002;Mintzes et al., 2003). A recent shift in the interpretation of policy governing this DTCA marketing strategy has seen its partial introduction into countries such as Canada and some of the European countries for the following disease areas: AIDS/HIV, diabetes, and asthma (The Lancet, 2002;Watson, 2002). ...
... The educational value of DTCA is often poor (Donovan, 1999;Avorn, 2003) with a greater emphasis on the use and benefits of treatment (Mintzes, 2002), downplaying the safety information (Lexchin and Mintzes, 2002). Analyses of print DTC advertising content have found inaccuracies (Newby and Henry, 2002) and inadequate risk information (Roth, 1996). ...
... Currently the US and New Zealand are the only industrialised countries that allow DTCA for prescription drugs (Gold, 2003). This may soon change however, with increased pressure from pharmaceutical industry and related lobby groups in Australia, Canada and the European Union (Mintzes, 2002). The increase in DTCA in the US has had a huge impact in terms of public awareness of prescription drugs. ...
Article
Full-text available
Purpose This paper aims to investigate older consumers' perceptions of the effects of direct‐to‐consumer advertising (DTCA), their views on the amount and type of information that should be provided, and their understanding of information typically contained. Design/methodology/approach Participants were 97 adult members of a social/education group, aged 55 to 87, who completed a questionnaire during the group's usual weekly meeting. There were four versions of the questionnaire; two types of medication (arthritis versus diabetes) and two ad formats (short versus long). Findings There was little difference between the versions in the accuracy of participants' recall of key pieces of information, suggesting that providing additional information may convey little additional benefit. Participants reported limited perceived benefits of DTCA, and expressed concern that DTCA may cause people to ask their doctor for inappropriate medicines, rely more on medicines to solve their health, and become more confused. Practical implications This study suggests that there is a need to consider consumers' perceptions of benefits and costs of DTCA when deciding whether to introduce it (e.g. in Australia) or remove it (e.g. New Zealand). Further, at least for older consumers, providing large quantities of information may increase cognitive demands without producing additional benefits. Originality/value The majority of previous studies of DTCA have used either student samples (with manipulated salience of information) or general population surveys. This study utilised a sample of older adults, including 55 per cent with arthritis and 13 per cent with diabetes. Further, as this study used US ads with an Australian population, one can be confident that participants' knowledge of the medications was purely from the ads read and not from previous exposure.
... The United States (US) and New Zealand (NZ) are currently the only industrialised countries that allow Direct-To-Consumer-Advertising (DTCA) for prescription drugs (Gold, 2003). Over the past few years however, there has been increased pressure from the pharmaceutical industry and related lobby groups to allow DTCA for prescription drugs in Australia, Canada and the European Union (Mintzes 2002;Mintzes et al., 2003). A recent shift in the interpretation of policy governing this DTCA marketing strategy has seen its partial introduction in some European countries and in Canada. ...
... In the US there has never been a law prohibiting DTCA and the first print DTCA appeared in the early 1980s. During that time and more recently, the US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) developed and implemented strict guidelines for the DTCA of pharmaceutical drugs concerning indications, risks and drug effects , Mintzes, 2002. Similarly, New Zealand has DTCA because of the absence of a prohibitory law. ...
... Similarly, New Zealand has DTCA because of the absence of a prohibitory law. Unlike the US however, New Zealand relies on industry self-regulation, which often results in less risk information appearing in a NZ DTCA than an equivalent US DTCA (Mintzes, 2002). ...
Article
Full-text available
There are many arguments for and against Direct-To-Consumer-Advertising (DTCA) and their impact on the consumer. A study involving 97 older consumers was carried out to investigate their perceptions about long or short versions of written DTCA for arthritis or diabetes medication. The results indicate that even though the ads may improve doctor-patient discussion about medications, they would not necessarily empower them to make decisions. Some of the consumers also believed that DTCA might cause people to ask for inappropriate medicines, become confused and possibly stop seeking medical advice.
... Recent studies suggest that DTCA also provides information to groups with lower health literacy, and so may help reduce health inequities (Kaphingst et al., 2005). However, Mintzes (2002) concludes that DTCA may mislead consumers by inflating the likely benefits they will receive from taking a treatment and downplaying the risks and side effects. Toop et al. (2003) extend this point and argue that DTCA creates an over-reliance on medications when behavioural or lifestyle changes may achieve better long-term outcomes. ...
Article
At present, only the United States and New Zealand allow direct-to-consumer advertising (DTCA) of prescription medicine. In other countries where DTCA is not allowed, including Australia and the United Kingdom, pharmaceutical companies undertake disease awareness advertising (DAA). In DAA, advertisements do not name a drug directly, but provide general information about diseases and treatments, and encourage consumers to talk to their doctor. Similar debate surrounds these two forms of advertising, yet while past research has explored consumers' attitudes and behaviour in response to DTCA, little consideration has been given to DAA. This paper compares Australian consumers' perceptions of DAA with New Zealand consumers' perceptions of DTCA. Despite differences in the type and extent of advertising, respondents perceived similar benefits including heightened awareness of treatment options and improved discussions with doctors. New Zealand respondents associated many negative outcomes with DTCA including unbalanced information, inappropriate requests to doctors and consumer confusion.
Article
Corporate social marketing (CSM) is one of several initiatives companies can undertake to demonstrate their corporate social responsibility (CSR). While there are many motivations for CSR and CSM, all are linked to profit in some way, including promoting the reputation of the organization. While CSM is often seen as evidence of organizations making a contribution to their community, there are some industries whose CSM campaigns have drawn considerable controversy and criticism. This article discusses the role of the alcohol industry in developing and disseminating “responsible drinking” CSM activities. It discusses some of the problems identified with alcohol industry CSM campaigns—including evidence that industry education campaigns communicate ambiguous messages; improve public perceptions of the industry but do not discourage harmful or underage drinking; and divert attention from more effective approaches, such as controls on price and availability. The paper also addresses the issue of other CSM/CRM activities undertaken by the alcohol industry, such as encouraging consumers to purchase a brand by donating a proportion of the profits to health and social causes (including those that are exacerbated by alcohol consumption). It discusses the value of these activities for the industry and their potential negative impact on the health of the community. In summary, the evidence suggests that industry CSM and CRM activities protect the industry (from restrictive policies and declining sales) but may in fact be detrimental to the community.
Chapter
Full-text available
La Medicina de Familia está en crisis, aquí y en otros muchos países desarrollados. Su capital humano está desmotivado, los médicos jóvenes rehúyen la especialidad cuando pujan por plazas MIR, algunos huyen de ella una vez iniciada o completada la residencia. En este capítulo exploramos algunos datos sobre estas huídas, intentando buscar soluciones. Nos situamos en tres momentos de la vida profesional de un médico: 1) cuando está a punto de terminar la licenciatura en Medicina; 2) cuando elige plaza MIR y 3) cuando ya ha comenzado, o incluso terminado la especialidad.
Article
To assess both the accuracy of scientific data presented in print pharmaceutical advertisements and the compliance of these advertisements with current Food and Drug Administration (FDA) standards. Cross-sectional survey. Each full-page pharmaceutical advertisement (n = 109) appearing in 10 leading medical journals, along with all available references cited in the advertisement (82% of the references cited were available) were sent to three reviewers: two physicians in the relevant clinical area who were experienced in peer review and one academic clinical pharmacist. Reviewers, 95% of whom responded, were asked to evaluate the advertisements using criteria based on FDA guidelines, to judge the educational value and overall quality of the advertisements, and to make a recommendation regarding publication. In 30% of cases, two or more reviewers disagreed with the advertisers' claim that the drug was the "drug of choice." Reviewers felt that information on efficacy was balanced with that on side effects and contraindications in 49% of advertisements but was not balanced in 40%. Reviewers agreed with advertisements' claims that the drug was safe in 86% of the cases but judged that headlines in 32% of the advertisements containing headlines misled the reader about efficacy. In 44% of cases, reviewers felt that the advertisement would lead to improper prescribing if a physician had no other information about the drug other than that contained in the advertisement. Fifty-seven percent of advertisements were judged by two or more reviewers to have little or no educational value. Overall, reviewers would not have recommended publication of 28% of the advertisements and would have required major revisions in 34% before publication. In the opinion of the reviewers, many advertisements contained deficiencies in areas in which the FDA has established explicit standards of quality. New strategies are needed to ensure that advertisements comply with standards intended to promote proper use of the products and to protect the consumer.
Article
Some time ago it came to the attention of our Pharmacy and Therapeutics Committee that some faculty members were sponsoring drug fairs — events for which pharmaceutical manufacturers are invited to come into the medical school, put up displays, and hawk their wares. Typically, such an event is held in conjunction with a scientific meeting, and the exhibitors are expected to cough up money to subsidize the meeting. Since this activity seemed somewhat out of line with earlier views of the Pharmacy and Therapeutics Committee, a task force was set up to look into the issues that arise in the . . .
Article
We examined the impact on physician prescribing patterns of pharmaceutical firms offering all-expenses-paid trips to popular sunbelt vacation sites to attend symposia sponsored by a pharmaceutical company. The impact was assessed by tracking the pharmacy inventory usage reports for two drugs before and after the symposia. Both drugs were available only as intravenous preparations and could be used only on hospitalized patients. The usage patterns were tracked for 22 months preceding each symposium and for 17 months after each symposium. Ten physicians invited to each symposium were interviewed about the likelihood that such an enticement would affect their prescribing patterns. A significant increase in the prescribing pattern of both drugs occurred following the symposia. The usage of drug A increased from a mean of 81 +/- 44 units before the symposium to a mean of 272 +/- 117 after the symposium (p less than 0.001). The usage of drug B changed from 34 +/- 30 units before the symposium to 87 +/- 24 units (p less than 0.001) after the symposium. These changed prescribing patterns were also significantly different from the national usage patterns of the two drugs by hospitals with more than 500 beds and major medical centers over the same period of time. These alterations in prescribing patterns occurred even though the majority of physicians who attended the symposia believed that such enticements would not alter their prescribing patterns.
Article
In an effort to understand the paediatric prescribing practices of family physicians and dispensing of medicines from pharmacies, a survey was conducted in Karachi. Another objective was to understand the factors influencing such practices. Hundred family physicians and 55 pharmacists were surveyed. Four groups of drugs namely antidiarrhoeals, appetite stimulants, multivitamins and brain tonics were identified for assessment, these being drugs widely promoted by the pharmaceutical industry. Some of these drugs are known to have deleterious effects and therapeutic benefit of most of them is dubious. It was observed that roughly 55% of all drugs prescribed by the physicians fell into the aforementioned drug categories. These drugs also constituted nearly 60% of all sales of the pharmacies surveyed. The survey indicates that the antidiarrhoeal drugs Imodium (Ioperamide) and Lomotil (diphenoxylate) are being commonly prescribed though they have hazardous side effects and are unsuitable for use in children. Thirteen percent of physicians are still prescribing the anabolic steroid Durabolin (nandrolone phenylpropionate) as an appetite stimulant long after promotion for this purpose has been dropped. The survey indicates that 95% of the physicians relied upon industry promotional material as their main source of information about drugs. The survey highlights the need to introduce the concept of rational drug use in the undergraduate and postgraduate education.
Article
This study illustrates the impact of prepackaged pharmaceutical products, usually manufactured by multinational firms, on the health care sector of developing market economies. In many Third World countries Western biomedical practitioners do not exercise the degree of control over the use of one of their major healing resources, prescription medications, that is characteristic in most Western developed countries. Instead, these products have become integrated into healing strategies of alternative medical practitioners, giving rise to a popular sector of medical care, here termed to commercial pharmaceutical sector. In this context a form and process of medicalization has taken place which is only tangentially related to the presence of Western biomedical practitioners. A dependence has been created on a particular form of therapy, Western manufactured drug products, as well as on the agents and institutions that make the products available, that has produced cultural, social and clinical forms of commerciogenesis. These general propositions are examined in a case study of the impact of the pharmaceutical invasion of the health care sector in a Central American town.
Article
In order to measure the effect of industry-independent information on the prescribing of benzodiazepines in general practice, 128 primary practitioners were randomly allocated to three intervention groups after stratification by year of graduation. One third of the participating physicians were forwarded written information about the indications and limitations of benzodiazepines, another third received both written and oral information, and the remaining third (the control group) obtained no information at all. A comparison of the number of benzodiazepines prescribed per 100 patient contacts with prescription before and after the intervention showed an average decrease of 3% in the control group, of 14% in physicians who received only written information, and of 24% in physicians who were given additional oral information. Post hoc pairwise comparisons revealed a significant difference at the 1% level in the number of benzodiazepines prescribed between physicians who received both written and oral information and the control group. A follow-up survey conducted 4 weeks after the intervention showed that the oral information campaign positively affected physicians' attitudes about the value of oral drug information from an industry-independent source.
Article
It is controversial whether physicians' interactions with drug companies affect their behavior. To test the null hypothesis, that such interactions are not associated with physician behavior, we studied one behavior: requesting that a drug be added to a hospital formulary. Nested case-control study. University hospital. Full-time attending physicians. Case physicians were all 40 physicians who requested a formulary addition from January 1989 through October 1990. Control physicians were 80 randomly selected physicians who had not made requests. MAIN EXPOSURE MEASURE: Physician interactions with drug companies, as determined by survey of physicians (response rate, 88% [105/120]). Physicians who had requested that drugs be added to the formulary interacted with drug companies more often than other physicians; for example, they were more likely to have accepted money from companies to attend or speak at educational symposia or to perform research (odds ratio [OR], 5.1; 95% confidence interval [CI], 2.0 to 13.2). Furthermore, physicians were more likely than other physicians to have requested that drugs manufactured by specific companies be added to the formulary if they had met with pharmaceutical representatives from those companies (OR, 13.2; 95% CI, 4.8 to 36.3) or had accepted money from those companies (OR, 19.2; 95% CI, 2.3 to 156.9). These associations were consistent in multivariable analyses controlling for potentially confounding factors. Moreover, physicians were more likely to have requested formulary additions made by the companies whose pharmaceutical representatives they had met (OR, 4.9; 95% CI, 3.2 to 7.4) or from whom they had accepted money (OR, 1.7; 95% CI, 1.0 to 2.7) than they were to have requested drugs made by other companies. Requests by physicians that drugs be added to a hospital formulary were strongly and specifically associated with the physicians' interactions with the companies manufacturing the drugs.
Article
To evaluate the educational effect on residents of a grand rounds given by a pharmaceutical company employee. Using a retrospective cohort study design, the authors questioned 75 housestaff at a university hospital three months after a February 1990 grand rounds on Lyme disease to determine whether the residents' beliefs about the drug of choice for this disease differed between attendees and non-attendees. Odds ratios, 95% confidence intervals, and logistic regression were used for the analysis of results. The 22 housestaff who had attended the grand rounds were more likely to choose appropriately the cephalosporin manufactured by the speaker's company over other drugs for patients with Lyme disease presenting with second-degree heart block (adjusted odds ratio of 8.4; 95% CI 2.1-38.9). However, they also chose it inappropriately for first-degree heart block (adjusted odds ratio of 7.8; 95% CI 1.6-45.5). None of the attendees, compared with 11 (21%) of the non-attendees, named an oral antibiotic for both of two milder presentations, even though oral therapy would be more appropriate (p = .027). The results suggest that grand rounds effectively change residents' beliefs, but a sponsoring company's drug may be favored. Information assimilated in this way may not be well supported by the scientific literature and could result in a choice of treatment that is more expensive than other acceptable treatments.