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Educational Psychology
Vol. 27, No. 4, August 2007, pp. 487–508
ISSN 0144-3410 (print)/ISSN 1469-5820 (online)/07/040487–22
© 2007 Taylor & Francis
DOI 10.1080/01443410601159852
The Effects of Person Versus
Performance Praise on Children’s
Motivation: Gender and age as
moderating factors
Jennifer Henderlong Corpusa* and Mark R. Lepperb
aReed College, Portland, USA; bStanford University, USA
Taylor and Francis LtdCEDP_A_215915.sgm10.1080/01443410601159852Educational Psychology0144-3410 (print)/1469-5820 (online)Original Article2007Taylor & Francis
274000000August 2007JenniferHenderlong Corpushenderlj@reed.edu
Two studies were conducted to determine how gender and age moderate the long-term and post-
failure motivational consequences of person versus performance praise. In Study 1, fourth- and
fifth-grade students (n = 93) engaged in a puzzle task while receiving either no praise, person
praise, product praise, or process praise. Following a subsequent failure experience, behavioural
measures indicated that product and process praise enhanced motivation and person praise
dampened motivation for girls, but that there were few effects of praise on subsequent motivation
for boys. In Study 2, a parallel procedure with preschool children (n = 76) showed that person,
product, and process praise all enhanced motivation, relative to neutral feedback, for both girls and
boys.
Unlike the old adage, a praise is not a praise is not a praise. (Parsons, Kaczala, &
Meece, 1982, p. 336)
Conventional wisdom suggests that praise a powerful motivator, but the research
literature is replete with contradictions about how it affects children’s motivation
and achievement. According to the applied behaviour analytic tradition, the system-
atic and contingent use of praise can effectively reduce classroom behaviour prob-
lems and encourage students to learn (e.g., Harris, Wolf, & Baer, 1967; Madsen,
Becker, & Thomas, 1968; O’Leary & O’Leary, 1977). Because praise is rarely
isolated as a single variable in this tradition, however, it is difficult to know whether
positive effects are due to praise per se or to teacher attention, special privileges, or
other components of the behavioural program (e.g., Brown & Elliott, 1965;
*Corresponding author. Department of Psychology, Reed College, 3203 SE Woodstock Blvd,
Portland, OR 97202, USA. Email: henderlj@reed.edu
488 J. Henderlong Corpus & M. R. Lepper
Kastelen, Nickel, & McLaughlin, 1984; Kazdin, 1981; McAllister, Stachowiak,
Baer, & Conderman, 1969; Ward & Baker, 1968). Nonetheless, research in this
tradition suggests that praise certainly has the potential to function as a positive rein-
forcer. Perhaps because of the unsystematic way in which praise is typically delivered
in classrooms, however, observational research has suggested that it is largely
ineffective (see Beaman & Wheldall, 2000; Brophy, 1981). Moreover, research in
the social-cognitive tradition has revealed several instances in which praise is not
only ineffective but also dysfunctional (e.g., Barker & Graham, 1987; Birch, Marlin,
& Rotter, 1984; Meyer et al., 1979; Mueller & Dweck, 1998). Clearly, then, some
types of praise and some circumstances surrounding its delivery are better than
others (Henderlong & Lepper, 2002).
One dimension of praise that may explain these opposing motivational conse-
quences is whether praise is directed at the person or at some aspect of the person’s
performance, such as the final product or the process of engagement. Specifically,
praising the particular work product or process (e.g., “What a wonderful oil
painting”; “What a careful job you did”) may be more beneficial to motivation than
praising the person (e.g., “You’re a wonderful artist”), as theorists have long argued
(e.g., Ginott, 1965; Good & Brophy, 1984; Kanouse, Gumpert, & Canavan-
Gumpert, 1981; Kohn, 1993) and some experimental evidence has suggested
(Kamins & Dweck, 1999; Mueller & Dweck, 1998).
Although it may seem somewhat counter-intuitive, there are several grounds for
this assertion. First, praise for a person is almost necessarily more general than praise
for a performance, and thus there are more grounds for rejecting such praise
(Kanouse et al., 1981; Kohn, 1993). In contrast, praise for a specific performance or
product can only be rejected to the extent that the evaluation of the praiser is incor-
rect. More specific forms of praise—particularly process praise—may also be more
motivating because they provide more detailed information about competence and
effective problem-solving strategies that children can apply to similar situations in
the future. Indeed, researchers working in the tradition of applied behaviour analysis
have long argued that praise must be specific in order to function as an effective
reinforcer (O’Leary & O’Leary, 1977).
Person praise may also foster a detrimental sense of contingent self-worth.
Praising children for their personal attributes, rather than specific aspects of their
performance, may teach them to make inferences about global goodness or worth
based on performance (Kamins & Dweck, 1999; Kempner, McDonald, & Pomer-
antz, 2003). Such inferences may not be problematic if children only experience
success. However, if children subsequently experience failure, then they may come
to believe that they are incompetent, bad, or unworthy. To demonstrate this point,
Kamins and Dweck (1999) used a series of role-play scenarios in which kindergarten
children were told to imagine that their teacher responded to them with either
person, outcome (product), or process praise for completing a task successfully.
After subsequent failure scenarios, children who had been given person praise
showed greater signs of helplessness than those given process praise, with children
given product praise falling roughly in between. Thus, one might argue that a key
Person vs Performance Praise 489
issue for praise research—and one goal of the present work—is to determine how the
ways in which we praise children for their successes may have implications for how
they later cope with failures.
Person and performance praise may also foster different attributional styles
(Mueller & Dweck, 1998). That is, person praise may encourage stable ability attri-
butions which can foster helpless reactions in the face of failure, while performance
praise—particularly process-oriented praise—may lead to more effort or strategy
attributions which can foster adaptive reactions in both success and failure
situations. Indeed, Mueller and Dweck (1998) found that fifth-grade students who
were praised and then subsequently experienced failure made more attributions to
lack of ability when praise statements had focused on intelligence (one type of
person praise) as opposed to effort (one type of process praise).
These studies support what theorists and educators have been espousing for
decades: praise the deed and not the doer. However, this conclusion is based on only
two experimental studies (i.e., Kamins & Dweck, 1999; Mueller & Dweck, 1998),
both from the same laboratory, and both lacking a no-praise control condition that
would indicate the effects of praise relative to some neutral baseline. It remains
unclear, therefore, whether person praise is truly detrimental to motivation, or
whether process praise is truly beneficial to motivation, or both. Thus, further inves-
tigation with additional controls is necessary. Additionally, there may be boundary
conditions and moderator variables that would limit the generalisability of this basic
finding. Specifically, the existing praise literature suggests that both gender and age
may be important moderators, neither of which has been systematically examined
with respect to the person–performance dimension.
Gender as a Moderator
Several theoretical frameworks suggest that girls may be particularly susceptible to the
proposed negative effects of person praise following subsequent failure. First,
research has consistently shown that females are more negatively affected than males
by praise that diminishes perceived autonomy (e.g., Deci, 1972; Kast & Connor,
1988; Koestner, Zuckerman, & Koestner, 1989; Zinser, Young, & King, 1982). Deci
and Ryan (Deci, 1975; Deci & Ryan, 1980) have explained this pattern of results in
terms of traditional socialisation practices, which tend to focus on dependence and
interpersonal relationships for females, but independence and achievement for males.
Thus, while praise may highlight external evaluation and dampen autonomy for
females, it tends either to enhance feelings of competence or to be ignored by males,
who presumably have developed more internal standards of excellence.
In a somewhat similar vein, Roberts (1991) has found that women tend to be
more influenced by evaluative feedback than men. While women see evaluative feed-
back as an accurate reflection of their abilities, men rely more on their own internal
standards and tend to discount the evaluative opinions of others, especially with
respect to negative feedback. One of the most compelling explanations that Roberts
offers for this difference centres around the contrasting experiences that men and
490 J. Henderlong Corpus & M. R. Lepper
women have with evaluative feedback throughout their lives. For example, teachers
tend to give boys more negative feedback than girls (Burnett, 2002), especially for
non-intellectual matters such as messy papers or unruly behaviour (Dweck,
Davidson, Nelson, & Enna, 1978). Conversely, teachers tend to praise boys almost
exclusively for matters of intellectual substance, but to praise girls for good
behaviour and hard work as well (Dweck et al., 1978). Over time, then, negative
feedback may be seen as frequent and irrelevant to ability for boys, but rare and
relevant to ability for girls. These gender-specific experiences may impact how
person and performance praise affect coping with subsequent failure.
The few studies that have examined how gender moderates the effects of feedback
along the person–performance dimension support these theories. For example,
Kempner et al. (2003) found that mothers’ use of person praise in everyday
interactions with their elementary-school children predicted feelings of contingent
self-worth for their daughters but not their sons. Similarly, using an experimental
paradigm, Koestner et al. (1989) found that fifth- and sixth-grade girls were more
motivated by effort than ability praise, whereas boys showed the opposite pattern of
results. Koestner et al. argued that girls may be more comfortable with effort praise
whereas boys may be more comfortable with ability praise because of the way feedback
is typically given in the classroom (see also Burnett, 2002). It is important to note,
however, that the Koestner et al. study involved only a success experience. Thus, it is
unclear how children would have responded and what role gender might have played
if they had experienced failure on subsequent puzzles. Nonetheless, it suggests that
gender may be an important moderator of the motivational consequences of person
versus performance praise, especially for older children who have spent substantial
time in classrooms and may have learned such gender-specific patterns of feedback.
Age as a Moderator
Another potentially important and relatively unexplored moderator is age. Specifi-
cally, the potentially detrimental effects of person praise may not obtain with
younger children who do not use causal attributions in complex ways when reason-
ing about achievement (Barker & Graham, 1987; Covington, 1984; Harari &
Covington, 1981; Karniol & Ross, 1979; Miller & Hom, 1997; Nicholls, 1978), and
who tend to have a literal bias when interpreting adult utterances (Ackerman, 1981;
Winner, 1988). Young children may simply lack the cognitive sophistication to
translate what they have learned in a situation of success to a situation of failure.
Although there has not yet been a systematic investigation of developmental
differences along the person–performance dimension, Kamins and Dweck (1999)
found that even kindergarten children show motivational benefits from process
praise relative to person praise. Because this study did not include a neutral control
condition, however, it only provides information about the relative effects of person
and process praise, not the absolute effects, which may show a different pattern in
younger versus older children. Additionally, further research with young children is
needed because this study examined only a role-playing context. One might imagine,
Person vs Performance Praise 491
for example, that these effects could vary as a function of competing demands on
cognitive resources, or as a function of how much ownership children feel over their
work product, both of which would differ in role-play versus real-life situations.
The goal of the present research was, therefore, to examine the post-failure and
long-term consequences of praising the person, the product, or the process—relative
to providing neutral but informative feedback—for both upper-elementary and
preschool boys and girls. We sought not only to investigate the effects of person
versus performance praise, but also to extend this work by examining the role of
gender and age as moderating variables. For upper-elementary children, the central
hypothesis was that person praise would undermine motivation but performance
praise, particularly process praise, would enhance motivation once children were
confronted with a challenging experience in the praised domain. For preschool chil-
dren, however, person, product, and process praise were all expected to enhance
motivation relative to neutral feedback. We anticipated that gender would moderate
these effects for upper-elementary children, who have spent significant time in typi-
cal classrooms observing gender-specific patterns of feedback. Specifically, we
predicted that girls would be particularly susceptible to the negative effects of person
praise and that boys would either be motivated by person praise or unaffected by the
evaluative feedback in general.
Although the goals of this research might be addressed best through a 4 (feedback
condition: person, product, process, neutral) × 2 (gender) × 2 (age: upper-elemen-
tary, preschool) between-subjects design, age-appropriate modifications were neces-
sary to make the procedure accessible for preschool children. Therefore, Study 1
focused on upper-elementary children and Study 2 focused on preschool children.
Gender was included as a variable in both studies, but it was expected only to play a
role in Study 1 with upper-elementary children.
Study 1
Fourth- and fifth-grade children received either person praise, product praise,
process praise, or neutral feedback for their performance on a puzzle task. Following
a subsequent failure experience, both self-report and behavioural dependent
measures were collected, with a primary emphasis on behavioural measures because
they are thought to be more ecologically valid, particularly in research with children
(see Quattrone, 1985). These measures were collected following the failure
experience and again several weeks after the praise induction, because theories of
helplessness and intrinsic motivation suggest that this may be a critical test of the
true motivational properties of person, product, and process praise.
Method
Participants. The sample included 93 fourth- and fifth-grade children with roughly
equal numbers of girls (n = 44) and boys (n = 49). Recruitment took place through
two American elementary schools in the San Francisco Bay area. All children at the
492 J. Henderlong Corpus & M. R. Lepper
appropriate grade levels were invited to participate. They were largely Caucasian,
Asian-American, and Latino.
Measures. A number of measures were used—see below.
Experimental task. All children worked on a series of intrinsically interesting
tangram puzzles, which consisted of geometric forms that had to be constructed
from a set of seven smaller shapes. Children were given two sets of geometric forms
to complete. The first set of puzzles was selected to be moderately easy for children
to solve, in order to create a success experience during which children could be
praised according to their experimentally assigned conditions. The second set of
puzzles was selected to be extremely difficult, in order to create a failure experience.
Self-reported motivation. Three short questionnaire items were used to assess chil-
dren’s immediate motivation for tangram puzzles, both after the success experience
and after the failure experience. Specifically, we asked children to rate their liking for
the task, desire to continue working on the task, and perceived competence, using
six-point Likert scales, anchored with “Not at all” and “Very much” for the first two
items, and “Terrible” and “Great” for the third item. Because these items were
significantly inter-correlated following both the success and failure experiences (r =
.32, .37, respectively), they were combined to form a single composite index of
reported motivation. In addition, children were asked to make attributions for their
poor performance during the failure experience by rank ordering several explana-
tions provided by the experimenter: lack of effort (“I didn’t try hard enough”), lack
of ability (“I’m not good enough at these puzzles”; “I’m not smart enough”), and
lack of time (“I ran out of time”). There were two lack-of-ability statements in order
to increase the acceptability of this choice, and they were averaged together to create
a single indicator of attributions to lack of ability. Consistent with previous research,
the lack-of-time choice was included as a filler item.
Behavioural and long-term motivation. There were two primary behavioural
measures of motivation: free-choice behaviour and tangram gift choice. For free-
choice behaviour, children were seated at an activity table and told that they could
play with whatever they liked for five minutes. The table comprised an art activity,
crossword puzzles, children’s magazines, a geoboard, and three sets of tangrams of
varying difficulty levels. Children’s time spent engaging with tangrams was surrepti-
tiously observed as an indicator of free-choice motivation. Both short- and long-term
motivation were also assessed behaviourally by offering children the opportunity to
take home a personal tangram set. Children were presented with six attractive gifts
and asked to rank order the items according to their personal preferences. The gifts
included a tangram set, dominoes, pick-up sticks, rebus puzzles, fancy pencils, and a
set of stencils. They were told that the gifts would be delivered once all students at
Person vs Performance Praise 493
their school had participated. Several weeks later, the experimenter returned—
ostensibly having “misplaced” the gift-choice rankings—and children were asked to
rank order the six gift items once again. Importantly, they were instructed to rank
their current preferences without regard to their original rankings.
Manipulation check. At the end of the procedure, children were asked to recall
what the experimenter had said to them as they were working on the first set of
puzzles.
Procedure. Children were randomly assigned, within sex, to one of four conditions:
person praise (n = 25), product praise (n = 22), c), process praise (n = 24), or
neutral feedback (n = 22). Aside from the feedback statements, all other aspects of
the study were the same for all participants. Children were individually tested in a
quiet room on their school property by one of five female experimenters (E1), each
of whom was blind to the hypotheses of the study. A second female experimenter
(E2), who was blind to condition, remained in the room (wearing headphones
during the success and failure phases) and administered the measures after the
failure phase.
Success phase. E1 introduced the first set of puzzles and explained that children
would have six minutes to do as many puzzles as possible. Throughout this period,
children were given feedback according to their experimental condition for approxi-
mately every other tangram they completed. Praise statements for children in the
person condition consisted of the following phrases: “You’re really good at this!”;
“You must be good at puzzles!”; “What a good puzzle-solver you are!”; and “You
have a great puzzle-solving ability!” Praise statements for children in the product
condition consisted of the following phrases: “Nice job on that one!”; “You’re really
arranging the pieces the right way!”; “You’re solving a lot of these!”; and “That’s the
right solution again!” Finally, praise statements for children in the process condition
consisted of the following phrases: “You’re really thinking!”; “You’re using good
puzzle-solving strategies!”; “You must be concentrating hard!”; and “You must be
working hard!” Children in the neutral feedback condition were given a positive-
sounding “OK” at these same time points.
Once six minutes had passed, children were told to stop working and their perfor-
mance was evaluated. E1 counted the number of tangrams completed and said,
“You finished [number of] tangrams.” She then examined a mock scoring grid—
presumably to determine the child’s score—before saying, “That gives you a score of
90%.” In addition, children in the three praise conditions were told, “Wow! That’s a
really high score,” followed by a statement consistent with either person (“You must
be really good at puzzles”), product (“You really got the pieces in the right places”),
or process (“You must have been really concentrating”) praise. It is important to
note that these praise statements were extensively pre-tested to ensure that they were
494 J. Henderlong Corpus & M. R. Lepper
as equally positive, effusive, and informative as possible.1 Children were then asked
to complete the self-reported motivation measure. Before handing this sheet to the
children, E1 wrote their names and scores (90%) at the top of the page, along with a
brief statement consistent with their praise condition (i.e., “Good at puzzles,”
“Solved the right way,” or “Concentrated hard”).
Failure phase. Children were asked to work on a second set of tangrams for an
additional six minutes. As they worked on these more difficult puzzles, children were
not given praise, but rather were given a neutral-sounding “OK” upon completion of
each tangram puzzle. At the end of the six-minute period, children were told to stop
working and their performance was evaluated. E1 counted the number of tangrams
completed and said, “You finished [number of] tangrams.” She then examined the
mock scoring grid before saying, “That gives you a score of 60%. That’s not a very
good score.” E1 then asked children to complete the self-reported motivation
measure, and then administered the measure of attributions for failure.
Finally, E1 explained to the children that E2 needed to ask them some final
questions. E1 approached E2, but quickly “discovered” that E2 was immersed in
work and could not talk with the children for several more minutes. Before making
an excuse to leave the room, E1 told the children that they could work at an activity
table while they were waiting for E2 to finish her work. Following the five-minute
free-choice period, E2 called children away from the activity table and administered
the gift-choice measure and the manipulation check. E2 then carefully debriefed
children by explaining that the second set of puzzles was designed for much older,
seventh- or eighth-grade students, so that poor performance was due to an extremely
difficult task. E2 emphasised that completing even one of these puzzles was a great
accomplishment for a fourth- or fifth-grade student. This debriefing did not reveal
that we were interested in children’s reactions to praise, but focused instead on
ensuring that all children left the procedure feeling good about their performance.
Finally, all children were instructed not to discuss the procedure with other fourth-
and fifth-grade students, thanked, and sent back to their classrooms. The entire
procedure lasted approximately 30 minutes. Finally, several weeks later (median =
three weeks), E2 returned to the children’s classrooms and collected their final gift
choices.
Results
A series of 4 × 2 (feedback condition × gender) analyses of variance (ANOVAs) were
used to examine children’s responses to the self-reported and behavioural dependent
measures of motivation.
Manipulation check. Children’s open-ended responses were coded on a scale from 0
(no memory at all) to 2 (memory such that a blind rater could confidently guess the
praise condition). In general, children were quite good at remembering precisely the
Person vs Performance Praise 495
types of things E1 had said to them, and demonstrated near-ceiling performance in
all three of the praise conditions (person praise: M = 1.80, SD = .41; product praise:
M = 1.76, SD = .44; process praise: M = 1.96, SD = .20).
Self-reported motivation. Following the success phase, there was a statistically signif-
icant main effect for gender on self-reported motivation (F[1,85] = 7.01, p < .05,
partial η2 = .08), but the condition by gender interaction was not significant
(F[3,85] = .18, ns). Specifically, girls (M = 5.17, SD = .55) reported greater levels of
post-success motivation than boys (M = 4.82, SD = .69). Following the failure
phase, there were no significant main effects or interactions (all Fs < 1.3, ns). In
addition, there were no significant main effects or interactions for children’s attribu-
tions for failure (all Fs < 1.5, ns), though the pattern of means was consistent with
predictions in that girls, but not boys, showed the most adaptive attributions in the
process condition.
Behavioural and long-term motivation measures. For free-choice behaviour at the
activity table, there were no significant main effects or interactions (all Fs < 1.9, ns).
In terms of the tangram gift choice, the predicted condition by gender interaction
was statistically significant (F[3,85] = 3.58, p < .05, partial η2 = .11), as presented in
Figure 1. As predicted, girls showed the greatest preference for tangrams in the
product (M = 5.17, SD = .94) and process (M = 5.08, SD = .90) conditions,
followed by the neutral feedback (M = 4.63, SD = 1.51) and person (M = 3.58, SD
= 1.78) conditions. A one-way ANOVA for the girls indicated a statistically signifi-
cant main effect of condition (F[3,40] = 3.66, p < .05, partial η2 = .22), and Tukey
tests indicated significant (p < .05) pairwise differences between the person condi-
tion and both the product and process conditions. There was no effect of condition
for boys (F[3,45] = .70, ns).
Figure 1. Preference for tangrams, by feedback condition and gender, Study 1
This condition by gender interaction was maintained several weeks later when
children made a final selection of a take-home gift (F[3,84] = 2.94, p < .05, partial
η2= .10). Once again, girls showed the greatest preference for tangrams in the prod-
uct (M = 5.17, SD = 1.19) and process (M = 4.83, SD = 1.11) conditions, followed
by the neutral feedback (M = 3.71, SD = 1.80) and person (M = 3.5, SD = 1.62)
conditions (F[3,39] = 3.73, p < .05, partial η2 = .22). There was no effect of
condition for boys (F[3,45] = .37, ns).
Discussion
The results of Study 1 suggest that performance versus person praise can have
important and somewhat opposing effects on intrinsic motivation for girls and for
boys. Specifically, girls, but not boys, showed enhanced intrinsic motivation when
given product and process praise, but dampened motivation when given person
praise. Indeed, a full 22% of the variance in girls’ tangram gift choices was explained
by the feedback they received for their successful performance at the beginning of
496 J. Henderlong Corpus & M. R. Lepper
the experimental session. Based on the size of this effect, one might imagine that a
teacher choosing to use process rather than person praise on a regular basis could
engender a substantial motivational benefit for her female students. Of course, it is
important to remember that the sample used in the present study was relatively
small; perhaps with a larger sample, praise might also impact the motivation of boys,
Figure 1. Preference for tangrams, by feedback condition and gender, Study 1
Person vs Performance Praise 497
but simply to a lesser extent than in girls. One would certainly not want to conclude
that praise is ineffective for boys on the basis of the present research.
Although the data in the present study do not illuminate the mechanism driving
these gender differences, previous research has suggested that differing socialisation
practices or familiarity with specific types of feedback may account for the effects
(e.g., Deci & Ryan, 1985; Dweck & Bush, 1976; Dweck et al., 1978; Kast &
Connor, 1988; Koestner et al., 1989). Although boys clearly listened to the praise
statements well enough to pass the manipulation check, they may not have
processed and internalised them to the same extent as the interpersonally aware
girls. Subsequently, when faced with failure, girls may have taken to heart the
implications of the praise they had been given, while boys may have acted more in
accord with their own internal standards of interest and evaluation. Indeed, the liter-
ature is replete with evidence that failure experiences tend to be more debilitating for
girls than for boys (e.g., Dweck & Reppucci, 1973; Nicholls, 1975).
Another explanation for the gender differences observed in the present study is
that tangrams can be classified as a mathematical task—a domain in which psycho-
logical studies often reveal gender differences. Indeed, the one other study that
found gender differences in children’s reactions to effort versus ability praise used a
puzzle task that was explicitly described as related to mathematics (Koestner et al.,
1989). In both the present study and that of Koestner and colleagues, ability-
oriented praise may have activated the cultural stereotype that females are deficient
in maths, leaving girls, but not boys, vulnerable to low-ability inferences and damp-
ened motivation in the face of failure (see Steele, 1997). Thus, future work is needed
to determine the generalisability of these findings to other less gender-stereotyped
domains.
Although the predicted condition by gender interaction was significant for the gift
choice measures, it was not significant for children’s free-choice behaviour at the
activity table. Perhaps children were more interested in engaging with the other
attractive items at the table than the tangrams they had been working with through-
out the first half of the procedure. Because the gift choice measures represented an
opportunity for more delayed engagement with the task, they were not subject to the
same satiation that may have interfered with the earlier measure. Feedback also had
no effect on children’s self-reported motivation, but this was not particularly surpris-
ing because experimental manipulations in the self-perception literature tend to
show significant effects on behavioural measures, but often not on self-report
measures—especially in research with children (Quattrone, 1985). It was surprising,
however, that there was no effect of feedback on children’s attributions for failure.
We had expected that, at least for girls, process praise would lead children to
attribute failures to lack of effort more than lack of ability (cf. Mueller & Dweck,
1998). Although the means were in the predicted direction, the effect was not signif-
icant, perhaps because of a relatively small sample size and an accompanying lack of
statistical power. Future researchers might attempt to replicate the present study
with a larger sample and perhaps a more fine-grained measure of attributions (see
Nicholls, 1975).
498 J. Henderlong Corpus & M. R. Lepper
Study 1 highlights the importance of gender in attempting to understand the
complex effects of praise on children’s motivation. As discussed earlier, previous
research suggests that age may also be an important moderator of the effects of
praise on children’s motivation. This possibility was the focus of Study 2.
Study 2
The detrimental effects of praise may not obtain with younger children, who tend to
have a literal bias when interpreting adult utterances. Because Study 1 suggested
that praise can have both beneficial and detrimental effects on children’s motivation,
one goal of Study 2 was to document the ages for which these effects would obtain.
To this end, Study 2 investigated the effects of person, product, and process praise
in preschool children. The central hypothesis was that all forms of praise—person,
product, and process—would generally be beneficial for the preschoolers, relative to
neutral feedback. We did not anticipate gender differences because preschool
children lack familiarity with the kind of classroom feedback typically given to girls
versus boys that may lead them to interpret and respond to feedback in different
ways. Moreover, even if preschool children were familiar with typical patterns of
feedback, they may simply lack the cognitive sophistication necessary to make
inferences about ability based on how a current statement of feedback fits in with the
type of feedback typically given (Nicholls, 1978). They are also less likely than older
children to have had exposure to the gender-specific socialisation practices that may
lead girls, but not boys, to be particularly interpersonally aware and sensitive to the
effects of different types of praise.
Method
Participants. The sample included 76 four- and five-year-old children (mean age =
5 years, 0 months) from a university-affiliated laboratory nursery school in the San
Francisco Bay area. There were approximately equal numbers of girls (n = 39) and
boys (n = 37). Children were largely Caucasian, Asian-American, and Latino.
Measures. A number of measures were used—see below.
Experimental task. All children worked on a series of four interesting jigsaw
puzzles. The first two puzzles were designed to create a success experience and were
moderately easy for preschoolers to solve. The last two puzzles were designed to
create a failure experience and were made impossible to solve by replacing the
correct puzzle pieces with incorrect but highly similar puzzle pieces.
Self-report measures. Children were asked to indicate how much they enjoyed
working on the task by pointing on a scale of five schematic faces ranging from a
Person vs Performance Praise 499
frowning face to a smiling face. Next, perceived competence was measured by chil-
dren’s responses to the question, “Are you good at these kinds of puzzles or not so
good at these kinds of puzzles?” Finally, attributions for failure were measured by
children’s responses to the question, “Did you have trouble on the second puzzles
because you didn’t try hard enough or because you aren’t good enough at these
kinds of puzzles?” The order of the two choices was counterbalanced across partici-
pants.
Behavioural measures of subsequent motivation. As in Study 1, there were two
primary behavioural measures of motivation: immediate free-choice behaviour and
long-term motivation. For free-choice behaviour, children were seated at an activity
table and told that they could play with whatever they liked for two minutes. The
table comprised an art activity, building blocks, and two jigsaw puzzles. E2 surrepti-
tiously observed how long children spent engaging with each activity. More impor-
tantly, children’s long-term motivation was assessed several weeks later by
observations of their behaviour when the puzzles were available as an activity in their
regular classrooms. The puzzles were placed in the classroom before the daily
session began and children were observed through a one-way mirror by an individual
who was blind to children’s experimental condition. The observer noted whether or
not children approached the puzzles and timed how long they spent engaging with
them.
Memory manipulation check. Children in the three praise conditions were ques-
tioned about the content of the praise they were given when they successfully solved
the first two puzzles, in order to provide a check that they were paying attention and
remembering what was said to them during the success phase. E2 gave children four
forced-choice questions that paired an example of the type of praise they were
actually given with an example of another type of praise. For example, children in
the person condition were asked whether they were told, “You are a great puzzle-
solver” or “You are really thinking”; next, they were asked whether they were told,
“Good job on that one” or “You are good at puzzles”; and so on. The order of the
two choices was counterbalanced across participants, as was the order of the four
questions.
Procedure. Children were randomly assigned to one of the following four feedback
conditions: person praise (n = 20), product praise (n = 20), process praise (n = 20),
or neutral feedback (n = 16). Aside from the feedback statements, all other aspects
of the study were the same for all participants and largely paralleled the procedure
from Study 1.
Children were individually tested in a quiet laboratory room by two of five female
experimenters. In all cases, the primary experimenter who delivered the feedback
statements (E1) was blind to the hypotheses of the study. In 37% of the cases, the
500 J. Henderlong Corpus & M. R. Lepper
secondary experimenter (E2) was also blind to the hypotheses of the study. At the
beginning of the session, children were seated across a table from E1 while E2 sat
quietly in the corner.
Success phase. E1 explained that she had some puzzles for children to work on
and that they would be allowed to work until “time is up,” so that the somewhat
evaluative nature of the situation was clear. As children worked on the two success
puzzles, they were praised three times—once after completing the first puzzle, once
during the second puzzle, and once after completing the second puzzle. Praise state-
ments for children in the person condition consisted of the following phrases:
“You’re really good at this!”; “You must be good at puzzles!”; and “You are a great
puzzle-solver!” Praise statements in the product condition consisted of the following
phrases: “Good job on that one!”; “You’re getting a lot of pieces!”; and “You
finished one again!” Finally, praise statements in the process condition consisted of
the following phrases: “You must be working hard!”; “You’re really thinking!”; and
“You’re finding really good ways to do this!” As in Study 1, children in the neutral
feedback condition were given a positive-sounding “OK” at these same time points.
Once children completed both puzzles, they were told, “Time is up. You finished
both puzzles. That means you get a star by your name.” For children in the praise
conditions, E1 continued by saying, “Wow! That’s really good,” followed by a
statement consistent with either person (“You must be really good at puzzles”),
product (“You really finished a lot of puzzles”), or process (“You must have been
really thinking”) praise. Following the feedback statement, children were asked to
indicate their liking for the task, as described above.
Failure phase. E1 then explained to the children that she had some more puzzles
for them to work on. They were reminded that, once again, they could work until
“time is up.” Children unsuccessfully worked on the first failure puzzle for 75
seconds before E1 said, “Let’s move on to the next one.” She handed children the
second failure puzzle and allowed them to work for 75 seconds before delivering the
failure feedback: “Time is up. You didn’t finish the puzzles. That won’t get you a
star.” At this point, E1 administered the measures of task liking, perceived compe-
tence, and attributions for failure. Finally, E1 explained that she had to leave briefly
because she accidentally had left the next set of puzzles in the other room. Before she
left, she instructed children to sit at the activity table and to play with anything they
liked. E1 left the room and E2 observed as children played at the activity table.
When two minutes had passed, E2 asked children to return to the original table and
administered the memory manipulation check.
At this point, E1 returned to the room, apologising and explaining that she had
accidentally mixed up the puzzle pieces, making the last two puzzles impossible to
solve. E1 gave children one of the “failure” puzzles to try again, now that she had
corrected her mistake. Once children completed this now easily solvable puzzle,
E1 placed another star on the child’s name tag in order to ensure that all children
Person vs Performance Praise 501
left the procedure feeling good about their performance in the study. Children were
then thanked and returned to their classrooms. The entire procedure lasted approxi-
mately 15 minutes. Finally, one to three weeks later, the puzzles were available as an
activity in children’s regular classrooms, as described above.
Results
Each of the dependent measures was analysed with a 4 × 2 (feedback condition ×
gender) ANOVA. There were no interactions between feedback and gender for any
of the dependent variables; therefore, data for boys and girls were collapsed and one-
way ANOVAs with four levels (person praise, product praise, process praise, and
neutral feedback) were conducted. When significant, these general analyses were
followed by a series of planned contrasts that compared the three praise conditions
to the neutral feedback condition in order to test the hypothesis that all types of
praise would enhance motivation for young children.
Manipulation check. Children’s responses to the forced-choice manipulation check
were analysed to determine whether they were paying attention and remembering
what was said to them during the success phase. In order to pass the manipulation
check successfully, children had to respond correctly to at least three out of the four
questions. Of the 60 children who were assigned to one of the three praise condi-
tions, 38 successfully met this standard (nperson = 11, nproduct = 11, nprocess = 16).
All analyses that follow are from this subset of children who passed the manipulation
check, as well as the 16 children in the neutral feedback condition, but it should be
noted that the pattern of results and levels of significance were similar when all
children were included in the analyses.
Self-report measures. Both post-success and post-failure ratings of task liking were
quite high (M = 4.46, SD = .97 and M = 4.06, SD = 1.24, respectively), and there
were no significant differences between feedback conditions in liking for the task
following either the success phase (F[3,50] = .81, ns) or the failure phase (F[3,50] =
1.92, ns). Responses to the question about perceived competence were coded as
either 0 (not good at puzzles), 1 (sort of good at puzzles), or 2 (good at puzzles);
there was no significant effect of condition (F[3,48] = 1.57, ns). Finally, children’s
attributions for failure were coded as either 0 (lack of ability) or 1 (lack of effort). As
expected, there were no significant differences between conditions (F[3,48] = .49,
ns), and in general children were slightly more likely to attribute failures to lack of
ability than to lack of effort (M = .42, SD = .50).
Behavioural measures of subsequent motivation. The first behavioural measure of moti-
vation was the time children spent engaging with the puzzles during the free-choice
period; similar to Study 1, there was no significant effect of condition on free-choice
502 J. Henderlong Corpus & M. R. Lepper
behaviour (F[3,50] = 2.73, ns). A second, and more ecologically valid, measure of
motivation was the time children spent engaging with the puzzles several weeks later
in their regular classrooms. Because this measure was collected several days to weeks
after the experimental procedure (median delay = 10 days), some children were
unavailable for observation. Thus, these data are based on 48 children (nperson = 11,
nproduct = 10, nprocess = 13, nneutral = 14) rather than all 54 children.
First, we used logistic regression to analyse the proportion of children in each
feedback condition who chose to approach and engage with the puzzles, as shown in
Figure 2. As predicted, there was a statistically significant overall effect of condition
(Wald χ2 [df = 3, n = 48] = 8.32, p < .05), and a statistically significant effect when
the three praise conditions were compared to the neutral feedback condition (Wald
χ2 [df = 1, n = 48] = 5.84, p < .05, odds ratio = .13).
Figure 2. Proportion of children engaging with the puzzles during subsequent classroom observation period, by feedback condition, Study 2
Second, we analysed the amount of time children spent engaging with the puzzles
in their regular classrooms, as shown in Figure 3. A log transformation (Y1 = ln [Y +
1]) was performed on these data because the variances were unequal, and the stan-
dard deviations of the feedback conditions were proportional to the means. There
was a statistically significant overall effect of feedback condition on these trans-
formed time data (F[3,44] = 3.80, p < .05, partial η2= .21), and a statistically signif-
icant effect when the three praise conditions were compared to the neutral feedback
condition (t[44] = 2.88, p < .01).
Figure 3. Amount of time spent with puzzles during subsequent classroom observation period, by feedback condition, Study 2
Comparison of Studies 1 and 2. Taken together, the results of Studies 1 and 2
suggest that there may be developmental changes in the effects of praise on chil-
dren’s motivation. In order to test this more directly, we standardised and then
combined the central behavioural measures of intrinsic motivation from Studies 1
and 2 for use in a single analysis. Specifically, we converted children’s immediate gift
choices from Study 1 and their transformed time spent with puzzles in the classroom
from Study 2 separately into z scores, and subsequently combined them to form a
single general measure of motivation that was analysed with a 4 × 2 × 2 (feedback
condition × age × gender) ANOVA. As we would have predicted, there was a
statistically significant three-way interaction (F[3,125] = 2.80, p < .05, partial η2 =
.06), providing statistical support for the contention that both age and gender
moderate the effects of praise on children’s motivation. That is, although all types of
praise were generally beneficial to motivation for young children, person praise
tended to undermine—and product and process praise tended to enhance—the
motivation of older girls, but not boys.
Discussion
To summarise the results of Study 2, there were negligible effects of feedback
condition on the immediate measures of children’s motivation, but strong effects on
children’s long-term motivation assessed days to weeks after the experimental
procedure. As predicted, children’s subsequent engagement with the puzzles in their
Person vs Performance Praise 503
regular classrooms showed that all types of praise were highly motivating for young
children, relative to neutral feedback. Indeed, the type of feedback children received
explained 21% of the variance in the time they spent with the puzzles in their regular
classrooms. Compounded over multiple occasions in a classroom, praising preschool
0
0.1
0.2
0.3
0.4
0.5
0.6
0.7
0.8
0.9
1
Person Product Process Neutral
Feedback Condition
Proportion of Children
Figure 2. Proportion of children engaging with the puzzles during subsequent classroom
observation period, by feedback condition, Study 2
504 J. Henderlong Corpus & M. R. Lepper
children would arguably have real-world benefits for intrinsic motivation, regardless
of whether the praise statements focused on traits, products, or processes.
These results qualify the research of Kamins and Dweck (1999), who showed
process praise to be motivationally superior to person praise for kindergarten children,
but did not provide information about these effects relative to a neutral baseline. By
including a neutral feedback control condition, the present study showed that person
praise appears not to have an undermining effect for young children. Indeed, praise
0
0.5
1
1.5
2
2.5
3
Person Product Process Neutral
Feedback Condition
LN (Time + 1)
Figure 3. Amount of time spent with puzzles during subsequent classroom observation period,
by feedback condition, Study 2
Person vs Performance Praise 505
of all types produced motivation that was equal to or better than neutral feedback. It
is interesting to note, however, that children in the person condition did not show
enhanced motivation to the same degree as children in the product and process condi-
tions. This finding invites replication with larger sample sizes and with additional age
groups, in order to determine when the potentially negative effects of person praise
may emerge, and at what point gender becomes an important moderator.
Similarly to Study 1, Study 2 found no effect of feedback on preschoolers’ self-
reported motivation or their free-choice behaviour at the activity table. It is likely
that, as in Study 1, satiation played a role in the lack of significant results for the
measure of free-choice motivation. After two success puzzles and two failure puzzles,
children most likely were more interested in the other attractive alternatives at the
activity table than the highly similar puzzles. The long-term motivation measure
taken in children’s classrooms is not subject to the same criticism. Not only was this
measure delayed and behavioural in nature, but it was taken in an unobtrusive
manner that eliminated expectancy effects. Because motivation was assessed while
children were in their regular classrooms, the long-term measure also provides infor-
mation about the generalisability of the phenomenon to new-but-related settings.
Thus, it is our belief that the long-term measure of motivation provides evidence
that all types of praise—person, product, and process—may enhance motivation for
young children, relative to neutral feedback. Compared with the results of Study 1,
these results suggest that there may indeed be important developmental differences
in the motivational consequences of praise.
Conclusions
Overall, the present research suggests not only that the person–performance dimen-
sion is a meaningful one, but also that it is important to consider individual differ-
ences, such as gender and age, when examining the motivational consequences of
praise. While person, product, and process praise all had beneficial effects on moti-
vation for preschool children, process and product praise had particularly beneficial
effects, and person praise had potentially harmful effects, for upper-elementary
school girls. Indeed, when data from the two studies were combined into a single
analysis, the three-way interaction among condition, gender, and age explained 6%
of the variance in children’s motivation. This is a small effect in absolute terms, but
it could be of practical educational significance, especially when considering that
teachers administer feedback to their students on multiple occasions over the course
of an academic year.
It is important, however, that the present findings not be overgeneralised. At the
most basic level, our sample size was relatively small; given the number of variables
tested, there were only approximately 10 participants per cell for several of the
analyses. Thus, caution should be exercised when interpreting these results and
generalising them to applied settings. At a broader level, the findings of the present
research may be specific to children from the United States or other Western
cultures. In Japanese and Chinese classrooms, for example, children may respond
506 J. Henderlong Corpus & M. R. Lepper
differently to praise because of the cultural belief that achievement hinges primarily
on effort (e.g., Lewis, 1995; Salili, 1996; cf. Henderlong & Lepper, 2002). In these
more collectivist cultures, person praise would probably be given fairly infrequently
and perhaps it would not have the same potential for detrimental effects. Future
work should investigate the dimensions of person versus performance praise with
larger samples and among children from a broader range of cultural backgrounds.
Notwithstanding these limitations, the present research suggests that praise link-
ing children’s performances to their personal traits should be used only with caution
because of the vulnerability it may create when children are subsequently faced with
challenging experiences. Praise may certainly be a positive reinforcer, as the behav-
ioural tradition would suggest, but the content of the praise matters. It should not
only be specific (Brophy, 1981; O’Leary & O’Leary, 1977), but also explicitly
emphasise strategy, effort, or other dimensions that are under children’s control. We
might, then, want to heed the sage advice Haim Ginott offered to parents nearly four
decades ago, but also to qualify it by suggesting that it may be particularly applicable
to girls beyond the preschool years:
The single most important rule is that praise deal only with the child’s efforts and
accomplishments, not with his character and personality. (Ginott, 1965, p. 39)
Note
1. Statements were pre-tested on a sample of 28 adults who listened to and rated verbal
recordings of two experimenters delivering the feedback statements. Ratings were made on
seven-point scales and indicated that the person, product, and process praise statements were
perceived as equally positive and effusive, but that the person praise statement was perceived
as slightly less informative (M = 5.98, SD = 1.17) than the product (M = 6.85, SD = 1.48)
and process (M = 6.89, SD = 1.24) praise statements.
Author Note
This research is based on the first author’s dissertation, submitted in partial fulfill-
ment of the requirements for a Ph.D. at Stanford University. This work was
supported, in part, by a Spencer Dissertation Fellowship and a Graduate Research
Opportunity grant from Stanford University. Portions of this work were presented at
the 2000 meeting of the American Educational Research Association and the 2001
meeting of the Society for Research in Child Development. We gratefully acknowl-
edge the cooperation and assistance of participating schools and the research
assistants who aided in data collection.
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