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Immigration and the Spectre of Hobbes: Some Comments for the Quixotic Dr. Bauder 1

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... Borders are used as a tool for the management of a state's labour market, and at the same time, borders represent foreign affairs issues and security challenges; at the same time, borders equally create identities of belonging and non-belonging (Samers 2003;Anderson, Sharma, and Wright 2009;Bauder 2011). Kukathas (2012, 4) noted that borders are political constructs which demarcate distinct and separate jurisdictions. ...
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Globalisation has, in many ways, redefined the discourse on borders. While some countries advocate for state centrism which views the functionality of borders as barriers to the entrance of ‘others’, some other countries view borders as bridges for closer human connectivity, a functional tool for combating racism. Globalisation has created a balance between the two blocs; borders now act as filters that permit significant connections between people while keeping threats out. The novel COVID-19 disease has, however, in an unprecedented manner, triggered border closures around the world; the globalisation of public health-related issues has redefined borders, as can be seen in Europe, which saw its member states closing their internal borders and by the extension the collective borders of the Union. This research will use secondary data to analyse the development of the Covid-19 disease situation and the resulting impact on refugees and, most importantly, borders; our findings reveal that though the disease demands closed borders on public health grounds, the situation is being used as a tool by policymakers to institutionalise extreme exclusionary measures, which may be sustained post-COVID-19. This paper opposes this move and advocates for the sustainability of the open border system post-COVID-19 due to its benefits.
... Its hallmarks are a philosophical rejection of the legitimacy of nation-state borders and migration controls; and a moral, political and practical opposition to the violence these entail. A number of geographers have taken up a No Borders framework as a promising tool for interrogating contemporary migration regimesa conversation that has featured prominently in this journal (see Bauder, 2003;Hiebert, 2003;Düvell, 2003;Samers, 2003. For a thorough review of this tendency, see Burridge, 2014; and for an examination of its articulation with calls for "open borders," see Bauder, 2015). ...
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In North America, and globally, the topics of immigration and immigration policy have become among the most divisive fault lines of political struggle and debate. In this paper, we reflect upon the State of Arizona's embrace of the " Attrition Through Enforcement " (ATE) doctrine as exemplary of contemporary U.S. anti-immigrant policies that target the social reproduction of non-citizens. Reflecting on ATE and movements against it, we argue for the inadequacy of scholarly and Published with Creative Commons licence: Attribution–Noncommercial–No Derivatives Drawing the Line 2 activist approaches that would normatively deploy frameworks of " citizenship " or demands for " no borders " to articulate the stakes and composition of contemporary immigration struggles. Borrowing from political scientist Joel Olson and his concept of " democratic Manichaeism, " we argue instead the imperative to radically confront and unsettle the normative divisions between citizen and non-citizen that anti-immigrant actors and policies would police. Through two case studies in Tucson, Arizona, we examine the possibilities and challenges related to mobilizing such a Manichaean framework through the quotidian spaces of everyday life. We conclude by proposing " community composition " as both a political agenda and a methodological framework through which to attend to everyday geographies of belonging and exclusion while confronting the normative political categories that structure the nation-state and justify its violence.
... The alternative of letting migrants cross borders but excluding them from welfare entitlements and denying them rights (including citizenship) is equally problematic. Open borders could also increase labour competition among a global workforce, propelling a global race to the bottom among workers (Castles 2003;Hiebert 2003;Samers 2003). From a 'cultural' perspective, open borders could encourage national communities to limit access to citizenship in an effort to protect their 'national cultures' (Vasilev 2015). ...
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With globalization, the f lows of goods, capital, and information across international borders have liberalized. However, the mobility of people across these same borders is still highly controlled. In fact, borders remain a main source not only of labour inefficiencies, but also of human suffering and injustices. These circumstances have prompted scholars to call for open borders for people and for no border. In this article, I review the various philosophical and empirical perspectives based on which scholars have argued for open borders and no border. These perspectives include liberal political-theory, market-economy, political-economy, and other perspectives. In addition, I discuss the relationships between these perspectives, the role of recent border scholarship in open-borders and no-border debates, and the importance of the open-borders and no-border concepts as critiques of current border policies and practices.
... 5 Michael Samers vraagt zich in dit verband af of wij wellicht nog altijd door de 'Hobbesiaanse spoken' van nationale staten worden achtervolgd. 6 De angst voor chaos in een wereld van vrij verkeer van mensen regeert blijkbaar, constateert hij. Hij roept op tot een niet-teleologisch denkbeeld van de mondiale maatschappij en stelt voor de grenzen te openen omwille van gelijke economische kansen en tegelijkertijd een mondiale staat te creëren om diegenen die fysiek of emotioneel niet in staat zijn of willen verplaatsen te ondersteunen. ...
... Conversely, Marx's eleventh thesis on Feuerbach expresses the responsibility of scholarship to engage in the material processes: "The philosophers have only interpreted the world in various ways; the point, however, is to change it." 11. Samers (2003) brought this quote to my attention. 12. Wittgenstein's (1994, 229, my translation) statement that "the aspect is subordinated to the will" resonates with this assessment (see also Wittgenstein [1945/1946, 1058). ...
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Recent scholarship has pointed out the multidimensional character of national borders and the implausibility of the border as a single and coherent concept. In this article, I build on this scholarship as I discuss how geographers can critically engage in the dialectic of the border concept. To develop this argument, I review some of the existing literature on the concept of the border and cross-border migration and suggest that various material practices and meanings related to borders can be conceived of as "aspects" of the border concept. I argue that the impossibility of integrating these aspects into a coherent concept constitutes an important moment in the dialectic of the border. Critical geographers have an opportunity to engage with this border dialectic by offering meanings of borders that enable new possible border practices. I advocate a democratic aspect of the border concept decoupled from the state and implemented through a multitude of possible practices. I recognize that the consequences of such scholarly engagement in the border dialectic are not entirely foreseeable and therefore require continual reflection.
... Yet, at the same time, as Samers (2003) points out, despite the rise of these liberal and critical voices which argue for the opening of borders, there is no existing liberal state, where in effect liberal democracy is combined with the full freedom of movement. What is more, it could be argued that policies concerning immigration and asylum have only become more restrictive as well as "deeply political" in recent years (Hiebert 2003:189;Preston 2003;Sassen 2002). ...
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  Within the European Union, an internal liberalisation of cross-border labour mobility for EU citizens is currently being combined with the tightening of control and management efforts at the external borders. At the same time, attempts are being made to strategically select immigrants from new member states as well as from outside the EU who will be of economic value. In this paper we argue that by implementing such protectionist and selective immigration policy, the EU has come to resemble a gated community in which the bio-political control and management of immigration is, to a large extent, the product of fear. Often fear manifests itself in terms of fear of losing material gain, eg the anxiety of losing economic welfare or public security. More often, however, this fear relates to the entrance of the immigrant, the stranger and is, as such, associated with a fear of losing a community's self-defined identity. These perceived threats to a community's comfort lead to the politicisation of protection, whereby the terra incognita beyond the border is justifiably neglected due to the indifference and the intentional blindness shown to the outside. Hiding in a gated community in order to protect this comfort zone and trying to exclude outsiders, ‘Others’, from the community, is not only in vain since the desire for completion of the Self can never be fulfilled, but what remains still more troublesome, is that this tendency will sustain and reproduce global inequality and segregation, both in the material as well as symbolic sense.
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What explains the French government’s unwillingness to accept more legal immigrants or at least ignore those who enter or over-stay clandestinely? This paper answers this question by exploring the political economy and regulation of undocumented immigration in France during the 1990s. In light of a broad liberal and Marxist literature on the political economy of immigration, I argue that three ‘proximate determinants’ shape the regulation of undocumented immigration in France (a ‘Europeanized’ security agenda, ‘self-limited sovereignty’ and control of the labour market, especially informal employment). However, these proximate determinants do not necessarily excavate the social relations of power (that is political economy) which constitute the basis for policy making. I argue then that a return to the importance of the labour market (and thus the class and racial constitution of French society) is essential, but without a simple return to Marxist political economy. Instead, I suggest the value of ‘virtualism’ for carving out a new post-structuralist/‘postmodern’ political economy of immigration.
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This article analyzes the extent to which the European Court of Human Rights and the European Court of Justice have developed norms relevant to the status of non-(EU) nationals and the ways in which they have affected domestic law, focusing on the case of aliens' rights in France, Germany and the Netherlands since 1974. The impact of European jurisprudence has been modest and varies across cases. Notwithstanding, a cross-national process-tracing study of the effect of two international jurisdictions serves to identify the requisites for the diffusion of international norms including the attitude towards international law of national judiciaries, the mobilization of legal aid groups, and the preexistence of compatible norms at the domestic level.
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