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Encyclopedia on Early Childhood Development 1
©2008 CEECD / SKC-ECD
Hirsh-Pasek K, Golinkoff RM
Why Play = Learning
KATHY HIRSH-PASEK, PhD
ROBERTA MICHNICK GOLINKOFF, PhD
Temple University, USA
University of Delaware, USA
(Published online October2008)
Topic
Play
Our children from their earliest years must take part in all the more lawful forms of play,
for if they are not surrounded with such an atmosphere they can never grow up to be well
conducted and virtuous citizens. --Plato, The Republic 1
Introduction
The study of play has a long history. From Plato to Kant, from Froebel to Piaget,
philosophers, historians, biologists, psychologists, and educators have studied this
ubiquitous behavior to understand how and why we play. Even animals play. This fact
alone leads researchers like Robert Fagan,2 a leader in the study of animal play, to
speculate that play must have some adaptive value given the sheer perilousness and
energy cost to growing individuals. Researchers suggest that play is a central ingredient
in learning, allowing children to imitate adult behaviors, practice motor skills, process
emotional events, and learn much about their world. One thing play is not, is frivolous.
Recent research confirms what Piaget3 always knew, that “play is the work of childhood.”
Both free play and guided play are essential for the development of academic skills.4, 5
Subject
Despite the many treatises on play, scholars still find the term elusive. Like
Wittgenstein’s definition of game, the word play conjures up multiple definitions.
Researchers generally discuss four types of play although in practice these often merge:
(a) Object play, the ways in which children explore objects, learn about their properties,
and morph them to new functions; (b) pretend play (either alone or with others),
variously referred to as make-believe, fantasy, symbolic play, socio-dramatic play, or
dramatic play, where children experiment with different social roles; (c) physical or
rough-and-tumble play, which includes everything from a 6-month-old’s game of peek-a-
boo to free play during recess6; and (d) guided play7 where children actively engage in
pleasurable and seemingly spontaneous activities under the subtle direction of adults.
Whether play is with objects, involves fantasy and make believe, or centers on physical
activity, researchers generally agree that from the child’s point of view, eight features
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©2008 CEECD / SKC-ECD
Hirsh-Pasek K, Golinkoff RM
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characterize ordinary play. Play is (a) pleasurable and enjoyable, (b) has no extrinsic
goals, (c) is spontaneous, (d) involves active engagement, (e) is generally engrossing, (f)
often has a private reality, (g) is nonliteral, and (h) can contain a certain element of make-
believe.8, 5, 9 Even these criteria for judging play have some fuzzy boundaries.
Key Research Questions
A looming question is whether free play and guided play promote learning or whether
they are simply a matter of releasing pent-up energy for young children. And, if play is
related to learning, is one form of play more advantageous than another? These issues
have dominated the research landscape in the past decade.
Research Context
The findings suggest that both free play and guided play are indeed linked to social and
academic development. For example, Pellegrini10 finds that elementary-aged children
who enjoy free play during recess return to the classroom more attentive to their work.
These children, especially boys, do better in reading and mathematics than do children
who did not have recess. Physical play has also been associated with areas of brain
development (the frontal lobes) that are responsible for behavioral and cognitive control.1
Indeed, a recent study used guided play throughout a school day to help preschoolers
learn how to hold back impulsive behaviors and responses. The so-called executive
function skills (attention, problem solving, and inhibition) nurtured in the guided play
conditions were related to improvements in mathematics and reading.11
Recent Research on Academic Enhancement Through Play
Academically, then, play is related to reading and math as well as to the important
learning processes that feed these competencies. More specifically, there are direct
studies connecting play to literacy and language, and to mathematics. By way of
example, 4-year-olds’ play—in the form of rhyming games, making shopping lists, and
“reading” story books to stuffed animals—predicts both language and reading
readiness.12 Research suggests that children demonstrate their most advanced language
skills during play, and that these language skills are strongly related to emergent
literacy.13, 14 Finally, a review of 12 studies on literacy and play allowed Roskos and
Christie15 to conclude that “play provides settings that promote literacy activity, skills,
and strategies . . . and can provide opportunities to teach and learn literacy.”
Play and playful learning also supports the burgeoning mathematician. A naturalistic
experiment by Seo and Ginsburg16 found that 4- and 5-year-old children build
foundational mathematical concepts during free play. Regardless of children’s social
class, three categories of mathematical activity were widely prevalent: pattern and shape
play (exploration of patterns and spatial forms), magnitude play (statement of magnitude
or comparison of two or more items to evaluate relative magnitude) and enumeration play
(numerical judgment or quantification). Children’s free play contains the roots of
mathematical learning 46% of the time. A recent study by Ramani and Siegler 17
demonstrated that guided play in the form of playing a board game like Chutes and
Ladders also fostered diverse mathematical tasks among lower income preschoolers.
Preschoolers who played the game four times for 15- to 20-minute sessions within a 2-
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Encyclopedia on Early Childhood Development
©2008 CEECD / SKC-ECD
Hirsh-Pasek K, Golinkoff RM
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week period were better at numerical magnitude (which is bigger), number line
estimation, counting, and numeral identification. Finally, Gelman18 found that even
children as young as 2.5 and 3 years of age can demonstrate an understanding of the
cardinal counting principle--that the last number counted in a set is the amount the set
contains. But this skill is only manifest when children are engaged in a playful task.
Recent Research on Social Enhancement Through Play
Free play and guided play are also important for fostering social competence and
confidence as well as for self-regulation, or children’s ability to manage their own
behavior and emotions. In free play children learn how to negotiate with others, to take
turns, and to manage themselves and others.19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27 Play is essential for
learning how to make friends and how to get along.
Barnett and Storm28 also find that play serves as a means for coping with distress. Indeed,
Haight, Black, Jacobsen, and Sheridan29 demonstrated that children who have been
traumatized can use pretend play with their mothers to work through their problems.
Taken together, social competencies such as friendship and coping serve as building
blocks for school readiness and academic learning. Raver23 concluded that “from the last
two decades of research, it is unequivocally clear that children’s emotional and
behavioral adjustment is important for their chances of early school success.” It is
through play that children learn to subordinate desires to social rules, cooperate with
others willingly, and engage in socially appropriate behaviorbehaviors vital to
adjusting well to the demands of school.
Conclusions
The datas are clear. Play and guided play offer strong support for academic and social
learning. In fact, comparisons of preschools that use playful, child-centered approaches
versus less playful, more teacher-directed approaches reveal that children in the child-
centered approaches do better in tests of reading, language, writing, and mathematics.30
More engaging and interesting environments for children foster better learning well into
elementary school.31, 30
Given the findings linking play and learning, it is perhaps shocking that play has been
devalued in our culture. Play has become a 4-letter word that often represents the
opposite of productive work. A recent report from Elkind32 suggests that in the last few
years, 30,000 schools have dropped recess to make more room for academic learning.
From 1997 to 2003, children’s time spent in outdoor play fell 50%. In the last 20 years,
children have lost over 8 hours of discretionary playtime per week. Why? Because many
do not realize that play and learning are inextricably intertwined. When children play
they are learning. Children who engage in play and playful learning do better in academic
subjects than do their peers who play less. The work cementing this relationship,
however, is just beginning to emerge and, at this point, relationships between play and
learning are largely based on correlational evidence. In the next decade, we must do more
to compare the relationship of play to the learning of academic and social outcomes in
controlled and empirical ways.
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©2008 CEECD / SKC-ECD
Hirsh-Pasek K, Golinkoff RM
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Implications
Play is, thus, central for school readiness and school performance. It might also play an
important role in preparing children for the global world beyond the classroom. Business
leaders suggest that in the knowledge age, success will depend on children having a
toolkit of skills that include collaboration (teamwork, social competence), content (e.g.,
reading, math, science, history), communication (oral and written), creative innovation,
and confidence (taking risks and learning from failure). Each of these “Five Cs” is
nurtured in playful learning.
In sum: Play = Learning. As children move from the sandbox to the boardroom, play
should be the cornerstone of their education. The research is clear: Playful pedagogy
supports social-emotional and academic strengths while instilling a love of learning.
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To cite this document:
Hirsh-Pasek K, Golinkoff RM. Why play=learning. In: Tremblay RE, Boivin M, Peters RDeV, eds.
Encyclopedia on Early Childhood Development [online]. Montreal, Quebec: Centre of Excellence for Early
Childhood Development and Strategic Knowledge Cluster on Early Child Development; 2008:1-6.
Available at: http://www.child-encyclopedia.com/documents/Hirsh-Pasek-GolinkoffANGxp.pdf. Accessed
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we want to help children get ready for school and succeed there. We know that children—especially low-income, minority children—often have difficulty with school mathematics and science, usually beginning around the third grade. Perhaps intensive early mathematics education can provide the "basics" that can help prepare them to achieve at an acceptable level. At the same time, we do not wish to pressure young children, to subject them to harsh forms of instruction, and to impose on them material they are not ready to learn. We do not want a "push down curriculum" forcing young children to engage in developmentally inappropriate forms of written drill and practice in mathematics. Our desire to prepare children for school success (and to avoid school failure) thus clashes with our reluctance to impose inappropriate forms of teaching on young children. This conflict then raises several basic questions: Are there approaches to early mathematics instruction that are developmentally appropriate for young children and that can help prepare them for school? Can these approaches be both enjoyable and effective for all children—including low-income minority children?
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When preschoolers count to check their arithmetic predictions, their counts are better than when they simply count a set of items on count-only tasks. This is so even for 2 1/2- and 3-year-olds dealing with small values. Such results lend support to the view that learning about verbal counting benefits from a nonverbal count-arithmetic system and challenge theories that place understanding of verbal counting at 4 1/2 or 5 years. That preschoolers readily engage in predicting-and-checking number tasks has implications for educational programs.
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This study investigated the effects of two types of intervention on preschoolers' play patterns and literacy development. Theme-related literacy materials were added to the dramatic play areas used by 32 children in one teacher's morning and afternoon preschool classes. The two classes were randomly assigned to different treatments: (a) Materials Only, in which literacy materials were available in play areas, but no attempt was made by the teacher to encourage children to use the materials in their play; and (b) Materials Plus Adult Involvement, in which the teacher used suggestions and modeling to encourage children to incorporate the literacy materials into their dramatic play. Before and after the 20-week treatment period, assessments were made of the children's free play behavior and literacy development. Six months later, the literacy assessments were administered for a third time. Quantitative and qualitative play observations revealed that the Materials Plus Involvement treatment was more effective in encouraging literacy-related play than the Materials Only intervention. Analysis of the literacy assessments indicated that, while both groups made significant gains over time, there were no significant between-group differences.