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Madhu Viswanathan, José Antonio Rosa, & Julie A. Ruth
Exchanges in Marketing Systems:
The Case of Subsistence
Consumer–Merchants in Chennai,
India
A qualitative study of subsistence consumer–merchants (SCMs) in Chennai, India, reveals that they sustain
relationships in three interdependent relationship domains: vendor, customer, and family. Relying on long interview
data, the authors interpret the subsystems as closed-loop and self-sustaining relationships. Subsystems are
managed by SCMs through buying and selling activities alongside the receiving and granting of credit, and these
activities engender three facets of commitment: continuance, affective, and normative. Different facets of
commitment underlie the relationships in the three subsystems. Through different role-based activities, SCMs
enhance or diminish commitment levels to keep all three types of relationships viable while moving their scarce
time, energy, and financial resources into the domain with the greatest need. Activities and the management of
commitment are performed within 24-hour business cycles, with negligible resources, and in highly unstable
environments, providing valuable theoretical insights and managerial implications that guide recommendations for
firms wanting to serve subsistence markets successfully.
Keywords: base of the pyramid, relationship marketing, commitment, exchange
Madhu Viswanathan is Professor of Business Administration, College of
Business, University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign (e-mail:
mviswana@illinois.edu). José Antonio Rosa is Professor of Marketing and
Sustainable Business Practices, College of Business, University of
Wyoming (e-mail: jrosa1@uwyo.edu). Julie A. Ruth is Associate Professor
of Marketing, School of Business, Rutgers University–Camden (e-mail:
jaruth@camden.rutgers.edu). All authors contributed equally to this
research. They thank Eric Arnould, Barbara Bickart, Suraj Commuri,
Dhruv Grewal, Maureen Morrin, Rachel Oakley Hsiung, Cele Otnes, and
Srini Sridharan for helpful comments on previous drafts of the manuscript.
The authors are grateful for the support and involvement of several non-
governmental organizations and community-based organizations in South
India and the invaluable assistance of S. Gajendiran and R. Venkatesan.
The research was supported by the Centers for International Business
Education and Research funded by the United States Department of Edu-
cation (award Nos. P220A60003-98, P220A020011, and P220A060028)
and research programs at the University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign,
the University of Wyoming, and Rutgers University–Camden.
© 2010, American Marketing Association
ISSN: 0022-2429 (print), 1547-7185 (electronic)
Journal of Marketing
Vol. 74 (May 2010), 1–17
1
Serving subsistence markets, sometimes referred to as
base-of-the-pyramid or bottom-of-the-pyramid mar-
kets, is a promising strategic alternative for compa-
nies involved in product and services marketing (Hammond
et al. 2007; Prahalad 2005; Rosa and Viswanathan 2007).
Some firms have successfully served such markets for
decades through product, pricing, distribution, and promo-
tion initiatives carefully tailored to each market. One such
example is Coca-Cola’s collaboration with small store oper-
ators in India through affordable sizes, unique flavors, and
refrigerators designed for the region’s climate and unreli-
able electricity supply (Kripalani 2002). An increasing
number of global and regional companies have recognized
the potential and are investing in marketing approaches that
make products and services accessible to customers for
whom Western-style retail practices are not well suited
(Hart 2007; Prahalad 2005; Prahalad and Hart 2002). With
aggregate purchasing power in excess of $5 trillion (Ham-
mond et al. 2007), the potential in subsistence markets is
great. As an additional one billion new consumers, mostly
from underdeveloped economies, enter the global market
for discretionary products and services before 2020 (Davis
and Stephenson 2006), this potential will increase
markedly.
The key to marketing approaches that work in subsis-
tence markets is microenterprises. Because reliable employ-
ment and income security are almost nonexistent in subsis-
tence markets, many people rely on microenterprises for
survival (Hammond et al. 2007). As many as half of all sub-
sistence consumers globally may be microenterprise opera-
tors (Prahalad 2005), and between one-third and three-
fourths of employment across developing economies is
provided by the microenterprise informal sector (Roy and
Wheeler 2006). As Coca-Cola and others serving subsis-
tence markets have found, microenterprise operators are
important because they often serve as the critical final link
in the supply chain to subsistence consumers.
Conditions in subsistence markets and what is needed to
reach their constituents is different from what typically
exists in developed markets. On the one hand, people living
in subsistence conditions in general earn less than $2 per
day; lack adequate access to basics, such as food and educa-
tion; have limited literacy and numeracy skills; lack access
to transportation; and, as a result, face limited consumption
alternatives (Hammond et al. 2007; Ruth and Hsiung 2007;
Viswanathan and Rosa 2007). On the other hand, they are
members of densely networked social and kinship commu-
nities (Viswanathan, Gajendiran, and Venkatesan 2008), on
which they draw to offset their lack of financial resources,
access, and skills.
Recognizing the drastic differences in resources and
capabilities of subsistence markets compared with devel-
oped markets is critical. For example, Procter & Gamble
developed an award-winning water-purifying product aimed
at subsistence markets in need of potable water, but the
product experienced slow adoption, and Procter & Gamble
ultimately repositioned it as part of its humanitarian out-
reach (e.g., Ellison and Bellman 2005). The final step in the
distribution process—reaching subsistence consumers—has
proved vexing to the company. Some marketing disappoint-
ments may stem from firms overlooking the marketing
capabilities and approaches already held by millions who
survive by running their own businesses; these are microen-
terprise operators from whom other firms can learn
(Hawken 2007; Simanis, Hart, and Duke 2008;
Viswanathan and Rosa 2007).
Microenterprise operators bridge the gap between
subsistence consumers with significant needs and the
products offered by companies in consumer packaged
goods, telecommunications, financial services, and other
sectors. Recognizing their importance, we attempt to pro-
vide insights into how microenterprise operators in subsis-
tence markets, many of them also subsistence consumers,
manage marketing exchange while balancing business and
family demands. We refer to these people as “subsistence
consumer–merchants” (SCMs) to highlight their dual roles
as consumers providing for themselves and their families
while managing microenterprises that often serve as impor-
tant final links in the supply chain. A theoretical insight
derived from this research is that SCMs operate at the hub
of an interdependent and self-sustaining system of relation-
ships with vendors, customers, and family members.
Another theoretical insight is that SCMs rely primarily on
commitment to develop, preserve, and strengthen those
relationships. These and other substantive insights from this
research have implications for firms that want to serve sub-
sistence markets effectively.
In the following section, we first review theories of
closed-loop systems and commitment that provide the foun-
dation for our thick description of marketing exchange in
subsistence markets. We then discuss our method, including
the context of subsistence markets in Chennai, India—the
research site. The subsequent section is devoted to interpre-
tation; the narratives illustrate how SCMs manage relation-
ships and commitment with vendors and customers and use
their families as buffers while striving for survival. We con-
clude by discussing theoretical insights and providing
managerial implications and recommendations, limitations,
and opportunities for theory building and further research.
2 / Journal of Marketing, May 2010
Conceptual Background
Closed-Loop Systems
Closed-loop systems are sets of activities in which the out-
puts from one activity trigger other activities and intercon-
nected effects, eventually feeding back to the initiating
activity with positive or negative influences that maintain a
stable system (Forrester 1968). Closed-loop systems occur
in nature, such as in ecosystems where small organisms
serve as food for larger ones in chains that flow back to
small organisms when large ones die and decay. They also
occur in organizations (Forrester 1968; Weick 1979) and
families (Cox and Paley 1997). Closed-loop systems must
have positive and negative feedback paths to sustain desired
equilibrium states even when externally induced variations
in system conditions (i.e., externalities) cause the levels and
directions of system activities to stray from desired levels.
Mechanical automobile cruise control is an example of
a closed-loop system. The press of a button to hold a
desired car speed (i.e., system output) activates a speed sen-
sor, which “locks” the throttle to control fuel to the engine.
A shift in vehicle speed when going up (or down) a hill
causes the signal reaching the sensor to vary from what the
driver selected and mechanically opens (or closes) the throt-
tle to accelerate (or decelerate) the engine. The temporary
positive path that produces acceleration (or negative path
that causes deceleration) remains active until the selected
speed is reached and then the throttle “locks” again.
Positive and negative paths create two types of feedback
loops to the triggering activity: reinforcing or positive loops
that raise the intensity of system activities to possibly dam-
aging levels if left unchecked and balancing or negative
feedback loops that reduce the intensity of and possibly
extinguish activities if left unchecked. In cruise-control sys-
tems, the throttle-opening signal that serves as a reinforcing
loop can cause unsafe acceleration and engine failure if left
unchecked. Likewise, the throttle-closing signal can lead to
an unsafe slowdown and possibly cause the vehicle to stop
abruptly. In cruise control and other closed-loop systems,
the coexistence of positive and negative feedback loops cre-
ates a self-regulating array that is necessary for the system
to persist over time in the face of externalities (Forrester
1968; Maruyama 1963), such as arriving at an uphill or a
downhill stretch of road. Closed-loop systems in which all
paths are positive, or in which an even number of negative
paths that cancel one another out exist, are inherently unsta-
ble because repeated cycles through the loops amplify or
attenuate the intensity of each activity until one or more can
no longer be sustained. In contrast, closed-loop systems are
likely to be stable and self-regulating if an odd number of
negative paths exists, allowing for deviation-counteracting
activities when other parts of the system become imbal-
anced (Maruyama 1963).
Three Facets of Commitment
The role of commitment in marketing relationships is well
documented (Anderson and Weitz 1992; Gruen, Summers,
and Acito 2000; Gundlach, Achrol, and Mentzer 1995;
Moorman, Zaltman, and Desphandé 1992; Morgan and
Exchanges in Marketing Systems / 3
Hunt 1994) and is most often operationalized with one or
more of the three recognized facets of commitment: affec-
tive, continuance, and normative (Allen and Meyer 1990;
Meyer, Allen, and Smith 1993). Affective commitment is an
emotion-based predisposition to maintain and enhance a
relationship, captured in statements such as “I enjoy doing
business with Vendor (or Customer) X and hope to maintain
the relationship.” When affective commitment is present,
people are seldom able to explain why they feel as they do
about the relationship. In contrast, continuance commitment
is advanced by exchanges and side bets that create inter-
dependencies between parties over time (Becker 1960). It is
evident in statements such as “Because my vendor gives me
credit in times of need, I buy from him regularly” or “I give
her credit because she is loyal to me and does not buy from
others.” Normative commitment is at least partly dependent
on the approval of parties outside the relationship and arises
when prescriptions for how community members should
behave toward one another are enforced. Normative com-
mitment is reflected in statements such as “My parents
expect that I will purchase from Vendor X as they did” and
“Neighbors need to buy from neighbors and those they
know.” In summary, affective commitment has been
described as parties remaining in a relationship because
they want to, continuance commitment because they need
to, and normative commitment because they ought to (Allen
and Meyer 1990). Building on the conceptual foundation of
closed-loop relationship systems and the three facets of
commitment, we turn to our method and the national and
cultural context of our study.
Method
We conducted this study in Chennai, the fourth-largest city
in India, located in the southern state of Tamil Nadu. We
deemed this site to be suitable for several reasons. First,
subsistence consumers abound in India. Among India’s 1.1
billion people, 80% have incomes below $2 per day, 70%
live in rural areas with scant infrastructure (e.g., electricity,
medical services), and 40% of urban dwellers and 80% of
rural dwellers do not have access to hygienic sanitation
(Population Reference Bureau 2006). Second, while Chen-
nai is home to subsistence markets, people also live in prox-
imity to state-of-the-art products and technology, and it is
not uncommon to encounter people living in poverty who
also use cell phones or the Internet. In mixing the old with
the new, this research setting dispels the myth that modern
subsistence markets can be understood simply by examin-
ing the past of contemporary developed markets and also
emphasizes the potential to learn about and from them.
Third, one of the authors grew up in Chennai and speaks the
native language, Tamil. People living in subsistence mar-
kets, including those in Chennai, typically have low to mod-
erate literacy skills. Being able to speak the native tongue
was essential because informants communicate most effec-
tively in the dialects they use on a daily basis.
Long Interviews and Informants
We chose long interviews for data gathering because infor-
mants would be able to elaborate on beliefs, priorities, activ-
ities, and life circumstances in their own words (McCracken
1988). Following a set of initial interviews to familiarize
investigators with the research setting, long interviews were
carried out with 37 subsistence consumers in Chennai at
local community centers. Informants were recruited through
the centers and a nonprofit organization that provides ser-
vices to low-income communities, such as nutrition for
children and microgrants for starting businesses. The first
author conducted the interviews in Tamil, with the assis-
tence of two Tamil-speaking trained interviewers.
Of the 37 informants, 16 were SCMs, and because of
the importance of microenterprises in subsistence markets,
they became the focus of our analysis (see Table 1). All
informants were in their 30s or 40s and had families with
children, and most were women. Education ranged from no
formal education to completing tenth standard (roughly
equivalent to tenth grade in U.S. schools). Some informants
(primarily male) had rudimentary literacy and numeracy
skills; the majority did not. All SCM informants had been
engaged in the microenterprise for more than one year and
most for more than five years at the time of the interview.
Operating the businesses involved obtaining raw materials,
performing value-added tasks (e.g., preparation, delivery),
and selling, typically within a 24-hour business cycle.
Interviews began with a conversation to elicit back-
ground information on the informant’s life, such as place of
birth, marital and family status, and education level. Inter-
views then proceeded to open-ended questions about the
informant’s current life situation, including work and family
concerns, and behaviors, including buying and selling activ-
ities. Probes elicited a deeper understanding of how SCMs
obtain supplies from vendors, interact with customers, and
manage resources and business tasks. Informants received
small gifts for participating. Interviews were recorded and
lasted 60–90 minutes. They were transcribed in Tamil and
translated into English.
Cultural Context of the Study
To derive meaning from the experiences the informants
described, it is important to understand the beliefs, values,
and customs that guide and direct societal behaviors
(Arnould and Wallendorf 1994). Though changing with
time, traditional cultural values and norms pertaining to
family and social relationships persist in Chennai. Key life
events in the culture are birth, a girl’s coming of age, mar-
riage, and death, each of which is associated with rituals
rich in cultural meaning, norms, activities, and obligations.
For example, making beneficial marriage arrangements for
children is an important parental responsibility and, for par-
ents of women, even more so because wives become mem-
bers of their husbands’ families after marriage. Another
common practice, which is receding only slowly, is that of
married sons and their wives living with the sons’ parents,
possibly along with other brothers and their families (Niran-
jan, Nair, and Roy 2005). By tradition, mothers-in-law help
daughters-in-law develop buying and selling skills so that
daughters-in-law will eventually be prepared to establish
their own households (Kantor 2002).
Providing educational opportunities for children is also
an important parental responsibility. Greater cultural
emphasis for educating sons than daughters is reflected in
lower literacy rates among women (Kantor 2002), though
the incidence of girls being educated to higher levels is ris-
ing. Compared with men, women have more family and
household responsibilities and greater limits on property
rights and mobility. Against such gender-based norms,
macrolevel changes, such as globalization, have led to
expanded opportunities for women to operate their own
businesses (Ganguly-Scrase 2003). It is socially acceptable
for women to establish microenterprises, especially if their
husbands are unable or unwilling to fulfill the family
provider role. Normative restrictions are sometimes placed
on women shopping for household consumption relative to
microenterprises (Hapke 2001). These norms are often
meant to protect women’s moral reputation and their house-
holds’ standing in the community.
The importance of spiritual life is reflected in religious
activities and rituals at temples and festivals that mark aus-
picious occasions. Objects and commodities are trans-
formed into ritual gifts to deities or people, including sym-
bolic offerings of coconuts, prepared foods, and flower
garlands. Belief in “negotiable fate” is characteristic of
4 / Journal of Marketing, May 2010
Hindu tradition in India, in which people believe that they
do not have direct control over their fate but can exercise
some influence on problems within the constraints they face
(Chaturvedi, Chiu, and Viswanathan 2009).
Analysis
The analysis was interpretive and involved reading and
rereading the text to gain insight into how SCMs manage
their businesses. All findings were discussed, challenged,
and clarified, leading to a shared interpretation pertaining to
marketing exchange, relationships, and commitment. We
elaborate on the findings in the next section.
Findings
SCMs and Relationship Systems
When describing why and how they operate their businesses,
SCM informants referred extensively to three different
domains or subsystems of relationships: vendors, customers,
and family members. These subsystems differ not only with
respect to participants but also with respect to roles, activi-
InformantaType of Business Sex Age Marital and Family Status Education
Anita Vadai and bajji (snack) sales Female 46 Married with three children No formal education
Bhaskar Goldsmith Male 32 Married with two children Ninth grade
Charu Door-to-door sales of cleaning
powder and perfume
Female 34 Married with three children;
husband does not contribute much
to the family
Fifth grade
Janaki Milk delivery Female 34 Married with three children;
husband is “not useful” to the family
Sixth grade
Jayashree Homemade pickle sales Female 34 Married with two children; works
with husband in the business
Tenth grade
Malathi Daily flower delivery Female 40 Four children; husband left family
16 years ago
Fourth grade
Malliga Sale of pooja items (e.g., flow-
ers, coconuts) used in devo-
tional practices
Female 49 Married with two children Fifth grade
Narayanan Milk delivery and
provision shop
Male 32 Married with two children Tenth grade
Parvathi Sale of pooja items Female 32 Married with two children; following
injury three years ago, husband
has not contributed to household
income
Second grade
Preethi Seamstress Female 32 Married with two children Sixth grade
Prema Tea and tiffin (light meal) sales Female 36 Married with two children Third grade
Rani Tiffin sales Female 30 Two children; husband recently died
of AIDS
Second grade
Selvi Wood handicraft sales Female 45 Married with three children; works
with husband in the business
Fifth grade
Sita Tiffin sales Female 45 Married with three children; works
with husband in the business
Fifth grade
Vanita Door-to-door sales of snacks Female 35 Married with two children Eigth grade
Vidya Door-to-door sales of
household goods
Female 40s Married with three children and
cares for sister’s child; husband
does not contribute to household
Fifth grade
TABLE 1
Summary of Demographic Characteristics of SCM Informants
aAll informants’ names are pseudonyms.
ties, behavioral norms, and boundaries, all of which affect
the flow of resources into and out of each relationship sub-
system (Voydanoff 2007). Subsistence consumer–merchants
manage relationships within and across the subsystems in
an effort to simultaneously maintain business viability and
generate surplus income to help meet immediate and
longer-term family needs, including survival. We find that
SCMs buy and sell goods and services on a daily basis, that
commitments to and from vendors and customers are cen-
tral to the multiple daily exchanges SCMs perform, and that
the commitments underlying these activities exist in the
context of intricate relationship subsystems that such com-
mitments concurrently sustain. The mutual influences
between relationships and commitments differ across the
vendor, customer, and family domains.
Figure 1 depicts the three key domains—SCM–vendor,
SCM–customer, and SCM–family—and the activities that
emerged as vital to SCMs’ managing exchange and rela-
tionships within and across the subsystems. Furthermore,
Figure 1 reflects several important aspects of the findings.
First, although each business differs in the products and ser-
vices offered, SCMs engage in a common set of key activi-
ties, such as obtaining and extending credit, that contribute
to self-stabilizing relationship subsystems with vendors and
Exchanges in Marketing Systems / 5
customers. Second, SCMs’ activities within the vendor and
customer domains affect, and are affected by, their activities
within the family domain. Third, the subsystems are inter-
dependent. Fourth, consistent with systems theory, these
relationships and activities are shaped by the sociocultural
macrosystem that forms a “social blueprint … of opportu-
nity structures, resources and hazards, life course options,
[and] patterns of social interaction” (Voydanoff 2007, p.
13), as we described previously with respect to traditions,
values, gender roles, and lifestyles in the culture.
Fifth, SCMs assess relationships and make adjustments
within and across subsystems so that the aggregated system
remains viable in the face of within-system pressures, such
as daily sales or supply fluctuations, and external pressures,
such as economic dislocations and capricious government
actions. In particular, we find that SCMs frequently use
family as a buffer when resources to sustain vendor or cus-
tomer relationships run short. Sixth, Figure 1 further depicts
the idea that within each domain, there are both positive and
negative paths between activities. Each of the subsystems
and the aggregated relationship system are self-regulating
because of the presence of an odd number of negative paths,
which allows for deviation-counteracting adjustments
FIGURE 1
Role Performance Activities of SCMs in Vendor, Customer, and Family Relationship Subsystems
Involving nuclear
family members
in business
SCM–Family Relationship Subsystem
Purchasing
from
alternate
vendors
Borrowing
from primary
vendor
Purchasing
from primary
vendor
Paying off
primary
vendor
Responding
to new
customer
demands
Lending to
regular
customers
Responding
to regular
customer
demands
Collecting
from regular
customers
Meeting
immediate
nuclear family
needs
Saving for long-
term nuclear
family needs
Meeting
expectations of
extended family
SCM–Vendor Relationship Subsystem
SCM–Customer Relationship Subsystem
Sociocultural Macrosystems and Externalities (e.g., Illness, Vendor Stockout Conditions)
when parts of the system amplify the intensity of subsystem
activity.
Finally, SCMs’ relationship systems are markedly dif-
ferent from those in other markets in the almost complete
absence of economic and institutional mechanisms that aim
to stabilize and sustain exchange, such as regulated finan-
cial service providers. Because such resources are rarely
available, SCMs rely almost exclusively on interpersonal
relationships and the commitments that develop within
them to sustain their businesses. Although relationship sys-
tems and their sustaining commitments are present in other
markets, we find that commitments in subsistence markets
are striking in both their intensity and their influence on the
exchange process. In the following sections, we elaborate
on the commitments within the SCM–vendor, SCM–
customer, and SCM–family relationship subsystems that
sustain closed loops and the paths between subsystems
emerging from our analysis.
The SCM–Vendor Relationship Subsystem and
Commitment
The SCM–vendor subsystem reflects key exchange part-
ners—primary and alternate vendors—and business activi-
ties performed by SCMs to obtain supplies. A key activity
in marketing exchange systems is financing purchases, but
SCMs seldom have cash reserves. When SCMs need credit,
a frequent occurrence, they turn first to their primary vendor.
Suppose the bill exceeds 200 rupees [US$4]. I would tell
[the primary vendor] that I would give the balance amount
of 50 rupees tomorrow. He would say OK and accept it
since we buy regularly. He gives us [credit] based on trust.
That’s all. (Narayanan, delivering milk and operating a
provision shop for seven years)
Loans from vendors are not awarded lightly and are
extended only to known SCMs. In turn, prompt repayment
increases the amount SCMs can borrow in the future. Thus,
borrowing and purchasing cycles and borrowing and paying-
off cycles with primary vendors (see the positive paths in
Figure 1) are important recurring activities that distinguish
primary and alternate vendor relationships. Paying off loans
from primary vendors enables SCMs to increase purchase
volumes, in turn allowing for future and possibly larger
loans from primary vendors. Thus, borrowing from, paying
off, and purchasing from a primary vendor involve positive
outcome paths and form a reinforcing loop (see Figure 1).
Subsistence consumer–merchants receive credit only if
long-standing continuance commitment exists between the
SCM and the primary vendor. Repeated cycles of purchas-
ing, borrowing, and repaying both enhance and extend the
SCM’s business with the primary vendor and curtail SCM
purchases from alternate vendors, the latter reflected by the
negative path between borrowing from a primary vendor
and purchasing from alternate vendors (see Figure 1).
Thus, primary vendors are important marketing
exchange partners, and SCMs allocate significant time,
attention, and financial resources toward developing and
maintaining them.
I wouldn’t go to other shops. I buy from that particular
shop. I visit Parry’s [an alternate vendor] to buy appalam
6 / Journal of Marketing, May 2010
(snacks) if he [the primary vendor] is out of stock. [The
primary vendor] would give [credit] if we don’t have suf-
ficient cash. I would say, “Shopkeeper, today I have no
sufficient amount. I am with problems. You give the items
on credit. I would settle it immediately after the sales.”
The shopkeeper would accept it and give us [the items].
He knows the people who repay promptly. He would con-
sider our request very sympathetically, as we are poor and
struggle for life, and give credit to us [the items]. We
would pay him back immediately after sales. As he is an
acquainted person, we should think before changing the
shop just because of lower rates [elsewhere]. Because he
is an acquainted person, we couldn’t just ignore him eas-
ily. We too should do something to help him. (Vanita, sell-
ing packaged snacks door to door for ten years)
Because of the pervasiveness of poverty, little stigma is
associated with seeking credit. Yet only those who are well
known through repeated transactions are granted credit. As
do other SCMs, Vanita displays continuance commitment,
which is evident in her reference to a long history of
exchange with her primary vendor. A history of borrowing,
purchasing, and repaying leads SCMs to depend more on
that vendor because it becomes easier to obtain credit as
needed in the future. At the same time, vendors become
dependent on regular SCMs to pay outstanding debts and
make purchases daily, given that most vendors are also
SCMs who benefit from predictability in transaction vol-
umes. Thus, interdependence arises from repeated cycles of
exchange because past transactions shape current ones and
relationship expectations into the future.
Repeated activity based on continuance commitment
may give rise to other forms, such as affective commitment.
For example, Vanita views her primary vendor as “sympa-
thetic,” believing that he cares about her at some level.
Because he is “an acquainted person,” positive feelings
based on familiarity may lie behind her wanting to “think
before changing the shop” and rationalizing future purchases
because “we couldn’t just ignore him easily.” In effect, two
facets of commitment inform Vanita’s expectations for this
relationship: continuance commitment to future cycles of
borrowing, purchasing, and repaying because of transac-
tional interdependencies and affective commitment engen-
dered by a dissonance-reducing rationalization of past and
present behaviors that motivates and justifies future
exchanges (Brickman 1987; Johnson 1991).
In addition to offering credit, vendors use other market-
ing practices to secure continuance and affective commit-
ments from SCMs, such as holding prices steady from one
day to the next.
Since we buy from them regularly, they charge the same
rate [each day]. They charge 46 rupees for oil, [but] if we
buy the same oil from another place [and they find out],
they would charge 47 or 48 rupees. The price would be
higher if we buy from other shops. (Anita, preparing and
selling snacks for more than five years)
Here, the prospect of predictable prices builds continuance
commitment and loyalty. At the same time, affective com-
mitment is buttressed because SCMs fear being punished
with higher prices if they do not remain loyal to the primary
vendor. Likewise, product quality assurance and favorable
return policies are marketing practices that also reinforce
SCMs’ commitments.
We became known to each other and buy from there only.
They would provide quality coconuts. If we buy here and
there [from other vendors], they won’t give good
coconuts, and they won’t exchange the rotten ones. Some-
times they may exchange the sizes, but they won’t provide
other facilities [services]. So, if there were one or two rot-
ten coconuts, they would take it back and give us good
ones. That was why I buy from the same shop. (Parvathi,
selling pooja items used in devotional practices for three
years)
Parvathi holds continuance commitment and expects that
her primary vendor will exchange the rotten coconuts,
which she could not resell (especially because of their unac-
ceptable symbolism as spiritual offerings), as well as pro-
vide other value-added services if she remains loyal (and
the vendor has continuance commitment to her). We do not
observe any evidence of Parvathi holding affective commit-
ment, but her confidence that the vendor will exchange bad
coconuts suggests fewer worries that may in turn lead to
low-level affective commitment toward the vendor.
However, the cycle of borrowing, paying off, and pur-
chasing from the primary vendor forms a reinforcing closed
loop that, if left unchecked, could lead to damaging depen-
dency levels and power imbalances in the relationship. Off-
setting this reinforcing loop are purchases from alternate
vendors. Because of the limited resources and scope of
daily business for most SCMs, purchases from alternate
vendors are almost invariably offset by purchases not made
from the primary vendor (see the negative path between
purchasing from an alternate vendor and purchasing from
the primary vendor in Figure 1). Subsistence consumer–
merchants are forced to buy from alternate vendors by
externalities, such as a primary vendor being out of stock or
having to close the business for a few days to meet social or
religious obligations, such as the wedding or funeral of a
family member in a distant village.
Suppose it was not available [from the primary vendor]
and there was no stock. He would mobilize it from some-
where else and supply to us. Even if they couldn’t mobi-
lize, they would advise us to buy it from somewhere. In
this case, we must have identified an alternative shop
nearer to us. Always we would have two shops that are
located nearer to our place. Suppose the items like
coconuts are not available in the shop where we buy regu-
larly. We would go to other shop that we have identified
already. (Malliga, preparing and selling pooja items for 20
years)
When externalities arise, SCMs are permitted to purchase
from alternate vendors without fear of recrimination if
social norms in the community find such purchases to be
justified; an out-of-stock or unavailable vendor are agreed-
on justifications.
Thus, normative commitment enters the relationship
and feeds the deviation-counteracting loop of purchases
from alternate vendors, reducing SCM dependence on the
primary vendor. Exposing SCMs to new options reduces
continuance commitment to the primary vendor and
enhances relationships with alternate ones. This scenario
Exchanges in Marketing Systems / 7
makes the primary vendor vulnerable and helps maintain
the power balance between the SCM and the primary ven-
dor. If the SCM finds it necessary to establish a credit rela-
tionship with an alternate vendor, the SCM is likely to begin
developing continuance and affective commitments with that
vendor, which in turn could lead to a switch in primary alle-
giance if left unchecked (see the negative path between pur-
chasing from the alternate vendor and borrowing from the
primary vendor in Figure 1). Primary vendors are aware of
this possibility and thus engage in relationship-maintaining
activities, such as “mobilizing” supplies from another ven-
dor rather than letting SCMs seek them out on their own.
The sociocultural macrosystem carries with it other
norms that affect the SCM–vendor subsystem and commit-
ments. Community resistance to public quarreling is one
such norm.
It would be sufficient for us if we get our regular cus-
tomers. We think like that, and we don’t fight or quarrel
with them. In our village, our people wouldn’t like these
types of quarrels. We wouldn’t speak like the local people
here who are abusing and use ugly words. We conduct like
this in the business. (Malliga)
Normative commitments compel vendors to complete trans-
actions without open quarreling even if SCMs falsely report
lower prices from competitors. Conversely, if an SCM
objects to a vendor raising prices, normative commitment
compels the SCM to accept the transaction without a public
argument and to pay outstanding debts before transacting
business elsewhere. Because repeated purchase/loan repay-
ment cycles increase continuance commitment, likewise
engaging in such action on account of normative commit-
ment may slow down the SCM’s exit from a relationship. In
such situations, normative commitment works to create
continuance commitment even against declining affective
commitment, which tends to preserve relationships and
maintain stability in the system. Thus, different facets of
commitment can be in opposition in their sustenance of
SCM–vendor relationships, at least for a short amount of
time.
However, norms against open quarreling do not pre-
clude some disagreements from being made public, particu-
larly when other social norms are being violated. More
salient than the norm to avoid open quarrels is the norm to
repay loans. In this sociocultural environment, there is little
social stigma associated with seeking credit, but it is
socially unacceptable not to repay credit that has been pro-
vided, which is reflected in the social humiliation of being
the target of a public quarrel, shouting, and other behaviors
that bring negative social attention.
When [the vendor] asks us to pay money on the day
[when] there was nil business, if we tell them that we
don’t have money now and [they should] collect it the
next day, they would shout at us, “Why do you say that
you would pay tomorrow, while you have agreed and
bought the loan against daily repayment?” (Parvathi)
Social norms allow vendors to publicly denounce SCMs
who are behind on repayment, adding pressure on SCMs to
fulfill obligations to avoid being a target of such social
sanctions. Normative commitments exert pressure on both
SCMs and vendors to further stabilize the relationship sub-
system and keep the business viable.
Given the unpredictability of subsistence markets, exter-
nalities that force purchases from alternate vendors are
unavoidable, causing the deviation-counteracting paths with
these vendors to be activated regularly and the system to
receive reinforcing and counterbalancing influences. The
SCM–vendor relationship subsystem is self-sustaining and
achieves this state without formal contracts or other institu-
tional mechanisms. The system is upheld through SCMs’
relationships with primary vendors that are sustained by
continuance, affective, and normative commitments. Rela-
tionships are kept in equilibrium by business activities that
feed deviation-counteracting loops that become acceptable
when externalities disrupt the system. Similarly, continu-
ance and normative commitments are involved in relation-
ships with alternate vendors, particularly when SCMs need
credit. All three facets of commitment are present in the
deviation-amplifying and deviation-counteracting loops of
the subsystem and make its stability possible.
The SCM–Customer Relationship Subsystem and
Commitment
Perspective, responsibilities, and activities change markedly
when SCMs shift from being buyers seeking credit to being
sellers responding to customer demands, including credit
requests. The differences, compared with the SCM–vendor
relationship subsystem, are reflected in changes in the com-
position of activities, paths, and positive and negative loops.
Much like the SCM–vendor subsystem, SCMs rely on
continuance commitment from regular customers forged
through multiple cycles of lending and collecting payments
(see the positive paths in Figure 1) and affective commit-
ment fostered by dissonance-reducing rationalizations that
motivate and justify their history of exchange. As with
SCMs and their vendors, customers often fall short of finan-
cial resources and rely on credit, typically awarded by
SCMs at the time of need and based solely on the relation-
ship and its underlying commitments.
Two days, even one week [regular customers] would take
to pay [me]. They are all known people who are living
here. They would buy and say that they would pay later. I
won’t trust those [unknown] people and give [credit to
them]. I would give [credit to] those who are living in this
area who are known to me. (Anita)
The cycle of lending, collecting, and responding to regular
customers forms a positive feedback loop that engenders
continuance commitment and interdependencies. Regular
customers become somewhat dependent because SCM-
extended credit provides financial flexibility that customers
need when they do not have sufficient funds. Conversely,
SCMs become dependent on repeat customers, who allow
for some planning of purchases and production. Moreover,
because the need for credit often arises in moments of cri-
sis, the customer’s affective commitment toward the SCM is
built by the ready availability of credit from the SCM.
In contrast to SCMs’ vendor relationships, affective
commitment gives rise to a negative path between lending
and responding to regular customer demands (see Figure 1),
8 / Journal of Marketing, May 2010
a deviation-reduction path that increases SCMs’ latitude in
responding to new customers. That is, the existence of
affective commitment from the customer enables the SCM
to ease up on the continuance commitment–enhancing
cycles of lending to, responding to, and collecting from
regular customers without endangering the relationship. For
example, Preethi has established credit relationships with
regular customers and also a policy of not accepting returns.
[Regular customers] won’t return [the product]. They
might complain that the work was not proper. Then I
would assure them that, hereafter, I would stitch well their
orders. Definitely, they would complain if the stitched
item were very loose to them. We would alter and stitch it
again to get tightness, but they won’t demand us to take
back the stitched [product] and provide them [an] alterna-
tive. It is not like that. (Preethi, operating a garment
sewing and sales operation for seven years)
Regular customers whose continuance commitment has
been nurtured by a history of transactions may not be happy
with simply a promise of doing better in the future, but they
remain customers at least in the short run. In turn, not
accepting returns from regular customers both lowers
Preethi’s potential losses on purchased raw material, such
as fabric, and releases some resources to serve new cus-
tomers (see the positive path between lending to regular
customers and responding to new customer demands in
Figure 1).
Because funds are typically at a premium among SCMs,
collecting from regular customers releases cash resources
with which to purchase raw materials and respond to
demands of regular and new customers (see the positive
paths in Figure 1). However, meeting the demands of either
regular or new customers can seldom happen without some
curtailment in servicing the demands of the other one,
reflected by the negative paths between responding to regu-
lar and new customer demands in Figure 1. As regular cus-
tomer demands are met, new customer demands are less
likely to be addressed, which is reflected in Malliga’s state-
ment about how she manages her pooja business.
If you buy a worship plate from me, you should continue
to buy from me alone. If you buy here and there and are
not buying from me regularly, but visit my shop once and
ask me, even though I have [the product] I would say that
I don’t have [it in] stock. Because [I know that] though
you come to me today, you would buy from another shop
tomorrow. If you have bought from us previously, we treat
you with respect. We will even pack your needs in a bag
and reserve them for you. If we find you in different
shops, we will lose the faith. We would supply if we have
stock. Otherwise, we would tell [customers caught else-
where], “Sir, it is not available now. Since you are not
coming to my shop regularly, I gave it to someone loyal
who asked me just before you.”
The main business priority for SCMs is maintaining rela-
tionships with regular customers, and SCMs often tell them
that loyalty is expected in return for meeting their needs.
Continuance commitment is expected and reciprocated,
reflected by Malliga, who even delivers pooja plates to tem-
ple priests when regular customers cannot make it to wor-
ship, extending credit and charging them for the service at
their next visit. Continuance commitment to regular cus-
tomers can curtail what SCMs will do for new ones, such as
when Malliga sets aside important devotional materials in
short supply for regular customers and turns away new cus-
tomers for the same product. Thus, normative commitment
and affective commitment, along with the harsh reality of
limited resources, are sufficient for a self-sustaining rela-
tionship system between SCMs and customers, with the
added advantage that it can endure the entry and exit of
individual customers.
Contributing to commitments are other activities that
reflect SCM responsiveness to customers. For example,
Janaki, who has run a milk delivery business for more than
ten years, engages in a variety of customer relationship
maintenance activities when her costs increase, an external-
ity and source of friction in these relationships.
We discuss in advance at the milk distribution depot that
we [merchants] are going to raise the delivery charge to
15 rupees since there is a price hike in the market and we
could not manage our families with the ten rupees rate. I
would tell my customers that I raise the delivery charge to
15 rupees from next month. [Some] customers would
accept it, and a few wouldn’t agree, so I would try to
retain as many customers as possible and tell few cus-
tomers who don’t agree [to] the price hike to continue to
pay me at the old rate of ten rupees. I receive it confiden-
tially [and] inform the customers that they shouldn’t
reveal the rate I am collecting from them. I would caution
them that they would be in for a fight with me if they
reveal my rate to others. If I demand [the higher] rate,I
might lose a customer.
By responding to demands, here by the selective adaptation
of the price, SCMs enhance continuance and affective com-
mitments from regular customers. This is even though they
concurrently extract normative commitment by threatening
to instigate a quarrel, which is socially undesirable for the
customer, if the lower price is revealed to others. Offering a
special deal is risky for SCMs because customers who learn
that others are paying a lower price may believe that their
continuance and normative commitments have been vio-
lated, commitments nurtured by the tacit normative expec-
tation that all customers receive equal treatment.
Indeed, SCMs recognize that their responses to one cus-
tomer can quickly become norms to which all customers feel
entitled and that weakening such norms can be detrimental.
I won’t give [a price reduction]. Never. If someone like
the regular customer would ask me for one extra, I would
agree and give. Suppose they buy [ten items] for ten
rupees, I would give one extra. [But] I won’t [sell] for 75
paise. If we give to someone at the rate of 75 paise, then
everyone would ask for the same price. Everyone in this
area would start to ask for 75 paise if I give it once. Could
we afford it? We would incur loss. It would be known to
everyone. We can’t afford it. I look after the business sin-
cerely. Then, I have to cook and wash the clothes for my
family. I spend my time like this. (Anita)
The failure to act in accordance with customary pricing
may be devastating to the business, a risk the SCMs may
take in trying to preserve relationships with regular cus-
tomers. Still, giving an extra item to regular customers may
be acceptable if it is consistent with cultural norms, such as
Exchanges in Marketing Systems / 9
aiding the elderly, who are to be afforded respect by those
who are younger, or the poor, for whom others feel empathy
because of the pervasiveness of poverty in this social
milieu.
I used to charge 22 rupees from the customers who belong
to middle-income families, charge 25 rupees from those
who come from rich families, and charge 20 rupees from
those poor people who are getting low wages. One or two
would question me. I would inform these people that I
charge them only 20 rupees since they are poor and strug-
gle in their life. I would caution them and inform these
ladies not to reveal the rate to others, as I charge them less
since they are economically struggling. They would listen
to me. (Preethi)
Thus, all three facets of commitment are evident in manag-
ing these relationships: continuance commitment in offer-
ing discounted prices to regular customers, affective com-
mitment in seeking discretion from them, and normative
commitment in respecting the elderly and helping the poor.
Other tactics SCMs use to elicit affective commitment
are based on interpersonal communication mechanisms.
When SCMs inquire about the well-being of customers,
they offer a form of social support that engenders affective
commitment in relationships.
I would inquire, “How are you, sir? How is your wife? Do
you have children? Do they attend school?” As I ask them
like that, definitely they would come to my shop in their
next visit. They wouldn’t go to any other shop…. “How
are you and your family members? Are you not feeling
well?” If I ask you like that, you would prefer to visit my
shop only. You wouldn’t go to another shop. (Malliga)
Likewise, SCMs engage in transparent communication to
enhance regular customer commitment. Malathi, who sells
flower garlands for devotional practices, uses transparent
communication when she “informs the customers that I
have tied the flowers with a little gap because the price is
high in the market.” Although she has established a norm to
“knit the flowers closely,” when her own costs increase, she
does not raise prices. Instead, she offers an explanation to
regular customers and makes herself vulnerable by admit-
ting lower-than-usual quality. By eliciting some sympathy
and implying a promise to return to her usual offering, she
seeks positive affect and its associated commitment to off-
set violating the “tight bundles” norm. All of this, however,
is only meaningful to regular customers accustomed to tight
bundles.
In summary, we find that SCMs engage in relationships
with regular and new customers that form a self-sustaining
subsystem and that granting credit and collecting loans
engender continuance commitment from regular customers
while releasing resources to respond to new customers. The
four activities depicted in Figure 1 form a subsystem with
an odd number of negative paths and give SCMs latitude to
respond to externalities. Subsistence consumer–merchants’
tactics, such as short-term preferential pricing and support-
ive and transparent communications, help build affective
commitment, even if SCMs occasionally violate equity
norms in adapting to some demands of regular customers.
As with SCM–vendor relationships, continuance, affective,
the day-to-day needs. (Sita, preparing and selling tiffin for
20 years)
Because of the uncertainty of how each day’s business
will unfold and concerns about family welfare that might
result from adverse business results, within the family sub-
system SCMs focus resources on first addressing immediate
needs, such as food and shelter. Eventually, longer-term
needs, such as saving for children’s education and marriage
arrangements, become urgent and are taken into account in
the daily routine of trading off between family and business
demands.
Filial distance. We find a distinction between the
nuclear and the extended family when it comes to involve-
ment in the business, even if not when it comes to demands
on the business. For example, SCMs deploy their children
as a resource in running the business when the resources of
the SCM approach depletion and even at the possible
expense of children’s education.
Though I am not feeling well or [have a] serious illness, I
should have to go. Even if I request someone else, they
wouldn’t do because they don’t know the houses to be
delivered. It would be new to them. Only known people
can do [it]. As I have children, I would take them along
with me while I go for milk delivery. If I push the cart and
reach nearer to the houses, my children would take the
milk packets and deliver at the houses on the different
floors in the housing quarters. I would wait at the ground
floor and guide them to deliver at which houses. (Janaki)
Thus, a tight link exists between meeting immediate
family needs and involving family in meeting those needs
through the business (see the positive paths in Figure 1). All
three facets of commitment support connections between
business and family activities because social norms dictate
that children do as parents instruct and that parents care for
children (normative commitments), while parents care and
sacrifice for children and children respond in kind (affective
and continuance commitments).
Involving nuclear family members in the business has
positive paths to saving for long-term needs and meeting
expectations of the extended family (see Figure 1). Both are
achieved through the straightforward mechanism of
expanding the business and enhancing its stability, which in
turn sustains resource flow and contributes to meeting
immediate and long-term nuclear family needs and
extended family expectations, such as caring for elderly
parents. At the same time, saving for long-term needs has a
negative effect on meeting immediate family needs because
money saved or paid to lenders for nonrecurring needs, such
as marriage arrangements, means that less is available for
immediate family needs.
We have to meet the family expenses from the business
profit. We must pay the rent and electricity bill. My
daughter’s annual school fee is 3,750 rupees [about
US$75]. We remit the remaining balance to the bank
account, little amounts, and save it. As we feel that we
would spend it if it were cash on hand, we remit it. When
we have a balance amount, then we use it to pay the
school fee. (Sita)
10 / Journal of Marketing, May 2010
and normative commitments all play a role in sustaining
SCM–customer relationships and the business.
The SCM–Family Relationship Subsystem and
Commitment
While SCMs operate microenterprises to better secure their
families’ well-being, families also serve as an important
resource buffer in maintaining the business and its key mar-
keting relationships. Key SCM family responsibilities and
activities vary along two dimensions—time frame and filial
distance—which are reflected in distinctions of immediate
versus long-term nuclear family needs and extended family
expectations.
Time frame. At the heart of starting and managing these
microenterprises is SCMs’ motivation to secure resources
needed to carry out social roles within the family. Common
among SCMs is the belief that self-employment is prefer-
able to working for others because it provides greater con-
trol over generating income and using it to meet family
needs, consistent with the notion of “negotiable fate” that
characterizes the culture. Greater control also extends to the
integration of family into the daily business cycle.
We awake at five o’clock. Immediately after that, we light
the stove, prepare the items, and do sales to our cus-
tomers. My husband and my children join me. We all four
serve the tiffin to customers and simultaneously complete
other activities. We prepare lunch at least for 20 persons. I
slice and cut the vegetables to prepare the lunch while I
serve the morning tiffin to our customers. Then, we take
rest for two hours in the afternoon. Again, we would start
our work by 4 P.M. We would prepare, and the tiffin would
be ready in the late evening. Then, we would wash the
vessels and grind the grains and make it ready for the next
day. Apart from this, we list out and arrange the purchase
of items for business on the next day. We would make it
ready and start the work on the next day morning. (Prema,
preparing and selling tea and tiffin for three years)
Given business cycles that are repeated daily and with
only the rarest of pauses for religious festivals or family
affairs, SCMs’ resources of time, energy, and budgets are in
limited supply and are thus carefully managed. In particu-
lar, SCMs must plan for and manage the possibility that
sales on any given day may fall short of expectations.
Yesterday, since I expected good business, I purchased all
items for 500 rupees to 1000 rupees. But there was no big
crowd. I got the business only for 300 rupees or 400
rupees. [Despite poor sales], we have to mobilize the nec-
essary items for business next day. We have to throw away
the unsold perishable items. We have to adjust and be pre-
pared to meet everything in the business. (Parvathi)
When setting aside money and raw materials for the next
day’s business, it is implicit that immediate business and
family needs compete for funding from one common
resource pool, namely, whatever is generated by each day’s
exchanges with vendors and customers.
He [Sita’s husband] would buy the needs for our shop at
the previous day’s night. We would buy in the day if we
need anything for our family. [If short], I wouldn’t prepare
tea or coffee at the house. We don’t buy in bulk. We buy
Exchanges in Marketing Systems / 11
Implicit in remitting “the remaining balance” is that it is
what remains after purchasing for the next business cycle
and paying off loans, but not after buying all that would be
desired for immediate family needs, such as food for meals.
Some of the negative effect of meeting long-term needs
on meeting immediate ones is offset by varying the level of
family involvement in the business. Family members may
be required to sacrifice their own long-term needs for the
sake of the business or other family members. According to
cultural norms, younger siblings sometimes delay marriage
for the sake of older ones, or girls may be required to forgo
education for the sake of boys’ education. Meeting the
demands and expectations of the extended family, as a
result of deep-seated normative commitments, can also have
negative effects on fulfilling immediate nuclear family
needs or saving for long-term ones (see Figure 1). For
example, unmarried sisters often live with an older brother’s
family if the parents pass away. Because unmarried women
may not be allowed to work outside the home and marriage
expenses are, according to custom, borne by the woman’s
family, the needs of unmarried sisters can consume family
resources that might otherwise be used for immediate or
long-term nuclear family needs, as reflected in Sita’s
experience.
My husband was working in a coffee shop when I married
him. Since his [unmarried] sisters too were in the family,
the income was not sufficient. So, he decided to start a
small tiffin shop on his own. We used it as base and grad-
ually improved our life. (Sita)
Other extended family demands that might impinge on
meeting nuclear family needs include caring for incapaci-
tated parents and meeting the financial obligations of senior
family members.
Adding to the complexities of the family relationship
subsystem in the Indian context are restrictions on the
demands that married women such as Malliga may place on
male relatives:
I have an elder brother. Ten persons are working for my
brother. He has a car, articles [material goods], and he is
well [off] now. Though he is well settled, we never
approached him for [help even though] we were in a
struggle. I did the marriage arrangements well to my elder
son on my own expenses. I provided education to another
son and met all of his expenses. I took care of all without
anyone’s assistance for anything. I have been very thrifty
and maintain my family well. I never approach him. I
never borrowed a single rupee from him.
Malliga’s ability to fulfill her parental obligations was
accomplished with pride, further reflecting her normative
commitment to fulfilling family expectations even beyond
her parents’ lifetime. Meeting long-term needs for mar-
riages and education are norms common among the SCM
informants, giving rise to the positive path between savings
for long-term nuclear family needs and meeting extended
family expectations.
In summary, continuance, affective, and normative com-
mitments play significant roles in the family subsystem.
Affective and continuance commitments are drivers of the
feedback loops among meeting immediate family needs,
involving nuclear family members, and saving for long-
term needs. Parents and children engage in repeated activity
cycles that involve exchanges and side bets, each relatively
small within daily life (e.g., running instead of walking
when delivering milk, taking a smaller portion at meals) but
that contribute to continuance commitment. They make sac-
rifices for each other and, in rationalizing them, develop
affective commitment. Furthermore, normative commit-
ments to behavior standards for relationships among par-
ents, children, and extended family permeate system activi-
ties. The system is self-sustaining because its counteracting
loops accommodate deviation amplification triggered by
externalities, such as a rise in extended family demands. In
turn, these externalities are countered by higher involve-
ment from nuclear family members, a resource that is care-
fully managed to ultimately enhance the meeting of imme-
diate and long-term nuclear family needs through the
business.
Relationship Subsystems as Deviation-Reducing
Mechanisms
The analysis also reveals two positive and four negative
paths that link family subsystem activities to managing
credit from vendors and to customers (see Figure 1).
Because of an even number of negative links, these paths
form deviation-amplifying loops that can destabilize the
overall system. However, given that each subsystem has an
odd number of negative paths, any of the subsystems can
curtail deviation amplification in the aggregate system.
Which relationship subsystem is used to counter deviation
amplification in the aggregated system depends on circum-
stances. The data suggest that deviation amplification is
often counteracted by tapping the reservoir of affective and
normative commitments within family relationships to
maintain continuance commitments in vendor and customer
subsystems. That is, families often serve as buffers.
As long as business is steady, an adequate surplus is
generated to meet needs in both the business and the family.
If sales drop, loans are called, or if customer demands for
credit rise, the surplus dwindles. As a result, many
demands, such as payments on outstanding loans, food for
the family, and demands for credit from regular customers,
compete more vigorously for SCMs’ limited cash resources.
In such situations, continuance, affective, and normative
commitments toward vendors, customers, and family strive
for dominance. We find that commitments to vendors and
customers often take precedence over those to the family in
the short run. This is evident in the experience of Parvathi,
whose business cart was confiscated by government offi-
cials when she was evicted from her selling area, a not
entirely uncommon occurrence in subsistence markets that
typically lack reliable, equitable governance:
There was no business for two or three days. We could not
do anything for the children. We could not prepare food to
provide them. Sometimes I would think like that and feel
sad because we could not do the business when the [gov-
ernment] people arrived. [Evictors] took away all materials
while we were doing good business. It would be very
difficult for us on those times. We have to adjust to all
the difficulties, profit and loss in the business each day.
ings into account to avoid oversights such as the misspecifi-
cation of buyer product adoption processes in the develop-
ment of new marketing theory and strategies and the poor
execution of marketing and policy initiatives (Arnould
2001; Arnould and Mohr 2005). Table 2 summarizes key
theoretical insights derived from the findings as well as
broad marketing practice implications and specific recom-
mendations centered on (1) a systems theory approach and
the key factors at work in the (2) SCM–vendor, (3) SCM–
customer, and (4) SCM–family relationship subsystems.
Theoretical Insights and Marketing Practice
Implications
Systems theory approach. The foundational insight from
the findings is that SCMs operate at the center of a relation-
ship system with vendors, customers, and family members.
They develop, depend on, and maintain this self-sustaining,
closed-loop system of relationships almost exclusively
through continuance, affective, and normative commitments.
Continuance commitment plays a key role with vendors and
customers and develops through repeated exchange transac-
tions involving buying, repaying, and borrowing. In addi-
tion, SCMs assess relationships and whether to invest in
them, maintain them, or, in some cases, actively ignore
them to maintain overall system viability. The subsystems
are interdependent and made highly permeable because
SCMs are at the center of all three systems, moving
resources within and between them through key perfor-
mance role activities, which in turn may increase resources
available for the SCM to satisfy the provider role by meet-
ing family needs.
This systems-based approach complements the network
perspective that is prevalent in current studies of subsis-
tence markets and economic development (e.g., Ritchie and
Sridharan 2007; Slater and Tacchi 2004). The network per-
spective is most useful to marketing knowledge at an aggre-
gate level, in which SCMs are viewed as nodes in networks
and their relationships with other nodes are viewed as influ-
ence vectors going into or away from individual nodes. Sys-
tems theory transforms nodes into emotionally and cogni-
tively capable people who are actively working to remain
productive network members in an ever-changing environ-
ment and whose focus is on those with whom they have
binding relationships. Understanding SCMs as more than
nodes will benefit marketers because it makes salient that
influence flows touching a single node are bidirectional,
interdependent, and under continual renegotiation.
Another theoretical contribution from the systems per-
spective stems from its parallel themes with role-theoretic
approaches to business relationships. Role-theoretic
approaches function at a mezzo level of analysis, rising
above the individual motivations and emotions of business-
people to that of socially influenced roles and governance
mechanisms, but preserving the individual-level focus
demanded by research into business decisions. The research
extends “sticky role” notions of such relationships by illus-
trating the coexistence and comanagement of the business-
person and friend role (Heide and Wathne 2006). While
SCMs’ relationships with vendors have a calculative com-
ponent that is characteristic of the businessperson role, most
12 / Journal of Marketing, May 2010
Keeping vendor and customer relationships viable through
the buffer of family is reflected in Figure 1 by negative
paths from paying off primary vendors and lending to regu-
lar customers to meeting immediate nuclear family needs.
However, sacrificing family needs for the business is a
short-term strategy. Under longer-term pressures, SCMs
may reverse priorities because of normative and affective
commitments within the family subsystem. Reversals occur
when externalities, such as family emergencies, arise or
needs must be met (e.g., family members can no longer go
hungry). In turn, SCMs seek larger loans from primary ven-
dors or exert pressure on regular customers to settle debts
(for positive paths from meeting immediate nuclear family
needs to borrowing from primary vendor and to collecting
from regular customers, see Figure 1). For example, when
Charu cannot work because of illness, she borrows more
from, or delays repaying, her primary vendor. There are
limits to how long the vendor will wait for repayment, as
she reports: “If I don’t go for sales for ten days, I have to
buy private loans to manage.” Such loans often come from
lenders that charge usurious interest rates and enforce pay-
ment through public humiliation.
Because of the risks, SCMs seek such loans only when
options within vendor, customer, and family relationships
are exhausted. Likewise, Sita strives to make timely vendor
repayments but reports that her husband “would advise me
to remit some amount to the bank account” for her daugh-
ter’s tuition at the end of some days. Sita will fail in her
parental role responsibilities if her child is turned away
from school because of nonpayment. Consequently, the
vendor loan may go unpaid for a few days, or customers
asking for loans may be denied by the SCM (see the nega-
tive paths from meeting immediate nuclear family needs to
paying off primary vendor and lending to regular cus-
tomers). If making the school payment requires the family
to go hungry for a few days, the payment takes precedence,
suggesting again that family can be used as a buffer and that
reversals in priorities are implemented to adapt to changing
conditions.
Incurring additional debt, delaying payments and accru-
ing interest, denying customer loans, and increasing pressure
on regular customers to settle loans are risky actions because
they are digressions from repeated business behaviors that
keep alive continuance commitments. While family subsys-
tems rely heavily on affective and normative commitments,
vendor and customer relationships rely more on continuance
commitment and can dissolve if commitment-supportive
behavior patterns are disrupted. Consequently, asking ven-
dors and customers to deviate from expected actions and
business cycles cannot be done often, and families remain
as buffers in the aggregate relationship system that makes
SCM microenterprises possible.
Discussion
Subsistence consumer–merchants exhibit considerable busi-
ness acumen, and the findings offer new insights into
exchange in subsistence markets by highlighting the roles
of relationship systems and commitment. Marketers who
are interested in subsistence markets should take the find-
Thus, a foundational broad marketing practice implica-
tion is that firms that want to work with SCMs should try to
understand how the SCMs operate their businesses in terms
of their relationships in these highly interdependent vendor,
customer, and family subsystems (see Table 2). Subsistence
consumer–merchants have carefully nurtured the system
and its relationships and cannot easily or thoughtlessly
extricate themselves from it. As a result, we recommend
that firms attempting to develop subsistence markets should
Exchanges in Marketing Systems / 13
SCMs purchase from a single vendor and speak openly of
their loyalty and regard for the vendor’s feelings, indicative
of a friend role. A similar duality of roles was noted in con-
sumer and family domains, in which, in a manner of speak-
ing, the SCM acts as both a parent to a child and a manager
of the child’s business performance. Subsistence consumer–
merchants seem comfortable holding both friend and
businessperson roles and switching between them as needed
to meet overall system demands.
Theoretical Insight Broad Marketing Practice Implications Specific Marketing Practice Recommendations
Relationship
systems
approach,
including inter-
dependence
within and
between
subsystems
Understand how SCMs operate their
businesses almost exclusively on the
basis of relationships and commitments
within vendor, customer, and family
subsystems that form an aggregated
self-sustaining relationship system.
•Strive to become a valued partner within the system.
•Conduct targeted SCM assessments to understand
existing system, subsystems, and their interplay.
•Use methodologies such as participatory rural appraisal to
maximize SCM input to the assessment.
Recognize that SCMs are in effect
boundary spanners; understand that
activities within one subsystem influence
SCMs’ ability to manage relationships
and commitments in other systems.
•Design marketing programs targeted within one subsystem
that, in turn, help SCMs balance commitments and
enhance relationships in other subsystems; provide training
for SCM partners to understand, manage, and improve in
all subsystems.
•Design marketing programs to simultaneously benefit the
SCM’s business and family.
•Assist in subsystem overhaul if dysfunctional or exploitative,
while taking care not to meddle.
•Design subsystem- or system-supportive activities, such as
credit programs based on knowledge sharing.
Recognize that relationship systems
are embedded in a sociocultural
macrosystem.
•Externalize or localize select marketing activities to
leverage existing social networks and commitments.
•Offer coproduction opportunities, such as repackaging or
bundles suited to local conditions; adjust brand meanings to
local beliefs.
SCM–vendor
relationship
subsystem
Recognize that SCMs maintain multiple
vendor relationships.
•Be open to SCMs’ multiple vendor relationships while striv-
ing to become a primary vendor.
•Accept deviations in typical transactions to accommodate
changes in SCMs’ needs and the needs of the aggregate
system.
Understand that continuance commitment
is the primary driver of the SCM–vendor
relationship and that continuance commit-
ment is built over time; sustain continu-
ance commitment in relationships and
support SCMs in balancing commitments
to avoid overdependence and exploitation.
•Develop staged relationship-building program to establish
continuance commitment through basic exchange cycles;
follow by expanding scope and size of transactions, prod-
ucts, and services to build other commitments over time
and with foundation of continuance commitment.
•Provide support through credit and training on evaluating
product, pricing, inventory management, and research
(e.g., supplier prices).
SCM–customer
relationship
subsystem
Recognize the importance of all three
types of commitments in this subsystem;
empower SCMs to balance commitments
and have more enduring relationships
with customers.
•Allow for quality variations, price changes, and
customization.
•Facilitate SCMs offering credit to their customers; facilitate
easy, effective recordkeeping.
SCM–family
relationship
subsystem
Recognize that family well-being is a
prominent concern and that family is the
predominant buffer in the overall system;
reduce pressure on SCM–family subsys-
tem as the primary buffer for the aggre-
gated system by engendering different
types of commitment.
•Develop marketing programs with incentives tied to family
development, such as children’s education.
•Provide alternatives to tapping into the family as a resource
buffer. For example, consider appropriate credit options so
that SCMs can address family emergencies—doing so may
help SCMs manage the family subsystem and, in turn, may
help maintain good relationships in SCMs’ vendor and cus-
tomer subsystems, which in turn may work toward building
affective commitment toward the firm.
TABLE 2
Theoretical Insights, Broad Marketing Practice Implications, and Specific Marketing Practice
Recommendations for Firms Seeking Business with SCMs
24-hour business cycle. Firms that work with SCMs in this
manner will likely develop continuance and affective com-
mitments from SCMs by conducting business within, rather
than against, system processes and conditions.
Another implication derived from the SCM–vendor sub-
system is that firms should recognize the importance of
continuance commitment. We recommend that firms
develop a staged relationship-building program to develop
and affirm continuance commitment through repeated
cycles of buying, borrowing, and repaying. Over time, firms
can expand the scope and size of transactions while work-
ing to develop affective and normative commitments. For
firms doing business with SCMs who work with a range of
vendors (e.g., decentralized, local production), we recom-
mend providing support in the form of credit, training to
evaluate products and prices and plan inventories, or con-
ducting market research to aid SCMs in negotiating the
local marketplace of primary and alternate vendors.
Implications of the SCM–customer subsystem.Subsis-
tence consumer–merchants juggle their responsibilities to
regular customers, the core of their enterprise, while serving
new customers. The results suggest that firms should recog-
nize the importance of all three types of commitments in the
SCM–customer subsystem. To foster continuance commit-
ment, firms should avoid programs that emphasize new cus-
tomers at the expense of SCMs’ relationships with regular
ones. Firms should also nurture affective commitment
between SCMs and their customers, which helps SCMs
withstand unavoidable short-term deviations, such as loan
repayment delays. For example, SCMs juggle demand
for reduced prices or customized products, agreeing to dis-
counts while counting on normative commitment toextract
secrecy from their customers. Firms should be sensitive to
SCMs’ need for such practices rather than assume a strict,
rule-based approach. Support systems that make these
business practices tractable and relatively error free are
recommended. Similarly, firms that directly provide credit
to consumers and bypass SCMs may hinder business. We
recommend that firms incentivize SCMs to provide credit
and design credit terms that build commitment between
SCMs and the firm while supporting SCM–customer
commitments.
Implications of the SCM–family subsystem. Because
families are the primary buffer against externally induced
shocks to the system, firms should recognize that activities
that support SCM–family relationships will help SCMs
build their businesses.Firms that become partners in
enhancing the SCM’s business while helping protect the
family from short-term sacrifices can accrue significant
affective commitment. We recommend that firms design
marketing programs that are family supportive, such as
incentivized savings programs targeting long-term family
needs and programs that do not involve usurious interest
rates or exploitative policies. However, nonusurious family-
friendly rates and policies do not mean low rates of return
for companies. We find that SCMs do not object to rela-
tively high interest charges on short-term loans, because
they view such costs as part of the relationship give-and-
14 / Journal of Marketing, May 2010
strive to become valued partners within SCM systems rather
than replacing them, applying Hart’s (2007) “develop native
capability” principles to local marketing initiatives. It is
critically important for firms to assess SCM relationship
systems and involve SCMs in the assessment process. Our
experience shows that SCMs are willing to talk about their
relationships if inquiry approaches specifically designed for
subsistence markets, such as the participatory rural
appraisal (Chambers 1994, 1997), are used. Mapping SCM
systems can help firms grasp the characteristics and condi-
tions of existing system dynamics as SCMs allocate time,
energy, and financial resources within and between subsys-
tems and relationships in them.
Another broad marketing implication of the systems
approach is that SCMs are, in effect, boundary spanners in
systems that go beyond business-to-business or business-to-
consumer dyads and beyond traditional marketing partners
because of the influence of family. We recommend that
firms develop marketing programs targeted within one sub-
system with an eye to its reverberation in other systems,
such as the family. Subsystem-supportive activities, such as
training, will assist SCMs in managing within one subsys-
tem and others and, in turn, will work toward the firm
accruing affective and continuance commitments fueled by
streams of ongoing exchanges. We also cautiously recom-
mend that firms consider offering assistance in overhauling
a subsystem if it becomes dysfunctional or exploitative.
Assistance should be limited (to avoid meddling), based on
a deep knowledge of existing relationships, and developed
with SCM involvement rather than provided using tem-
plates based on business practices in other markets, includ-
ing developed ones.
Yet another broad marketing practice implication stems
from systems being shaped by the sociocultural environ-
ment in which SCMs and their vendors, customers, and
families are embedded. Externalizing and/or localizing
some marketing activities will leverage this sociocultural
environment. We recommend that firms offer some copro-
duction opportunities to respond to local market conditions,
a flexibility that helps SCMs build relationships with their
own customers and vendors. The repackaging of consumer
goods, such as snacks and detergent, into affordable quanti-
ties and service bundling tailored to local conditions (e.g.,
tailored cell phone plans) are examples of SCM coproduc-
tion that builds value and enhances SCMs’ relationships
with customers and vendors, which in turn can build SCM
appreciation for the firm.
Implications of the SCM–vendor subsystem. The find-
ings indicate that SCMs maintain relationships with both
primary and alternate vendors to avoid damaging depen-
dency levels, power imbalances, or even exploitation.
Although firms wanting to develop subsistence markets
may desire exclusive vendor status, the findings imply that
firms should recognize that SCMs maintain multiple vendor
relationships. We recommend that firms aim to be valued
primary vendors. We also recommend that firms be open to
exceptions from standard procedures, such as payment
schedules and amounts, when circumstances demand that
another vendor be given preference within SCMs’ typical
supplier relationships to “release pressure” in the system
when unexpected events occur.
Firms that fail to recognize employees or vendors as
buffers, fail to sustain all three facets of employee and ven-
dor commitments, or fail to reward employee and vendor
sacrifices may not be able to succeed in the long run at
CRM. Additional research is needed, perhaps beginning
with an effort to develop a model analogous to Figure 1 for
firms in developed economies and operating formalized
CRM programs. A systematic exploration of the activities
that generate the most critical positive and negative loops
within the customer, vendor, and employee/organizational
subsystems and the buffers that allow one subsystem to
absorb external disruptions in others would be a significant
contribution to the marketing literature.
Social ties and commitment. The findings also comple-
ment research that shows that social ties (guanxi) can play a
larger role in business relationships when institutional and
organizational constraints are weak (Peng and Luo 2000;
Xin and Pearce 1996) and that commitment is more predic-
tive of individual than of organizational behaviors (Gruen,
Summers, and Acito 2000). Most research on commitment
in marketing has taken place at an organization level (see
Palmatier et al. 2006), which can obscure relationships and
commitments that are shaped by institutional and structural
factors. Building on the notion that commitment is a key
mediator between attitudes and intentions (Garbarino and
Johnson 1999) and that idiosyncratic investments of time
and energy can increase commitment (Anderson and Weitz
1992), this research shows that individual-level rather than
organizational-level commitment can be built and sustained
by interpersonal relationship processes reflected in SCM
buyer and seller role-based activities.
Because of their high dependence on interpersonal rela-
tionships, subsistence markets may be apt settings for addi-
tional research on commitment in buyer–seller relation-
ships. Furthermore, the research provides a foundation for
studies on asymmetry in commitments and outcomes, such
as opportunism. Gundlach, Achrol, and Mentzer (1995)
propose that opportunism may not result from dispropor-
tionate commitment structures, prompting questions that
could be addressed by further research on SCMs. For exam-
ple, is a greater penalty placed on opportunism when inter-
dependence is high, or does interdependence pave the way
for opportunistic behavior to be tolerated because both par-
ties need to survive? The findings reveal the presence of
deviations from exclusivity that are fueled by different
types of commitments, leading to important issues that
should be explored, such as how relationship norms and
normative commitments evolve.
Generalizability and limitations. It is important to
address the extent to which we expect the findings to hold
in other subsistence markets. First, our interpretation high-
lights social norms. While social norms and normative com-
mitment should play key roles in other cultural contexts, the
norms themselves may vary, such as the extent to which
public humiliation or arguing is acceptable. Second,
although many subsistence markets appear to be character-
Exchanges in Marketing Systems / 15
take demanded by uncertainty in the environment. Conse-
quently, interest rates and firm policies do not need to be
loss leaders or “charity.”
In summary, our recommendations are centered on per-
spectives and programs that will help SCMs manage the
system while building business potential. At the same time,
firms wanting to participate in subsistence markets should
try to develop long-term partnerships with SCMs. This
bottom-up approach is well suited for subsistence markets,
given the differences between villages and cities as well as
the lack of organizational and institutional support on which
top-down approaches in resource-rich settings are predi-
cated. Admittedly, SCMs exhibit both strengths and vulner-
abilities, and the latter can be addressed through credit and
training opportunities offered by companies, nongovern-
mental organizations, or governments. For microfinance
and microcredit organizations, we recommend carefully
constructed terms of credit in light of the larger system. For
example, microloans granted to SCMs for business needs
are sometimes used for consumer needs, an undesirable out-
come according to conventional thinking. However, our sys-
tems perspective suggests that such outcomes are not neces-
sarily undesirable when they reflect malleability in moving
resources between subsystems to keep the entire system
viable.
Theoretical Implications, Limitations, and Further
Research
Our theory building and findings also have theoretical
implications for customer relationship management (CRM),
the study of commitment, and other areas of marketing
theory. We discuss each in turn.
CRM. Much of the research into CRM issues focuses on
management of customer data to enhance the satisfaction of
high-value customers while maintaining others and possibly
encouraging some to exit. At high levels of abstraction,
CRM as practiced by marketing-savvy firms in advanced
markets is not radically different from subsistence markets,
because firms want to maintain relationships with vendors
and customers through varying levels of affective (e.g., per-
sonalized interaction), continuance (e.g., enhanced service
to elevate switching costs), and normative (e.g., highlight-
ing industry practices and norms for vendor–customer rela-
tionships in mission statements) commitments. It is also not
difficult to envision that activities that give rise to positive
and negative feedback loops exist in such relationships—for
example, when vendor payments are delayed in exchange
for loyalty.
A contribution of this research to current CRM thinking
is that despite the formality of CRM programs and the large
investments they entail, these programs remain vulnerable
to externalities that upset the equilibrium between positive
and negative feedback loops, and system buffers should be
recognized and managed as such. In some firms, for exam-
ple, employees may be equivalent to family in serving the
role of buffer. To absorb externally induced system jolts,
employees may be asked to work faster or longer or to
accept wage reductions if customer or vendor relationships
are threatened. Likewise, firms may sometimes tap into
ferences in “relationality” (Melnyk, Van Osselaer, and Bij-
molt 2009), further research should investigate whether
female SCMs are more inclined and/or able than male
SCMs to maintain relationships and the overall system we
observe here. Finally, because our insights are drawn from
SCMs who are currently operating businesses, we cannot
assess links among business failure, marketing exchange,
relationships, and commitment. Further research should
focus on other subsistence marketplaces among ongoing
enterprises as well as those that ceased operations.
16 / Journal of Marketing, May 2010
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less socially acceptable for women to engage in business
activities outside the home and beyond male family mem-
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