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Employment Effects of the Football World Cup 1974 in Germany

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Abstract

This study demonstrates that the Football World Cup 1974 in Germany was not able to generate any medium to long-term employment effects that were significantly different from zero. It is the first work to examine the employment effects of Football World Cup tournaments. It is also the first work to undertake a multivariate analysis of the employment effects of a major sporting event outside of the USA. In addition, this study does not arbitrarily determine the time period for the potential positive effects of a major sporting event but instead examines several alternative periods. Furthermore, the study tests for method sensitivity by analysing the data set in parallel with the approaches used in the studies of sporting events in the USA as well as in a fourth modifying estimation approach. In contrast to the conclusions reached in comparable studies, the results are not regarded as a clear refutation of the positive effects of major sporting events.

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... These benefits, though difficult to quantify in monetary terms, are of great importance to the spiritual life and sustainable development of society. Maennig and Porsche (2008) [13] argue that the "feel-good factor" from hosting a mega-sport event can contribute to enhancing the quality of life and stimulating domestic consumption. However, quantifying and assessing these emotional impacts remains a significant challenge in sports economics research. ...
... It is estimated that each event can create tens of thousands to hundreds of thousands of direct and indirect jobs, especially in related sectors such as construction, tourism, hospitality, restaurants, and retail. For example, the 2006 World Cup helped Germany's economy create about 50,000 new jobs, mainly in the service and industrial sectors (Hagn & Maennig, 2008) [13] . Meanwhile, the 2018 World Cup was estimated to have created around 220,000 jobs in Russia, equivalent to 0.3% of the country's total employment (Müller, 2019) [22] . ...
... It is estimated that each event can create tens of thousands to hundreds of thousands of direct and indirect jobs, especially in related sectors such as construction, tourism, hospitality, restaurants, and retail. For example, the 2006 World Cup helped Germany's economy create about 50,000 new jobs, mainly in the service and industrial sectors (Hagn & Maennig, 2008) [13] . Meanwhile, the 2018 World Cup was estimated to have created around 220,000 jobs in Russia, equivalent to 0.3% of the country's total employment (Müller, 2019) [22] . ...
... They argued that there is no consistent positive and statistically significant gain associated with hosting a mega sporting event. In the same vein, Hagn and Maennig [3] state that the 1974 FIFA World Cup in Germany did not generate the expected positive employment effects in the matches' host cities. Gratton and Preuss [4] found no scientific evidence that mega sporting events have any positive economic effects. Some researchers, however, have found some positive economic effects for the host countries of mega sporting events but the magnitudes of the effect are rather small in these studies (see Sterken [5]; Tien et al. [6]). ...
... To date, this line of research on the effects of hosting mega sporting events has produced mixed findings. Baade and Matheson (2004) find that several mega sporting event host cities suffer financial losses resulting from their involvement and Hagn and Maennig (2008) argue that hosting such events does not generate the expected employment effects. In contrast, Hotchkiss et al., (2003) suggest that hosting a mega sporting event positively affects employment. ...
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... He concluded that the growth of these countries was significantly lower during World Cup years. 2 Sterken (2006) found that World Cups have a positive effect but that this effect is limited. Hagn and Maennig (2008) showed that the 1974 World Cup, which was held in Germany, did not generate significant short-or long-term employment effects in that country. Baade and Matheson (2004) showed that, as a result of the 1994 World Cup in the USA, nine of the 13 host cities suffered a reduction in growth. ...
... The researchers were able to reject, at a 5% significance level, any promoters' claims of an economic impact of more than $300 million from the game. Hagn and Maennig (2008) concluded that a hypothesis that the 1974 World Cup in Germany caused an employment increase of 40,923 jobs in the average employment 12/23 levels in the host cities in the period between 1974 and 1988 could not be rejected. Note that non-testing the zero-hypothesis evades from the current "Popper" world of science and is thus unusual. ...
Working Paper
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... Sports events, such as major football tournaments, basketball competitions or the Olympic Games, represent large injections of money into the hosting national economies even before the events start (Dwyer, Forsyth, and Spurr 2005;Matheson 2006). Some authors claim that these events seem to have positive effects on employment and wages (Lozano 2011;Hagn and Maennig 2008), tourism (Golovnina 2002), infrastructure investment (Baade and Matheson 2001) and national well-being (Kavetsos and Szymanski 2010;Kahn 2007). Some literature alternatively finds effects can be negative or nonexistent in the hosting economies (Baade and Dye 1990;Coates and Humphreys 2003). ...
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... 2. The multiple effects of football on crime: an examination of the existing literature A major sporting event can have a variety of impacts. In the case of football, studies have focused on the effects of a competition such as the FIFA World Cup on employment, tourism, sales, overnight stays (Matheson and Baade, 2004;Hagn and Maennig, 2008;Allmers and Maennig, 2009) and on psychological aspects, such as individual perceptions about economic prospects, both at a personal and economy-wide level (Dohmen et al., 2006;Su¨ssmuth et al., 2010). Additionally, there is evidence of the effect of football on illegal behaviours. ...
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Given the recent increase observed in crime related to football matches, we determine the extent to which this private leisure activity is responsible for negative crime externalities. We conduct an Exploratory Spatial Data Analysis and spatial regressions at the census tract level drawing on data for the matches played by Football Club Barcelona and geocoded crime data for the city of Barcelona (Spain); focusing on thefts (mainly pick pocketing) and assaults (interpersonal violence or hooliganism). We find an increase in the number of thefts across the whole city but, especially, in those census tracts within a 700-m radius of the stadium. These results are confirmed by the low number of crimes committed during away matches in the census tracts around the stadium. A similar spatial pattern is found for assaults. Our results provide evidence of a displacement effect of violent supporters (hooligans) towards the stadium on football days. © The Author (2018). Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved. For Permissions, please email: [email protected]
... Moving to papers that perform ex-post analysis, Hagn and Maennig (2008) and Hagn and Maennig (2009) found insignificant or negative effects of World Cups on unemployment using, respectively, data for the events held in Germany in the years of 1974 and 2006. For the event held in the US, Baade and Matheson (2004), using data at the Metropolitan Statistical Area (MSA) level, found insignificant or negative effects of the World Cup on GDP growth. ...
... In general, the research finds, at best, modest impacts from hosting. Hagn and Maennig (2008) argue that the 1974 FIFA World Cup in Germany "was not able to generate any medium to long-term employment effects that were significantly different from zero". Baade and Matheson (2004) estimate that host cities of the 1994 FIFA World Cup in the United States experienced a cumulative loss of at least $5.5 billion. ...
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... Taking into account the scale of this policy intervention, surprisingly little research has been conducted to analyze the overall effects on the economy or to explicitly investigate the effects of public infrastructure investments connected to the 2010 World Cup. 3 Most of this work has been done in advance of the tournament or only shortly thereafter, and merely confines to verbal evaluations and reporting descriptive evidence (Sport and Recreation South Africa, 2013;Human Sciences Research Council, 2011), from which the overall conclusion is that potential (positive) impacts were only short-lived. This skeptical view on the longerlasting effects for economic growth and development is, in general, shared in the literature on mega events ( Baade and Matheson, 2004;Hagn and Maennig, 2008;de Nooij et al., 2011). ...
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This paper evaluates the economic impact of the $14 billion preparatory infrastructure investments for the 2010 FIFA World Cup in South Africa. We use satellite data on night light luminosity at municipality and electoral district level as a proxy for economic activity, applying synthetic control methods for estimation. For the average World Cup municipality, we find significantly positive, short-run effects before the tournament, corresponding to a reduction of unemployment by 1.3 percentage points. At the electoral district level, we reveal distinct effect heterogeneity, where especially investments in transport infrastructure are shown to have long-lasting, positive effects, particularly in more rural areas.
... In order to test the effects of these theoretical deficiencies, numerous researchers have followed Baade and Dye (1988), including Coates and Humphreys (1999;2002), Matheson (2002, 2004), Baade et al. (2008), Hagn and Maennig (2008), Jasmand and Maennig (2008) and Feddersen and Maennig (2010), to name just a few. These economists have performed ex post analyses of the performance of economic variables in local economies in the wake of new stadium construction, mega-events, and franchise relocation. ...
... Overall, this research presents mixed evidence on the economic effects of the Olympic Games. In fact, several studies on sports economics conclude that the economic impacts of the FIFA World Cup as well as of the Olympic Games are minimal (Baade & Matheson, 2004;Hagn & Maennig, 2008, 2009. ...
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This paper aims to assess the long-term effects of the 1998 Nagano Winter Olympic Games on various economic and labor market outcomes in Nagano Prefecture. One-shot and large-size events, such as the Olympic Games, are expected to boost the local economy and create jobs, thus leading to lower unemployment. In addition, the tightening of the local labor market eventually raises wages. Using the synthetic control methodology, we build counterfactual dynamics of various economic and labor market outcomes for Nagano Prefecture, and then compare these outcomes with the actual data for these variables. This allows us to determine how the local economic and labor market outcomes in Nagano Prefecture would have been different had the 1998 Olympic Games not been held there.
... In several cases, as with the Olympics in Sydney and even in Barcelona, job creation has been rather temporary and focused on low-paid employment opportunities (Horne & Manzenreiter, 2006;Lenskyj, 2002). Hagn & Maennig (2008) clearly illustrate how the soccer World Cup in Germany in 1974 was unable to generate any positive employment effects in the medium to long-term. Additionally Lenskyj (2002) emphasised that the Sydney Olympics exacerbated the existing housing gap and that homelessness and housing problems intensified. ...
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... Moreover, 9 out of thirteen host cities suffered lower growth after the World Cup compared to before. Using a similar approach, Hagn and Maennig (2008) could not find any evidence of statistically significant positive benefits to German regions (in the old Federal Republic) from hosting the 1974 World Cup, whether assessed by GDP growth, income growth or unemployment reductions. ...
Chapter
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... The total negative effect was estimated to $9 billion. This study was confirmed on German data from 2006 by Hagn and Maennig (2008) who also found a significant lower output in the year of the tournament. Sterken (2006) found that there was a positive economic impact on growth by hosting the Olympics, but no sign of such when hosting the World Cup. ...
... The indicators that are monitored for congresses and other business gatherings held are the number of business gatherings held, number of conference rooms and seats used, number of business gatherings according to the types, the type of venues where the gatherings were held, number of business gatherings held according to the expert organizer, as well as the total number of days of duration of gatherings, number of domestic and foreign participants, and earnings from business gatherings inclusive of VAT (Croatian Bureau of Statistics, 2011). An insight into the literature can confirm the statistical monitoring of various indicators and impacts, most frequently of business events, i.e., congresses at world congress centers (lee, 2007;Pearlman, 2008;Weber & ladkin, 2005), or, on the other hand, of mega-sports events, such as the olympic Games and World Football Championships (Ahlert, 2007;Faulkner, Chalip, Spurr, & Brown, 2000;Hagn & Maennig, 2008;Swart & Bob, 2005). Compared to the mega-sports events and business events at the world congress centers, the impacts of smaller events of a regional or local character, most often remain outside the object of scientific and expert interest. ...
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Using a panel of international student test scores 1980 – 2000 (PISA and TIMSS), panel fixed effects estimates suggest that government spending decentralization is conducive to student performance. The effect does not appear to be mediated through levels of educational spending.
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Using a panel of international student test scores 1980 – 2000 (PISA and TIMSS), panel fixed effects estimates suggest that government spending decentralization is conducive to student performance. The effect does not appear to be mediated through levels of educational spending.
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Using a standard differences-in-differences (DD) technique and a modified DD technique in the slopes, this paper determines that hosting the 1996 Summer Olympic Games boosted employment by 17% in the counties of Georgia affiliated with and close to Olympic activity, relative to employment increases in other counties in Georgia (the rate of growth increased 0.002 percentage points per quarter). Estimation of a random-growth model confirms a positive impact of the Olympics on employment. In addition, the employment impact is shown not to be merely a “metropolitan statistical area (MSA) effect”; employment in the northern Olympic venue areas was found to increase 11% more post- versus pre-Olympics than it did in other, similar southern MSAs. The evidence of an Olympic impact on wages is weak.
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Local political and community leaders and the owners of professional sports teams frequently claim that professional sports facilities and franchises are important engines of economic development in urban areas. These structures and teams allegedly contribute millions of dollars of net new spending annually and create hundreds of new jobs, and provide justification for hundreds of millions of dollars of public subsidies for the construction of many new professional sports facilities in the United Sates over the past decade. Despite these claims, economists have found no evidence of positive economic impact of professional sports teams and facilities on urban economies. We critically review the debate on the economic effects of professional sports and their role as an engine of urban economic redevelopment, with an emphasis on recent economic research.
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Civic boosters generally have estimated the Super Bowl to have an impact of 300to300 to 400 million on a host city's economy. The National Football League has used the promise of an economic windfall to convince skeptical cities that investments in new stadiums for their teams in exchange for the right to host the event makes economic sense. Evidence from host cities from 1970–2001 indicates the Super Bowl contributes approximately one-quarter of what the boosters have promised and that the game could not have contributed by any reasonable standard of statistical significance, more than $300 million to host economies.
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About one century ago, professional sports became prominent in American public life. During its early years, the business of sports was primarily a private undertaking, financed with private money and played in private stadiums and arenas. But state and local government subsidies to professional sports businesses have proliferated over the past few decades, and economic arguments have been crafted to justify the subsidies, These arguments typically rest on the assertion that professional sports is a significant, even unique, catalyst for economic growth. By this reckoning, stadiums and teams are "cash cows" that expand the economy and enable further public investment in other critical areas. Public funds are increasingly scarce. We must test the argument that professional sports offer an important return on government subsidies. The purpose of this paper is to use economic theory and empirical techniques to assess the contribution of professional sports to metropolitan area economic development in the United States. The study consists of five parts. Part 1 briefly reviews the economic literature on professional sports and urban development. Part 2 discusses the ways professional sports can have an economic impact on an area and explores the challenges inherent in measuring this effect through "expenditure" and "multiplier" analysis.
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The purposes of this study are to present a conceptual framework for identifying and understanding the long-term impacts of a mega-event on international travel to the host country and to apply a component of that conceptual framework in an analysis of international visitation to Korea as a result of the 1988 Summer Olympic Games. Study results indicate (1) mega-events do have a long-term impact on the international tourism to the host country; (2) that impact is greatest in the year following the event and diminishes over time; and (3) in the case of Korea the value of the benefit realized in a three-year period is estimated to be $1.3 billion.
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The full-waveform inversion algorithm using normalised seismic wavefields can avoid potential inversion errors due to source estimation required in conventional full-waveform inversion methods. In this paper, we have modified the inversion scheme to install a weighted smoothness constraint for better resolution, and to implement a staged approach using normalised wavefields in order of increasing frequency instead of inverting all frequency components simultaneously. The newly developed scheme is verified by using a simple two-dimensional fault model. One of the most significant improvements is based on introducing weights in model parameters, which can be derived from integrated sensitivities. The model-parameter weighting matrix is effective in selectively relaxing the smoothness constraint and in reducing artefacts in the reconstructed image. Simultaneous multiple-frequency inversion can almost be replicated by multiple single-frequency inversions. In particular, consecutively ordered single-frequency inversion, in which lower frequencies are used first, is useful for computation efficiency.
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After hosting the 1994 Winter Olympics, the Norwegian national and local authorities expected a ‘big boom’ in tourism; the actual effects have been less than, and different from, the predictions, and 40% of the full-service hotels in Lillehammer have gone bankrupt. This paper compares ex ante theories and predictions with the ex post reality. Reference areas and time-series analysis are used to clarify the counterfactual and internal validity. International comparisons among Olympic hosts identify general patterns. The aim is to help planners of mega-events and other rare projects to improve their forecasting and decisions. Ex post studies can improve the quality of future ex ante impact assessment of unique projects, but it is important to clarify partial, interaction and cumulative effects. Also, much more careful market and cost-benefit studies are needed.
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We use hedonic rent and wage equations to measure compensating differentials in central cities and metropolitan areas with franchises of the National Football League. Rents are about 8 percent higher in the central cities, but this impact may not carry over to broader geographical areas. Wages are about 2 percent lower in areas with teams, but the standard error on this parameter is large. The central city results indicate that sports franchises appear to be a public good. Once these quality-of-life benefits are included in the calculus, the large public expenditure on new stadiums appears to be a good investment for cities and their residents.
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We use hedonic rent and wage equations to measure compensating differentials in central cities and metropolitan areas with franchises of the National Football League. Rents are about 8 percent higher in the central cities, but this impact may not carry over to broader geographical areas. Wages are about 2 percent lower in areas with teams, but the standard error on this parameter is large. The central city results indicate that sports franchises appear to be a public good. Once these quality-of-life benefits are included in the calculus, the large public expenditure on new stadiums appears to be a good investment for cities and their residents.
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This paper explores the impact of professional sports teams and stadiums on employment and earnings in specific sectors in US cities. Previous research focused on aggregate measures of income or employment. We find that professional sports have a small positive effect on earnings per employee in one sector, amusements and recreation, and an offsetting decrease in both earnings and employment in other sectors, supporting the idea that consumer spending on professional sports and spending in other sectors are substitutes. This helps to explain the negative total economic impact of sports found in other studies.
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This study empirically investigated residents’ perceptions on impacts of the 2002 World Cup that was held in Korea and Japan. Factor analysis of 22 positive impact items produced five dimensions and factor analysis of nine negative impact items produced three dimensions. Results revealed that housewives tended to perceive the impacts of the soccer event more positively than other occupation groups. In a comparison of residents’ opinions and perceptions on impacts over two points in time, respondents showed a decrease of mean values on two residents’ opinion items and one positive impact item, and an increase in one negative impact item. Thus, the results indicated that attitudes towards the event are likely to be modifiable with passage of time.
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The purposes of this study were (1) to examine the South Korean residents’ perceptions of the impacts of the 2002 World Cup Games on their communities before and after the games and (2) to compare any perceptual differences between the two time periods. Using the data collected prior to the 2002 World Cup Games, an exploratory factor analysis was performed to identify perceived impact dimensions. These identified dimensions were validated with the data collected after the games. MANOVA and a series of ANOVA tests were performed to analyze the differences in perceptions before and after the games. Significant differences were found in every dimension: benefits of cultural exchange, social problems, economic benefits, natural resources and cultural development, traffic congestions and pollution, price increase, and construction costs. The findings of this study can be used as valuable information for future sports mega-events organizing/governing bodies.
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This study investigates how the construction of a sports stadium affects residential housing values. Hedonic analyses are conducted to assess the price differentials between housing units in close proximity to FedEx Field (home of the Washington Redskins) and comparable units away from it. Using a difference-in-difference approach, the study finds that properties near FedEx Field sold at a discount; however, this price differential was narrowed after the completion of the stadium. Contrary to neighborhood activists’ concern that sports venues adversely affect property values, the findings of this study indicate that a new stadium improves housing values in the surrounding area.
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We analyzed impacts on single-fam- institutional settings. As part of the nationily home prices of eleven, small-scale supportive wide “deinstitutionalization” movement housing facilities announced in Denver during beginning in the 1970s, chronically men- 1989–1995.Using a difference in differences econo- tally ill, developmentally and physically dis- metric specification, we found that these facilities abled, non-violent produced a positive impact on house prices within offenders, recovering 1,001 to 2,000 feet.We attributed this effect to coun- substance abusers, and frail elderly inditervailing externalities (building rehabilitation vs. viduals have increasingly been domiciled resident behaviors) that vary in their spatial extent. in small-scale facilities located in residen- Supportive housing facilities were systematically tial neighborhoods. This “normalization” sited in neighborhoods with declining relative of residential environment, coupled with prices compared to elsewhere in the census tract. on-site and on-call specialized care, is seen This location bias led a conventional econometric as therapeutic bymany policy makers (New- specification to erroneously estimate a negative property value impact from supportive housing.
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Olympic Games may have impacts on income and employment in the host city, but no ex post study has been carried out for European Olympic host cities to date. The present study closes this gap using the 1972 Munich Olympic Games. The data period examined in this study allows for analysis of long-term effects. In addition, the methodology avoids overestimating the significance of the effects. Finally, we report results for all possible combinations of pre- and post-Olympic periods. The results: income in Olympic regions grew significantly faster than in other German regions. In contrast, no employment effects were identified.
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Most papers that employ Differences-in-Differences estimation (DD) use many years of data and focus on serially correlated outcomes but ignore that the resulting standard errors are inconsistent. To illustrate the severity of this issue, we randomly generate placebo laws in state-level data on female wages from the Current Population Survey. For each law, we use OLS to compute the DD estimate of its "effect" as well as the standard error of this estimate. These conventional DD standard errors severely understate the standard deviation of the estimators: we find an "effect" significant at the 5 percent level for up to 45 percent of the placebo interventions. We use Monte Carlo simulations to investigate how well existing methods help solve this problem. Econometric corrections that place a specific parametric form on the time-series process do not perform well. Bootstrap (taking into account the autocorrelation of the data) works well when the number of states is large enough. Two corrections based on asymptotic approximation of the variance-covariance matrix work well for moderate numbers of states and one correction that collapses the time series information into a "pre"- and "post"-period and explicitly takes into account the effective sample size works well even for small numbers of states. © 2004 the President and Fellows of Harvard College and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Article
Baade R. A. and Matheson V. A. (2004) The quest for the cup: assessing the economic impact of the World Cup, Reg. Studies 38, 343-354. Hosting the World Cup, the world's second largest sporting event, is a potentially expensive affair. The co-hosts of the 2002 games, Japan and South Korea, spent a combined US4billionbuildingnewfacilitiesorrefurbishingoldfacilitiesinpreparationfortheevent.Anexpostanalysisofthe1994WorldCupheldintheUSsuggeststhattheeconomicimpactoftheeventcannotjustifythismagnitudeofexpendituresandthathostcitiesexperiencedcumulativelossesof4 billion building new facilities or refurbishing old facilities in preparation for the event. An ex post analysis of the 1994 World Cup held in the US suggests that the economic impact of the event cannot justify this magnitude of expenditures and that host cities experienced cumulative losses of 5·5 to 93billionasopposedtoexanteestimatesofa9·3 billion as opposed to ex ante estimates of a 4 billion gain touted by event boosters. Potential hosts should consider with care whether the award of the World Cup is an honour or a burden.
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This paper presents some results using the sport-economic simulation model SPORT. This model is based on a sport-specific input-output table for the year 1993, which has been integrated into the German INFORGE model. The performance of this model founded on the INFORUM philosophy. The results illustrate the importance of modelling sport-economic activities in deep detail, especially the integration of the system of national accounts. In addition, the results also show that it is possible to calculate the macroeconomic effects of the soccer World Cup, which may perhaps be hosted by Germany in 2006, with regard to the different financing of necessary extensions of public sports infrasfructure. Under favourable conditions-independent of the type of financing of these necessary investments-the staging of the soccer World Cup positively influences income and employment. Such calculations allow the decision-maker to estimate the opportunity costs of their decisions and can be the basis for an extended cost-benefit analysis.
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Using a panel of international student test scores 1980 – 2000 (PISA and TIMSS), panel fixed effects estimates suggest that government spending decentralization is conducive to student performance. The effect does not appear to be mediated through levels of educational spending.
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The World Cup will be the biggest sporting event of 2002, but the Japanese and Korean governments are also hoping that it will be one of the biggest economic events of the year. Impact studies by respected economic research institutes predict a dramatic boost to GDP in both countries. This paper explains how these forecasts are generated and explains the tendency for such forecasts to be over-optimistic. The paper concludes with some policy recommendations for governments and sporting bodies considering hosting such events.
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This paper exploits the significant reduction in impediments to labor mobility in the process of German re-unification in order to identify labor supply shocks in the West German labor market. The focus is on the quasi-experiment of the border removal in the regions situated at the German-German border that faced a massive increase of cross-border labor supply. The results indicate that despite a gain in employment, the border removal was accompanied by a decline in wages and an increase in unemployment relative to other West German regions. Copyright Verein für Socialpolitik and Blackwell Publishing Ltd. 2007.
Bruttoinlandsprodukt der kreisfreien Städte und Landkreise in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Gross domestic product of the municipalities and rural districts in the Federal Republic of Germany). Stuttgart; various years
  • Arbeitskreis Volkswirtschaftliche Gesamtrechnungen Der Länder
The Growth Effects of Sport Franchises, Stadia, and Arenas
  • Coates
Bruttowertschöpfung der kreisfreien Städte und Landkreise in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Gross value added of the municipalities and rural districts in the Federal Republic of Germany)
  • Arbeitskreis Volkswirtschaftliche Gesamtrechnungen Der Länder
Chicago Hosts Opening Game of World Cup
  • Goodman
Economic Impact of the SA 2010 FIFA World Cup
  • Grant
Experience goods and biases in CVM - The case of Soccer WC 2006
  • Heyne