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... Comparatively, the drivers are prone to flee the crash site when the other driver/occupant has the possible injury (Liu et al., 2018;Haleem et al., 2018). The phenomenon can be partially interpreted by the psychological state of drivers (Dalby and Nesca, 2008): they conduct a quick cost-benefit analysis among the successful evasion, the crash injury outcomes, and the consequence of staying at the scene, which eventually dictates their decision-making process of fleeing or remaining. ...
... The study reports that angle, head-on, and side-swipe crash types tend to bring about more serious injury outcomes compared with rear-end crashes for both crashes, among which the discovery is somewhat at odds with the conventional notion that side-swipe crash type commonly belongs to the low-to-medium injury categories along the injury spectrum. A number of studies (Zhou et al., 2016;Dalby and Nesca, 2008) have justified that the drivers have the higher probabilities of fleeing the crash scene when they cause less damage to the other vehicles and thus bear less liability (even if they get caught). Compounded with the postponed rescue time, these findings may elaborate the relationship between the side-swipe crash and the serious injury levels for the hit-and-run crashes. ...
Article
Introduction Hit-and-run crashes occur when the driver at fault leaves the scene without reporting, which could delay emergency response for the victims who are left. For this reason, it is assumed that hit-and-run crashes lead to more serious injuries; however, the research in this area is limited. The objectives of the study are to examine the differences in hit-and-run and non-hit-and-run victim injury severities and to identify the factors that may influence any differences. Methods Quasi-induced exposure technique, an indirect method, is employed to measure the relative crash exposures between hit-and-run and non-hit-and-run crashes using Michigan two-vehicle injury crashes 2012–2014. Random parameter ordered logit model is used to reveal the discrepancy of the factors contributing to victim injury severity. Results We found that the injuries sustained by the drivers left at the scene (victims) of hit-and-run crashes were generally less severe compared to non-hit-and-run driver victims, which may be attributed to the differential crash factors in terms of driver age and vehicle type. The injury-severity contributing factors of hit-and-run crashes differed considerably from the non-hit-and-run crashes. Characteristics such as occurring in rural areas, at nighttime, at intersections, crash type, and alcohol involvement significantly increased the injury severities of the driver victims. Conclusion We inform the hit-and-run literature to suggest a contradiction to the assumption that leaving the crash scene may lead to more serious injuries. This example emphasizes the importance of distinguishing different types of crashes and their contributing factors. We offer an indirect approach that can help to identify underlying factors and reduce bias, which can inform traffic safety methods and serve to propose effective safety countermeasures.
... While these previous studies clearly identify contributory factors, they are limited as they have not engaged with driver accounts of their decision-making processes. Although some research (see, for example, Dalby and Nesca 2008) have utilised small samples of illustrative case studies, no known research has conducted detailed interviews with drivers to identify motivational factors. It is to this we now turn. ...
... The rational escapists contrasted with a group of drivers who described a sense of panic (n = 7) as their main motivation. Previous research has suggested panic or 'flight responses' as a reason for hit-and-run (Dalby and Nesca 2008). Interestingly, panic responses were observed in collisions that included both minor and serious damage and were often related to the 'shock' of being in a collision and the drivers inability to cope with the situation. ...
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Although a small body of research has explored drivers’ decisions to leave the scene of a road traffic collision (hit-and-run), little research has explored how understanding the processes of hit-and-run collisions could inform prevention strategies. Drawing upon findings from a literature review and in-depth interviews with 52 convicted hit-and-run drivers, a crime script approach is utilised as a heuristic device to explore the precursors, immediate aftermath and longer-term aftermath of hit-and-run events. This method allows for motivational factors to be identified. Then, utilising Clarke’s techniques of situational crime prevention as a guiding framework, possibilities for the prevention of hit-and-run are presented.
... In terms of theoretical perspectives, several conceptual models have been proposed in the literature to model a motorist's decision to run, including rational decision theory (Solnick and Hemenway 1994), a simple attempt to avoid responsibility (Dalby and Nesca 2008), economic cost-benefit approach (CBA, Tay et al. 2008), and recently, the subjective responsibility ratio approach (SRR, Jiang et al. 2016). ...
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Objective: Hit-and-run behavior in crashes is a severe offense worldwide because the identification and emergency rescue of any injured road user is delayed. A motorist’s run from the crash scene is especially serious for a cyclist who would be more prone to be physically injured in a bicycle-vehicle (BV) crash. The objective of this paper is to explore potential risk factors that contribute to the hit-and-run (HR) behavior of a driver after a two-unit BV collision. Methods: The data used in this study are extracted from traffic crash records in the city of Durham, North Carolina in 2007-2014. This study uses the skewed logistic (Scobit) model to account for the skewness of the dependent variable (i.e., HR) in the dataset. Results: The Likelihood ratio test, AIC and BIC results show that the Scobit model is preferred to the standard binary logistic model for modeling a driver’s decision to run from a two-unit BV crash scene. Estimation results indicate that, the driver’s tendency to run from a crash scene without reporting it in Durham increases if the bicyclist is a teenager or an adult, a drunk-driving or a speeding driver is involved, when the crash happens at night (19:00-6:59), on a local street, or when the automobile overtakes the bicycle. HR behavior will decrease if the cyclist is drunk, an SUV is involved, or the bicyclist fails to yield. Conclusions: The findings of this study are important and useful when developing countermeasures to prevent BV-HR crashes and to improve cycling safety.
... Research has found that those who consistently violate traffic regulations are more likely to have a criminal history than those who abide by traffic rules (Broughton, 2007;Cohen, McCormick, & Haarhoff, 2014;Rose, 2000). Similarly, drivers with a criminal history or history of traffic-related violations are more likely to park illegally than legally (Chenery, Henshaw, & Pease, 1999), while prohibited or suspended drivers, as well as those driving without a license or current registration, are more likely to be involved in motor vehicle collisions, particularly hit and run offences (Dalby & Nesca, 2008;Harrison, 1997;MacLeod, Griswold, Arnold, & Ragland, 2012;Michalowski, 1975). In other words, there appears to be an association between frequently engaging in traffic violations and crime. ...
Chapter
Automated License Plate Recognition (ALPR) is a technological solution that utilizes mounted cameras to scan and capture alphanumeric images of vehicle license plates. There are two overarching law enforcement purposes of using ALPR: 1) immediate interdiction of persons or vehicles of interest to law enforcement; and 2) intelligence gathering to support criminal investigations (Perin, 2011). Initially marketed with the capacity to scan upwards of 3,000 plates per hour (Pughe, 2006), one utility assessment suggested a more realistic rate of approximately 250 plates per hour (Cohen, Plecas, & McCormick, 2007). Still, ALPR is popular among law enforcement agencies for its ability to detect potential threats to public safety, such as those posed by routine traffic violators, prolific or priority offenders, or terrorists, and it has been implemented in over 40 countries, including at least one-quarter of American law enforcement agencies (Armstrong, Czeck, Franklin, & Plecas, 2010; Roberts & Casanova, 2012) as well as within six Canadian provinces (Armstrong et al., 2010; Quan, 2014). This chapter provides an overview of the technology, discusses various law enforcement applications, and makes several recommendations to ensure the technology is deployed in the most efficient and effective manner possible.
... Although this was the first area that large numbers of psychologists began to employ their skills in, much more opportunity and need exists in the civil justice system. Even in the criminal justice system new roles are possible-such as investigative tasks (Burton & Dalby, 2012;Dalby & Nesca, 2008b). Once trained in general forensic principles and practices, psychologists originally trained in the criminal justice system report an easy fit with other legal forums and a "mixed" forensic practice is common. ...
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Münsterberg initially outlined the promise of psychology applied to the law in the first decade of the 20th century. This great psychologist gets at most a passing reference in textbooks (and an occasional slurred ac-knowledgment) yet his vision for applied psychology generally, and forensic psychology in particular, was accurate, forceful, and presented widely to the general population. The seed he planted was slow in germinating for forensic practitioners yet when it did emerge in the last quarter of the century, Canadian psychologists made disproportionate contributions to the science on which professional applications stood. To understand the de-velopment and future prospects for Canadian forensic psycholo-gists requires a broad view of our teaching, research, and prac-tice and the application of lessons from the genesis of our specialty. The genesis of forensic psychology is usually traced to Hugo Münsterberg whose eclectic interests in the second stage of his career led him to the forefront of many types of applied psychol-ogy (Hale, 1980; Münsterberg, 1922). Benjamin (2006, p. 421) notes that "Münsterberg was a tireless spokesperson for the cause of applied psychology, telling anyone who would listen about the great potential in putting to use the mental facts that psychology had discovered" yet he initially was an opponent to applied psy-chology— endorsing the views of his teacher, Wundt. Münsterberg is responsible for not only planting the seeds of forensic psychol-ogy, but also contributed to the beginnings of business psychology, clinical psychology, educational psychology, industrial psychol-ogy, and the psychology of cinema. Although he was the most widely recognised psychologist in the world in the first two de-cades of the 20th century—reaching an audience of millions with his articles in the popular press— his significant contributions did not receive much attention after his sudden death at age 53 from a cerebral aneurysm as he took to the lectern at Radcliffe College on the morning of Saturday, December 16, 1916. Looking back al-most a century after his death, it is easier to explain the posthu-mous neglect of his ideas due to his strong German partisanship leading up to the entry of the U.S. involvement in World War I (Moskowitz, 1977). What is harder to understand are several myths that have developed in mainstream forensic psychology textbooks about Münsterberg, suggesting that psychologists tend not to be the best historians— even of their own history. As just one example, Goldstein (2003), although acknowledging that Münsterberg is generally credited with founding the field of fo-rensic psychology, undercuts his importance by indicating that Münsterberg wrote relying on his own experience as an expert witness and although Münsterberg considered many legally rele-vant topics in his best-selling 269 page book On the Witness Stand (Münsterberg, 1908), it lacked any references. First, Münsterberg never gave expert testimony— he would have been the first psy-chologist in America to do so if he had. He once gave evidence in court as a fact witness when his own home in Cambridge was burglarized while he was at his summer home. His ground break-ing and best-selling book on forensic psychology contained no references because it was a collection of articles previously pub-lished in popular media such as Atlantic Monthly, Times, Cosmo-politan, and McClure's magazines. How many references appear at the end of a Cosmo article? He did discuss research findings in his popular press articles blending them with his own keen skills of observation. Münsterberg's entry into the amalgam of the law and psychol-ogy came through two murder trials in 1906 and 1907. The first was in Chicago (Ivens) where he was asked for his private written opinion about the evidence (an alleged false confession under hypnosis) by a local psychiatrist (Christison) who was champion-ing the cause of the accused. The correspondence was released to the press by Christison and was met with hostile reactions from the public (Winter, 2012). The second trial was in Idaho (Orchard) where he travelled, as the guest of the authorities there, in order to examine the accused to test the veracity regarding his evidence. The information that Münsterberg gathered from the accused was to be kept from the jury as it was for scientific purposes only. Like his entry into other applied venues, Münsterberg often reacted to
... In this paper, we sketch out some potential links between driving behavior and mental disorders or states that may be considered in analyzing motor vehicle collisions, focusing specifically on hitand-run collisions. Dalby, J. T., & Nesca, M. (2008). Forensic psychology and document reviews. ...
Article
Explanations for driver decisions to hit-and-run have largely been based around a rational choice perspective that suggests drivers consider the expected costs of reporting a collision against the benefits of leaving the scene. Although such an explanation appears plausible, previous research has largely focused upon identifying contributory or contextual factors through analysis of quantitative datasets rather than engaging with drivers in order to understand how they make the decision to ‘run’. This article explores the application of the rational choice perspective to hit-and-run driving. First, it develops an analytical framework based upon the rational choice decision-making process put forward by Tay et al. in 2008. Second, through analysis of 52 interviews with offenders, it examines how drivers structure the decision to leave the scene. Third, a typology of drivers is developed that illustrates that hit-and-run is not always based upon rational decision making. Finally, the article concludes with some implications for further research and the prevention of hit-and-run collisions.
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