Production of San Juan Red Ware in the Northern Southwest: Insights into Regional Interaction in Early Puebloan Prehistory

Abstract

San Juan Red ware pottery was distributed across the northern Southwest from the eighth through tenth centuries A.D., though made only in the northern San Juan region. This paper investigates the concentration (Costin 1991) of San Juan Red ware production through neutron activation analysis of the pottery and raw materials. Production was concentrated in the area of southeast Utah, and within that area it appears to have been produced at only a limited number of sources, possibly by specialized pottery-making communities. These results have implications regarding economic organization, exchange, and mobility.

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Production of San Juan Red Ware in the Northern Southwest: Insights into Regional
Interaction in Early Puebloan Prehistory
Author(s): Michelle Hegmon, James R. Allison, Hector Neff, Michael D. Glascock
Source:
American Antiquity,
Vol. 62, No. 3, (Jul., 1997), pp. 449-463
Published by: Society for American Archaeology
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/282165
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PRODUCTION OF SAN JUAN RED WARE IN THE NORTHERN
SOUTHWEST: INSIGHTS INTO REGIONAL INTERACTION IN EARLY
PUEBLOAN PREHISTORY
Michelle Hegmon,
James R. Allison, Hector
Neff, and Michael
D. Glascock
San Juan Red ware pottery was distributed across the northern Southwest
from the eighth through tenth centuries A.D.,
though made only in the northern San Juan region. This
paper investigates the concentration
(Costin 1991) of San Juan Red
ware production through
neutron activation analysis of the pottery and raw materials. Production was concentrated in the
area of southeast Utah, and within that area it appears to have been produced at only a limited number
of sources, possibly
by specialized pottery-making
communities. These results have implications regarding
economic organization,
exchange, and
mobility.
La cerdmica "San Juan Red ware,"
distribuida a traves de la porcion norte del Suroeste de los Estados Unidos desde el siglo
octavo d.C., hastafinales del siglo decimo,
fue producida unicamente en la parte norte de la region de San Juan. Este articulo
investiga la concentracion (Costin 1991) de la produccion de esta cerdmica por medio de andlisis de activacion neutronica
aplicados a la cerdmica y a las materias
primas. La produccion se concentr6 en el area del sureste de Utah, y dentro de esa
area parece haber sido producida solo en un numero limitado de lugares, posiblemente por comunidades especializadas en
la produccion de cerdmica. Estos resultados tienen implicaciones relacionadas con temas de organizacion economica, inter-
cambio, y mobilidad.
In recent
decades,
anthropologists
have
become
increasingly
aware of the complexities
of non-
hierarchical societies (e.g., Gregg 1991;
Spielmann 1986). Among the many
developments
in this area of research is the realization that
apparently small-scale societies are rarely
autonomous
but instead often engage in complex
and wide-ranging
interactions. Such interaction is
of particular
interest to archaeologists
concerned
with long-term patterns
of change and develop-
ment at a regional or interregional
scale (Doyel
1992;
Ericson
and
Baugh 1993; Hegmon
and
Plog
1996; Shortman
and Urban 1987).
In the northern
part
of the
American
Southwest,
widely distributed
red ware pottery has been an
important
component
of studies of regional
inter-
action (Blinman 1986; Crown 1994; Graves 1982;
Plog 1980, 1986; Triadan 1997). In the earlier
Pueblo
periods
(i.e., A.D. 700-1300) at least three
classes of red and orange wares were present at
different times and
places: San
Juan Red ware
was
associated
primarily
with southeast
Utah and also
with southwest Colorado (A.D. 750-1100,
Bretemitz et al. 1974), Tsegi Orange ware was
associated with northeast Arizona (A.D.
1050-1300, Colton and Hargrave 19371), and
White Mountain
Red ware2 was associated with
east-central
Arizona and was found across much
of the central Southwest (A.D. 1000-1400,
Carlson 1970). Detailed research on late White
Mountain
Red ware has shown
that
it was made
in
a number
of locations
(Triadan
1997). The distrib-
utions of San Juan Red ware and Tsegi Orange
ware suggest that both were important
in ritual
context (Blinman 1989; Plog 1986, 1989).
Prevailing archaeological opinion suggests that
each kind of red and orange
ware was distributed
well beyond its zone of production
(e.g., Blinman
and
Wilson 1992; Carlson
1970;
Foust et al. 1989;
Lucius and Bretemitz 1981; Zedeno 1994). This
Michelle Hegmon and James R. Allison * Department
of Anthropology,
Arizona State University,
Tempe,
AZ 85287-2402
Hector Neff and Michael D. Glascock * Research
Reactor
Center,
University
of Missouri, Columbia,
MO 65211
American
Antiquity, 62(3), 1997, pp. 449-463.
Copyright ? by the Society for American
Archaeology
449

AMERICAN ANTIQUITY
Figure 1. Bluff Black-on-red bowls from Montezuma Creek, drawn by G. J. Earle and reproduced with permission
from Forsyth (1977:Figure 10).
interpretation-which is based on the overall dis-
tribution of the wares as well as general
raw mate-
rial availability-is a reasonable
one, although
it
has not been rigorously tested, particularly
with
regard to San Juan Red ware. The goal of the
research
presented here is to fill some of these
gaps through
a study of San Juan Red ware from
the ninth
century
A.D.
We focus on understanding
the production
of
San Juan
Red ware, specifically
the concentration
or distribution
of producers
across the landscape
(Costin 1991). Such an understanding
of the orga-
nization of production
is a necessary
complement
to studies of distribution
and an important
part
of
research on regional
and interregional
interaction.
That
is, if production
was minimally
concentrated
and the pottery
was made in many locations,
then
specialized production
may
have
been minimal and
the red ware's widespread
distribution can be at
least partially explained
in terms of shared infor-
mation
or perhaps
a common ideology, as well as
some exchange
beyond
the zone of production
(as
was apparently
the case with later Salado poly-
chromes
in the southern
Southwest
[Crown
1994]).
In contrast,
if production
was concentrated
in only
a few areas,
then
production
would have
been spe-
cialized
to some degree,
the pottery may have
been
distributed
through
fairly complex exchange sys-
tems, and models of community specialization
(Stark
1991) may be in order.
San Juan Red Ware in Context
San Juan Red ware is a red/orange pottery
com-
monly decorated
with dark
red or black paint
and
usually tempered with crushed igneous rock.
Bowls are the prevalent
vessel form,
although
seed
jars and other small jars were also made. Three
basic types are recognized:
Abajo Red-on-orange
(A.D. 750-850), Bluff Black-on-red (ca. A.D.
780-950), and Deadman's Black-on-red
(ca. A.D.
900-1100). Descriptions of San Juan Red ware
can be found
in numerous
sources,
including
Abel
(1955), Bretemitz et al. (1974), Brew (1946),
Colton and Hargrave
(1937), and Morris (1939).
We focus here
primarily
on the ninth-century
type,
Bluff Black-on-red
(Figure 1).
450 [Vol. 62, No. 3, 1997

SAN JUAN RED WARE IN THE NORTHERN SOUTHWEST
Figure 2. Map of the northern San Juan region, showing sites used in the analysis. Sites are indicated by dots, clay sam-
pling locations by numbered triangles, and towns by squares. Site D:11:2030 on Black Mesa is 90 km S-SW of the
southwest corner of the map. The Cottonwood Wash site is 42SA12209.
San Juan Red ware is most abundant
in the
northern San Juan
region
(i.e., north of the San Juan
River and between Comb Wash to the west and
the
Animas River to the east) (Figure
2). Small
quanti-
ties of San
Juan
Red ware
are also commonly
found
in areas
beyond
the region, particularly
in northeast
Arizona.
Igneous rocks-common components
of
temper
in most San Juan Red ware
specimens-are
widely available across much of the northern
San
Juan
region
but
are scarce
in other areas where San
Juan Red ware
is found.3
Therefore,
it is likely that
San Juan Red ware was made somewhere
in the
northern
San Juan
region
and distributed outside the
region. We accept this assumption
as a starting
point
for our
research,
and
focus on investigating
its
production
within the northern San Juan
region.
Because San Juan Red ware
is most abundant
in
southeast
Utah, many researchers
have argued
that
most or all of it was made
in this
area
(e.g., Blinman
and Wilson 1992; Hurst 1983; Lucius and
Breternitz
1981).
Montezuma Creek
in easternmost
southeast Utah
is a likely location
for San Juan Red
ware production,
because the pottery
is especially
abundant
on sites along the creek,
and because red
clays are
widely evident
in the canyon
walls.
San Juan Red ware co-occurs with several
gray
and white ware
types that were also tempered pri-
marily with crushed igneous rock; these are
known as the Mesa Verde Series Gray and White
wares (Abel 1955; Breternitz et al. 1974). The
most common types contemporary
with San Juan
Red ware are Chapin, Moccasin, and Mancos
Gray; Mancos Corrugated;
Piedra, White Mesa,
and Cortez Black-on-white. Plain, neck-banded,
and
corrugated gray
ware
cooking pots were prob-
ably made in most households and distributed on a
small scale (Blinman and Wilson 1992). White
ware, usually with black designs, occurs in the
451
Hegmon et al.]

AMERICAN ANTIQUITY
same range of forms as San Juan Red ware (i.e.,
primarily bowls and small jars); thus, the two
kinds of vessels could have been put to the same
range of uses. However, the distribution
of the
white ware
is much
more restricted than that of the
red ware; almost no Mesa Verde Series White
ware types are found outside the region, and
almost no white ware types associated with other
areas are found in the northern
San Juan region
(Hegmon 1995b:Chapter
6; Wilson and Blinman
1988). Furthermore,
different,
apparently
contem-
poraneous
white ware types are found in different
parts
of the northern San Juan
region;
specifically,
Piedra
Black-on-white
and later
Cortez Black-on-
white are found
primarily
in the eastern
part
of the
region in southwest
Colorado,
while White Mesa
Black-on-white is found primarily
in the western
part
of the region in southeast Utah4
(Breternitz
et
al. 1974; Hurst
et al. 1985; Wilson and Blinman
1991). These white ware vessels may have been
made by most households or by small-scale spe-
cialists (Blinman and Wilson 1992; Hegmon
1995a), but they clearly were not distributed
across
long distances.
Thus,
the distribution
of San
Juan Red ware across the northern
San
Juan
region
and beyond transcends
the technical and stylistic
boundaries
apparent
in the gray and white wares.
The use of red ware vessels in areas
where
they
were not produced
clearly cannot
be explained
in
terms
of utilitarian
needs, since these vessels coex-
ist with formally similar and locally made white
ware vessels. Evidence
for the local production
of
white ware
vessels is presented
in Hegmon
(1995a
and 1995b:Chapter
6). Furthermore,
neither can
the restricted
production
of red/orange
pottery
be
explained
in purely
utilitarian
terms. When the pro-
duction of San Juan Red ware declined after about
A.D. 1050, people in northeast
Arizona
began to
make
Tsegi Orange
ware,
which
(in its early
forms)
is quite
similar
in appearance
to San Juan
Red ware
and was also widely distributed.
Thus the produc-
tion of pre-A.D. 1050 red
pottery
only in the north-
ern San Juan
region cannot
be explained
in terms
of the availability
of raw
materials.
The development
of San Juan Red ware coin-
cides with the emergence of some of the largest
early
villages in the northern
Southwest,
including
Site 13 on Alkali Ridge in the mid-eighth
century
(Bannister
et al. 1969:38;
Brew 1946), Site 33 in
the La Plata District
(Morris
1939;
Wilshusen and
Blinman 1991) in the ninth century,
and McPhee
and Grass Mesa villages in the Dolores River
val-
ley in the early and mid-ninth
century
(Kane and
Robinson 1988; Lipe et al. 1988; Wilshusen
1991). In contrast
to earlier
pithouse sites, these
villages had both subterranean
and aboveground
architecture and a full range
of internal
and extra-
mural
features
suggesting
that
they were occupied
year-round. Many also had public ritual
architec-
ture including great kivas and centrally located
"oversized"
pit structures
with elaborate
ritual
fea-
tures
(Wilshusen 1986).
While San Juan
Red ware
is found on all kinds of sites across the northern
Southwest,
several
lines of evidence suggest
that
it
was linked to activities
in large sites and/or ritual
structures.
First,
although
San Juan
Red ware was
present in southwest Colorado throughout its
period of manufacture,
data from the Dolores
Archaeological Program
indicate
that
it was more
common (i.e., constituted
a larger
portion of the
decorated
assemblages) during
the time (ca. A.D.
800-880) when large villages were in use and
when population density was the greatest
(Blinman 1986:Figure 15.9; Schlanger 1988).
Furthermore,
at McPhee Village, San Juan Red
ware is more common at room blocks with large-
scale public
architecture
than at other room blocks
(Blinman 1989). Similarly, on Black Mesa in
northeast
Arizona,
south of the northern
San Juan
region, habitation sites with ritual structures
have
significantly
more San Juan Red ware (and also
Tsegi Orange ware) sherds per room than other
habitation
sites (Plog 1989, 1986). These patterns
suggest that an understanding
of the production
and distribution
of San Juan Red ware
is an impor-
tant component of research on social and eco-
nomic processes including mobility, exchange,
and ritual
organization.
Models of Production
San Juan Red ware was made somewhere
in the
northern
San Juan region and distributed
across
and
beyond
the region,
as is summarized
above. It
appears
that at least some people produced
more
red ware vessels than
were needed
by their house-
holds. Thus, red ware production
was specialized
at some level, in that the number
of red ware con-
sumers was greater
than the number of red ware
producers.
The organization
of the production
of pottery,
452 [Vol. 62, No. 3, 1997

SAN JUAN RED WARE IN THE NORTHERN SOUTHWEST
particularly
specialized production,
has been the
subject
of a large
body of archaeological
literature
(e.g., Arnold 1985; Bey and Pool 1992; Costin
1991; Feinman et al. 1984; Rice 1981; Sinopoli
1988). Although
much of this literature deals with
administratively
complex societies with a high
degree of specialization,
a growing body of litera-
ture is concerned
with production
in less complex
societies including those of the American
Southwest
(e.g., Habicht-Mauche
1993; Mills and
Crown 1995a; Stark 1991; Triadan
1997; Fish et
al. 1992).
Many early models of pottery production
developed
typologies of organizational
forms such
as unspecialized
household
production
and work-
shop production
(e.g., Balfet 1965;
van der Leeuw
1977). In contrast,
recent research has emphasized
the identification
of multidimensional
parameters
that underlie the various types of production;
in
Costin's
(1991) formulation these include
context,
scale, intensity,
and concentration
(see also Pool
1992). In the case of San Juan Red ware, we
assume that the context was one of independent
producers (rather than producers attached to
elites). In addition,
given the absence of any evi-
dence for elaborate workshops or technologies
such as updraft
kilns, we assume that the scale of
production
was fairly
limited and
involved
nothing
larger than interhousehold
work groups (Wilson
and Blinman 1991). Finally, although
intensity
is
difficult to assess archaeologically (Costin
1991:30;
Rice 1991:263),
the presence
of general-
ized household inventories
indicates that pottery
producers
were, at most, part-time
specialists
who
were not totally
dependent
on others for their sus-
tenance.
We focus here on the concentration of produc-
tion, specifically "how specialists are distributed
across the landscape
and their spatial
relationship
vis-a-vis one another
and the consumers
for whom
they produce"
(Costin 1991:13).
Thus, we empha-
size areal and intersite comparisons. In some
cases, specialists may be distributed
throughout
the population
and across the landscape,
such that
each community has a few potters who produce
vessels for other members of the community.
More commonly, specialists are concentrated in
certain
communities,
and the goods they produce
are
distributed to other
communities,
sometimes in
exchange for other specialist-produced goods
(e.g., the Kalinga [Stark
1991]; and the village of
Raqch'i in Peru [Chavez 1992]).
We agree wholeheartedly
with the statement
that research on the organization
of production
should "encompass more than where, when, or
how ceramics were made;
it also includes who is
producing
for whom and why" (Mills and Crown
1995b:2). These questions also are relevant to
research
on regional
interaction.
However,
not all
of these questions can be addressed at once, and
we believe that an understanding
of concentration
is a necessary first step with important
implica-
tions. Thus we focus on answering
two questions:
(1) Was most or all San Juan Red ware made in
southeast
Utah or possibly in just one part
of that
area, or was it made across much of the northern
San Juan region? (2) Within the producing
area,
was San Juan
Red ware's production
widely dis-
tributed
or was it concentrated in a limited
number
of locations?
Because pottery is a complex material that
involves processing
and mixing various
materials,
the link between production
and composition is
rarely straightforward (Arnold et al. 1991). Still,
these two questions
have implications
that should
be testable archaeologically
with data on pottery
composition.
(1) If San Juan Red ware was made
only in southeast
Utah, samples from southwest
Colorado would be indistinguishable
from those
from southeast
Utah; that is, samples from both
areas would be members of the same composi-
tional groups. Furthermore,
we might expect raw
materials
from southeast Utah to fit the composi-
tional groups. If San Juan
Red ware was made in
various locations across the region, we would
expect
to find
different
compositional
groups
asso-
ciated with different areas. (2) If San Juan Red
ware was made at a limited number of locations
within
the producing
area,
we would
expect strong
patterning (Arnold 1978; Shepard 1963) with
well-defined compositional groups that include
specimens from different
sites. In contrast,
if San
Juan Red ware was made in many locations, we
would expect to see more differences between
sites and weaker
patterning
with few well-defined
compositional
groups.
Data and Analytical Techniques
The questions
posed above regarding
the concen-
tration of San Juan Red ware production
and the
Hegmon et al.] 453

AMERICAN
ANTIQUITY
implications they suggest can be addressed
through
analyses of San Juan Red ware and raw
materials from several sites and locations in the
northern San Juan
region.
San
Juan
Red ware
sam-
ples from sites in both southwest Colorado and
southeast Utah were selected in order
to address
the first
question
regarding
the distribution of pro-
duction across the region as a whole. Materials
from several sites of different sizes in southeast
Utah were selected to address
the second question
regarding
the concentration
of producers
within
the producing
area.
Raw material
samples
are also
used to address
both questions. Finally, a single
sample of San Juan Red ware from a site well
south of the San Juan
region was included
to dou-
ble-check the assumption
that San Juan Red ware
was produced
in the region.
The pottery used in the analyses was taken
from excavated
collections dated
to the ninth cen-
tury; all specimens can be classified as Bluff
Black-on-red. Collections
from
the following sites
were included: (1) Nancy Patterson Village
(Thompson et al. 1988), a large site along
Montezuma Creek near large red clay deposits
(which
were also sampled);
(2) Edge of the Cedars
Pueblo (Hurst 1990; Walker 1980), a large site
near Blanding about 20 km west of Montezuma
Creek;
(3) the Cottonwood
Wash
site, 42SA 12209
(Fetterman
et al. 1988), a small hamlet about 40
km west of Montezuma
Creek;
(4) the Duckfoot
site (Lightfoot and Etzkom 1993), a hamlet near
Cortez
in southwest
Colorado;
and (5) D: 11:2030
(Green et al. 1985), a hamlet on Black Mesa in
northeast
Arizona well south of the northern San
Juan
region.
Clays from the geologic formations
exposed in
southeast Utah, as well as igneous rocks and
limonite,
were sampled
and analyzed.
The goal of
these analyses
was to determine
the range
of com-
positional
characteristics
of these
materials,
not nec-
essarily to pinpoint specific sources used by
prehistoric
potters.
Clay
samples
of approximately
1
liter each were collected
from several
points
across
each location and were selected to represent
both
macroscopically
obvious
variability
as well as pos-
sible
stratigraphic
differences
(see Hegmon
and Neff
1993).
Igneous
rock
samples (primarily
andesite
and
diorite)
were collected
from
watercourses,
terraces,
and other
exposures
that could have been used as
sources
prehistorically
(see Hegmon 1995a).
The clay samples are from the Chinle,
Morrison,
Dakota,
and Mancos formations,
which
have different
distributions across southeast Utah
and the northern San Juan region. The Triassic-
aged Chinle
formation
is the oldest of the four,
and
while ubiquitous west of Comb Wash, it is
exposed in only a few locations across the study
area. The (Cretaceous)
Dakota and Mancos for-
mations are the youngest of the four; both are
fairly commonly exposed in southwest
Colorado,
but
they are
much rarer in southeast
Utah.
Finally,
exposures
of the (Jurassic)
Morrison formation
are
ubiquitous across southeast Utah and are also
common throughout
southwest Colorado, across
the northern San Juan
region, and beyond. Many
exposures
of the Morrison formation include dark
red
and
gray/green
clays;
clays of both colors were
sampled.
On Figure
2, sampling
location 1 is from
the Chinle
formation,
2 is Dakota/Mancos,
3-5 are
Dakota,
and 6-8 are Morrison.
The primary
analytical
technique
used in this
research is neutron
activation
analysis (NAA), a
sensitive procedure that determines the bulk
chemical
composition
of a sample.
Because it can
determine the presence and abundance
of trace
elements (present
in only a few parts per million),
NAA is particularly
useful for detecting differ-
ences between clays. Numerous recent studies
(e.g., chapters
in Neff 1992), including some in
other parts of the Southwest (e.g., Bishop et al.
1988; Creel et al. 1995; Crown 1994; Deutchman
1980; Gilman et al. 1994; Neff et al. 1996;
Whittlesey et al. 1992), demonstrate
the applica-
bility of NAA for research
on the production
and
distribution
of archaeological pottery.
Compositional
analyses concerned
with sourc-
ing pottery
must
nearly
always
consider
variability
created
by processing and production
techniques
(Arnold
et al. 1991).
The igneous
rock
temper
used
in San Juan Red ware is potentially
problematic
because it is highly variable
mineralogically,
and
because it contains relatively large amounts of
many of the elements that are often important
in
the interpretation
of NAA data (e.g., iron, cobalt,
chromium,
manganese).
However,
several
lines of
argument
support
the use of NAA. First,
simulation
approaches
demonstrate
that compositional dis-
tinctions between
clays can be detected
even when
sizeable amounts of highly variable temper are
added
(Neff et al. 1988). The potential
for temper
454 [Vol. 62, No. 3, 1997

SAN JUAN RED WARE IN THE NORTHERN SOUTHWEST
NA
* CA Ca and No
Enrichment
/ 3BA
Enrichment of San Juan Red Ware,
Most Rare Earths Nancy Patterson Group /
"^^ ^-<^~ /~~ ~
~K and Rb *K
* YB / Enrichment *RB
*HF Hf andU <: *U - SM / EU
Enrichment \
B , ^'^ ~
/ ^^, ' San Juan Red Ware,
.^^ / (S^ ^sfe ,/Group 1
*TA Ta and Th San Juan Red Ware, * ZN
Enrichment / Group 3 FE
TH / ~~~/ \^^Y~ ~ ~*CS
/ x^. Enrichment of
~~~~~/ x^~~~*
AS Transition Metals,
/ a SC As, and Cs
~~~~~/ \~~~CR
Sb Enrichment
SB
-0.8 -0.6 -0.4 -0.2 -0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8
PC01
Figure 3. Distribution of pottery samples on Principal Components 1 and 3, showing separation of Group 1, Group 3,
and the Nancy Patterson Group. Only reference groups are plotted. Ellipses represent 90 percent confidence levels for
membership in each group. Coordinates of the variables (elements) within the principal component space are also
shown. The principal components were extracted from the correlation matrix of the total red ware data set.
to obscure clay-source compositional
differences
exists only when concentrations
of the group-dif-
ferentiating
elements approximate
or exceed their
concentrations
in the clays (Neff et al. 1989).
Second,
the presence
of clear chemical
differences
between San Juan
Red ware and
contemporaneous
white ware indicates that the presence of igneous
rock temper-in both wares-does not mask
important
compositional
differences (Hegmon et
al. 1995). Finally, petrographic
analysis is not a
good alternative
in this case because of the nature
of the igneous rock sources in the northern San
Juan region. Specifically, the igneous intrusions
(including
some of the ranges shown in Figure
2)
are internally
variable but generally
similar
to one
another,
and
cobbles from
them are
carried,
altered,
and mixed in the drainages;
thus, the provenance
postulate (Bishop
et al. 1982) may not apply
to pet-
rographic
characterization
of the red ware pastes.
Igneous rock tempers that derive from different
intrusions and were subject
to different
weathering
conditions may be distinguishable
with detailed
petrographic
work (Hegmon 1995a). However,
because most igneous rocks in southeast Utah
derive
from the
Abajo
Mountains,
such
distinctions
would not be possible in this area.
The NAA reported
here was undertaken at the
National Institute for Standards and Technology
(NIST), with support from the Smithsonian
Institution's Conservation
Analytical Laboratory,
and at the University of Missouri's Research
Reactor Center
(MURR). Specific procedures
are
described in Blackman (1986) and in Glascock
(1992). The NIST data were normalized using
intercalibration constants obtained
by comparing
averages from replicate analyses of a homoge-
neous check standard,
Ohio Red Clay, analyzed
at
NIST and MURR. The MURR analysis produced
useful data on 32 elements,
and the NIST analysis
produced
data on only 25 of these elements. The
following discussion is based on the 25 elements
determined
in both labs.
Clay samples were processed by drying, mix-
ing with distilled water,
and firing in an oxidizing
0D
0o
t-
0 -
-
6
0)
0
1
01
o
CD
C-)
n~
6
(.o
I
CD
0o
o 1.0
455
Hegmon et al.]

AMERICAN ANTIQUITY
0e)
co
San Juan
Red Ware,
Group 3
Co
C-
Lo)
San Juan Red Ware,
Group 1
+
San Juan Red Ware,
Nancy Patterson Group
-0. -0.-0.12 -0.08 -0.04 0.00 0.04 0.08 0.12
TA
Figure 4. Log base-10 concentrations of chromium and tantalum, showing separation of Group 1, Group 3, and the
Nancy Patterson Group.
kiln. The limonite sample was also processed by
firing. Pottery, fired clay, and rock samples were
prepared for NAA by removing all exposed sur-
faces with a tungsten carbide burr, washing with
deionized water, drying, and then crushing in an
agate mortar. One clay sample was analyzed in
both raw and fired forms; the raw specimen was
simply dried and crushed.
Interpretation of NAA data focuses on recog-
nizing groups of compositionally similar speci-
mens that appear to be archaeologically
meaningful (Bishop and Neff 1989). In this case,
pattern recognition (initial group formulation)
was based primarily on a RQ-mode principal
components analysis (Neff 1994), which, by dis-
playing object and variable coordinates together
on the same plot (Figure 3), facilitates simultane-
ous recognition of potential subgroups in the data
together with the chemical basis of group dis-
tinctiveness. Following initial group formation,
multivariate probabilities that the analyzed red
ware specimens belonged to each group were
evaluated by calculating their Mahalanobis dis-
tances (analogous to univariate z-scores) from
each group.
Analytical Results
This paper reports on the NAA of 79 pottery and
36 raw material specimens.5 Because most of the
data are relevant to various research issues, sepa-
rate analytical techniques are not used to address
each of the questions regarding the concentration
of red ware production. Instead, we proceed
through a series of analyses, and then interpret the
results as a whole in relation to the questions. We
begin by considering only the pottery samples,
and then relate the raw material analyses to the
pottery composition.
San Juan Red Ware
Principal components analysis suggests the exis-
tence of three distinct red ware compositional
groups. The three groups, referred to as Group 1,
Nancy Patterson Group, and Group 3, are most
clearly distinguished on a plot of components 1
and 3 (Figure 3); the ellipses represent 90 percent
456 [Vol. 62, No. 3, 1997

SAN JUAN RED WARE
IN THE NORTHERN
SOUTHWEST
Table 1. Distribution
of San Juan Red Ware Specimens in Analytical Groups by Site.
Cottonwood Nancy
Wash Edge of the Patterson Black Mesa
Group 42SA12209 Cedars Duckfoot Village D: 11:2030 Total
Group l 16 15 2 0 1 34
Group 3 0 0 5 0 0 5
Nancy Patterson 0 0 12 21 0 33
Ungrouped 3 3 1 0 0 7
Total 19 18 20 21 1 79
confidence levels for membership in each group.
Positions of the variables (elements) on the RQ-
mode plot indicate the chemical basis of group
separation. For instance, Group 1 and Group 3
appear to diverge from the Nancy Patterson Group
in the direction of higher chromium concentra-
tions, while Group 3 diverges from Group 1 and
the Nancy Patterson Group in the direction of
higher tantalum. A bivariate plot of chromium and
tantalum (Figure 4) confirms the importance of
these elements in creating the observed group dis-
tinctiveness.
The distribution of group membership by site is
shown in Table 1. The ungrouped specimens are
those for which a consideration of multivariate
probabilities suggested ambiguity in group assign-
ment, either because probabilities were very low
for all groups or because probabilities were mod-
erately high for more than one group. It is possible
that these ungrouped specimens represent other
compositional groups that we are not yet able to
recognize. Group 1 includes pottery from three of
the four sites including 16 of the 19 Cottonwood
Wash specimens (the remaining three are
ungrouped), two of the 20 Duckfoot specimens
(some Duckfoot specimens are members of each
group), 15 of the 18 Edge of the Cedars specimens
(the remaining three are ungrouped), and the one
Black Mesa specimen. The Nancy Patterson
Group includes all 21 of the Nancy Patterson spec-
imens as well as 12 specimens from Duckfoot.
Finally, Group 3 includes only five specimens
from Duckfoot.
Raw Materials
Data on color and other characteristics of the clays
help to establish which are likely sources for San
Juan Red ware. Characteristics of the Morrison
and Chinle samples are listed in Table 2; for
brevity's sake the Dakota and Mancos samples are
not listed since, as is demonstrated below, clays
from these formations are not likely to have been
used in the red ware.
Fired clay briquets were compared with 14
pieces of San Juan Red ware that were refired in an
oxidizing atmosphere.6 All of the pottery refired to
the same two hues and same general range of col-
ors, verbally described as red, light red, yellowish
red, and reddish yellow (Munsell values =
2.5YR4/8, 5/6, 5/8, 6/8; 5YR5/6, 5/8, 6/6, 6/8, 7/6).
Although some clays from each formation fired to
light red or reddish yellow colors, the best match
was achieved with the Morrison formation clays
(see Table 2). Seven of the eight Morrison samples
collected at location 8, along Montezuma Creek
near Nancy Patterson Village, fired to light red or
reddish yellow. Furthermore, all of these samples
were highly plastic and-if mixed with temper to
reduce swelling and shrinking-probably could
Table 2. Characteristics of Clay Samples from Chinle
(Location 1) and Morrison
(Locations 6--8) Formations.
Sample
Location
1
6-G
6-G
6-G
6-R
7-G
8-G
8-R
8-G
8-R
8-G
8-R
8-R
8-R
Analytical ID
MFUC02
MFUC08
MFUC10
MFUC
11
MCUM02/MFUM02
MFUM04
MFUM05
MFUM17
MFUM08
ZC03G
ZC03R
ZC04G
ZC04R
MFUM
11
MFUM12
MFUM13
MFUM15
Fired Color
2.5YR6/6 light red
5YR6/4 light reddish brown
2.5YR5/4 reddish brown
7.5YR6/6 reddish yellow
7.5YR7/4 pink
7.5YR8/4 pink
O1YR8/4
very pale brown
2.5YR5/6 red
7.5YR7/6 reddish
yellow
7.5YR6/6 reddish yellow
5YR6/6 reddish yellow
5YR6/6 reddish yellow
5YR6/6 reddish yellow
7.5YR7/4 pink
5YR6/6 reddish yellow
2.5YR6/6 light red
2.5YR6/8 light red
Notes: Analytical IDs refer to Internet
data listing (see note
5) and are used in Figure 5. MCUM02 is an unfired version
of MFUM02. General unfired color is given in column 1:
G = gray/green, R = red.
Hegmon et al.] 457

AMERICAN ANTIQUITY
0
CN
0
0
I
c
I
CO
0
I -1.6 -1.2 -0.8 -0.4 -0.0
PC01
0.4
Figure 5. Clay composition, projected into the principal component space shown in Figure 1. The ellipse at top right is
the Nancy Patterson Group, that in the middle is Group 1, and the small ellipse below is Group 3. Arrows indicate
change in composition with addition of temper, as discussed in text. Sample numbers relate to Table 2.
have been used for pottery making.
One of the four
samples collected at location 6, in the Morrison
formation west of Blanding, also fired red,
(2.5YR5/6), but it was relatively nonplastic and
could probably not have been made into a pot
unless mixed with other clay. In summary,
the
clays (mostly red in their raw state)
exposed along
Montezuma Creek are the most likely red ware
source,
although
other
clays not discovered in our
reconnaissance could also have been used to make
red ware. It is also possible that the pottery
was
made using a combination
of materials
such as
workable light-firing clay mixed with iron-rich
limonite (Eric Blinman, personal
communication
1991).
Compositional
analyses
can be used to eval-
uate
possible sources
more
precisely.
NAA was conducted on 30 samples of clay
from the Chinle (N = 4), Dakota (N = 11),
Dakota/Mancos (N = 2) and Morrison (N = 13)
formations
exposed in southeast
Utah, along with
five igneous rocks
representative
of pottery temper
and one sample of limonite. The clays are pro-
jected into the principal components space
derived
from the pottery
analysis
(Figure
5, compare
with
Figure 3). Overall,
the Morrison
and Chinle sam-
ples are fairly similar to the pottery, while the
Dakota
samples
are
quite different. The clays tend
to diverge toward the low end of Principal
Component
1, in the direction
of lower concentra-
tions of calcium, sodium, and transition
metals
and enriched concentrations
of most other con-
stituents
(note the contributions
of these elements
to Component 1 in the RQ-mode plot, Figure 3).
This pattern
is generally
consistent with the pres-
ence of crushed
igneous rock in the pottery pastes
but not in the raw
clays. For
example,
feldspars
in
the rock would enrich sodium and calcium con-
centrations,
while at the same time diluting ele-
ments such as rare
earths,
which are concentrated
in the clay fraction,
and hafnium,
which tends to
concentrate
in the silt fraction (in zircon grains;
see Blackman 1992 and Elam et al. 1992).
Mixtures
of clays and
temper
were derived
ana-
lytically (not physically) by calculating
the com-
,)
n
458 [Vol. 62, No. 3, 1997

SAN JUAN RED WARE IN THE NORTHERN SOUTHWEST
positions
of pastes
consisting
of 20 percent
temper
and 80 percent clay in order
to investigate
further
which clays could have been used to make
the pot-
tery.
The effects of these mixtures on the Morrison
samples are shown by the arrows
and solid trian-
gles on Figure 5. Many of the analytically
mixed
specimens fall within or close to the 90 percent
probability ellipses indicating
membership
in the
pottery groups. In general, the specimens from
Montezuma Creek (location 8) either fit or come
close to the Nancy Patterson
Group,
and two of the
four specimens from the more western
location 6
fit into or approach
Group 1, which includes most
specimens
from the two western sites (Edge of the
Cedars Pueblo and the Cottonwood
Wash site). It
was not possible to achieve a composition
similar
to that of the pottery by "mixing"
the Dakota
clays
and limonite.
Summary
These data can be used to consider
the two ques-
tions regarding
the concentration of San Juan Red
ware production.
Most (70 percent)
of the speci-
mens from the Duckfoot site in Colorado are
members of two groups (the Nancy Patterson
Group
and Group 1) that are strongly
represented
in southeast Utah, suggesting that most of the
Duckfoot red ware was made in southeast Utah.
Five (25 percent)
of the Duckfoot
specimens
form
Group 3 and recent analyses (Glowacki et al.
1997) suggest that this group
was made from allu-
vial clays in the McElmo Creek in southwest
Colorado.
The single specimen
from Black Mesa,
Arizona,
matches the Group 1 configuration,
sug-
gesting it was exported from southeast Utah to
Arizona.
These results
indicate
that the production
of San Juan
Red ware was concentrated
in south-
east Utah, although
small amounts of production
in other
areas is likely as well. The relatively good
match between the San Juan Red ware composi-
tion and the composition of clays from southeast
Utah confirms that the red ware could have been
made in this area, although
the possibility of red
ware
production
in other
areas
cannot be ruled
out.
The concentration of production within the
southeast
Utah
area can also be considered. All the
specimens from Nancy Patterson
Village along
Montezuma
Creek group together
as members of
the fairly tightly defined Nancy Patterson
Group.
Thus it is likely that all of these specimens were
made from the same, or very similar, sources,
probably
the easily accessible
clays exposed along
Montezuma Creek that are compositionally
simi-
lar to this group. There is no evidence that red
ware vessels made from
other
sources were moved
to Nancy Patterson
Village. Most (83 and 84 per-
cent) of the specimens
from the two western
sites
group together
in the more loosely defined
Group
1, though a total of six specimens from the two
sites could not be assigned to any group. Thus,
most of the specimens from the two western
sites
could have been made from a single source (dis-
tinct from the Nancy Patterson
source), but the
ungrouped specimens suggest that other small
sources were also represented
in the collections.
Finally,
the fact that
samples
from
these two west-
ern sites, which are approximately
25 km apart,
are part
of the same compositional
group
suggests
that the number of sources of red ware materials
and/or
production
was limited. Overall,
the pres-
ence of fairly strong compositional
groups
and
the
patterning
by site indicate that the production
of
most, although
not necessarily all, San Juan Red
ware was concentrated in a limited number of
locations, along Montezuma Creek and possibly
elsewhere
in southeast
Utah.
Conclusions: Red Ware Production and
Regional Interaction
Concentration is an important parameter for
describing
the production
of San Juan
Red ware
in
the ninth-century
northern
Southwest. San Juan
Red ware is common across much of the northern
Southwest and is found in fairly large quantities
across the northern
San Juan region including
southeast
Utah and southwest
Colorado.
The pro-
duction
of the pottery,
however,
was concentrated
in southeast
Utah;
it is likely that
a majority
of the
San Juan
Red ware found in southwest
Colorado
and
south of the San
Juan
river
was made
in south-
east Utah. Within southeast
Utah, there is strong
evidence that red ware was produced along
Montezuma Creek, although it may have been
produced
in other locations as well. However,
the
definition of fairly strong analytical
groups indi-
cates that red ware
production
was concentrated in
a limited number of locations.
These results have numerous
implications
for
understanding
and
investigating
regional
interaction
in the northern
Southwest. We emphasize two
Hegmon et al.] 459

AMERICAN ANTIQUITY
issues regarding
the early Pueblo
period,
primarily
the ninth
century
A.D. First,
what social processes
underlay
the movement
of the red ware?
Was the
pottery
carried
by migrating
populations,
or was it
exchanged
(or otherwise
transported)
between sta-
ble populations
(see Zedefio 1994)?
The presence
of San Juan
Red ware in small quantities
on sites
south of the northern
San Juan
region is probably
best explained
in terms of the movement
of pots
(not people), because
the areas are fairly well dis-
tinguished
in terms
of material
culture
(see Hegmon
1995b), and there
is no evidence of migrant
com-
munities
(sensu
Haury
1958).
The situation
is more
complex, however, across the northern
San Juan
region.
The presence
of distinctive
white ware tra-
ditions in southwest
Colorado
and southeast
Utah
suggests some separation
between the two areas.
However, there is strong evidence of large-scale
population movements, at least in southwest
Colorado
(Schlanger
1988), where
there
is also an
association between increases in population
and
increases
in the relative
proportion
of red
ware.
It is
certainly
possible that San Juan
Red ware
was car-
ried by migrating
populations.
However,
we note
that contemporary
white ware was not moved in
this way. Furthermore,
the concentration
of San
Juan
Red ware
production
and its association
with
ritual contexts
suggest
that
this
red
ware was special
in some way,
and
it had
an important
role in social,
political,
or economic interactions.
Thus,
we argue
it is very likely that at least some of the San Juan
Red ware was exchanged
across the northern
San
Juan
region and beyond. Far to the south, similar
patterns
are evident in Hohokam
red ware, which
was exchanged
much more widely than
other
con-
temporary
types (Abbott
and
Walsh-Anduze
1995).
Further
research
is needed
on the distribution
of red
ware,
the quantities
of pots moved out of southeast
Utah, and the relationship
of that distribution
to
population
movements.
Second, how was the production
of San Juan
Red ware organized?
We have demonstrated
that
red ware production
in southeast
Utah was fairly
concentrated.
If the red ware moved out of south-
east Utah primarily
through
exchange, then a few
locations may have been specialized production
centers, an early case of community specializa-
tion.7
If additional
evidence supports
the existence
of specialized
San Juan
Red ware-producing
com-
munities in southeast
Utah, what was their eco-
nomic status? Were they marginalized
economically
with limited
access to arable
land,
as
is often the case ethnographically
(Arnold 1985)?
Or did their control over red ware, which was
apparently
important
ritually, give them some spe-
cial status
or power?
The study
of this one class of
pottery,
in conjunction
with other kinds of infor-
mation, has the potential to provide important
insights into social and
economic processes.
Acknowledgments.
A number
of institutions and individuals
provided support
for this research.
Work
at MURR was sup-
ported in part by National Science Foundation
Grant
DBS-
9102016 to the Archaeometry
Lab at the Missouri University
Research Reactor. The analyses done at NIST were sup-
ported by the Conservation Analytical Laboratory at the
Smithsonian Institution
with the advice of Ron Bishop and
Jim Blackman. Access to the red ware collections was pro-
vided and facilitated by the Crow Canyon Archaeological
Center, Cortez, Colorado, and by Joel Janetski, Brigham
Young University. Anne Kelley and Molly Duncan helped
with the refiring analysis, Winston Hurst provided informa-
tion regarding
raw material
sources, and Ian Robertson
pre-
pared Figure 2. Useful comments were provided by Steve
Plog, Michael Graves, Sarah Schlanger, Barbara
Mills, and
anonymous American Antiquity reviewers. Oralia Cabrera
Cort6s
provided
the Spanish translation
of the abstract.
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Notes
1. Colton and Hargrave
(1937:92) date Tsegi Orange
ware to
"ca. 1150-1300," but more recent evidence indicates that it
was present in the early to mid-1000s (Plog 1986).
2. Although the standard type description (Carlson 1970)
refers to White Mountain Redware (one word), for consis-
tency's sake we use the two-word convention.
3. Most San Juan Red ware vessels were tempered with
crushed multimineralic intermediate (dioritic to andesitic)
igneous rock. Rock similar to that used for temper
occurs in
the Abajo, Sleeping Ute, and La Plata mountains and is
widely distributed
as cobbles throughout the northern San
Juan region (Hegmon 1995a). South of the San Juan River
the distribution of igneous rocks is much more restricted,
although
intrusive
igneous rock does occur in some locations
including the Carrizo Lukachukai and Chuska mountains.
4. These white ware types can be distinguished on the basis
of design style as well as technology (i.e., characteristics
of
the slip, paint, and brushwork).
Furthermore,
although
White
Mesa Black-on-white has only recently been distinguished
from the eastern
types, the macroscopic distinction has been
supported
by compositional analyses (Hegmon et al. 1995).
5. Detailed compositional data
on each sample, as well as the
probabilities
of the membership
of each sample in the com-
positional groups, are available at the MURR home page:
(http://www.missouri.edu/-murrwww/archlab.html).
6. Different briquets were used for this analysis and for the
NAA. In order
to compare fired colors, the clays and pottery
samples were fired/refired
for one hour at 850?C. This tem-
perature
is lower than that commonly used for refiring stud-
ies, although it should be sufficient to ensure complete
oxidation of iron minerals
(see Shepard 1956:23). Therefore,
although our data can be used to compare the pottery and
clays, since both were subject
to the same conditions, the col-
ors that we report
should not be compared directly with those
produced
by other studies that used higher temperatures.
7. Although one study (Hegmon et al. 1995) found that San
Juan Red ware is no more standardized
than contemporary
white ware, this does not necessarily negate the possibility of
specialization, since the relationship among specialization,
standardization,
and the measurement of standardization
is
complex (Kvamme et al. 1996).
Received June 17, 1996; accepted September 16, 1996,
revised December 9, 1996.
463
Hegmon et al.]