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Abstract

Does the security of women influence the security and behavior of states? Existing evidence linking the situation of women to state-level variables such as economic prosperity and growth, health, and corruption is fairly conclusive. Questions remain, however, concerning the degree to which state security and state security-related behavior is linked to the security of women. The “women and peace” thesis draws upon evolutionary biology/psychology for ultimate causes of this linkage, and sociological theories of social diffusion and psychological theories of social learning for more proximate causal mechanisms. Together, a new data resource—the WomanStats Database—and conventional methodology find a robust, positive relationship between the physical security of women and three measures of state security and peacefulness. In addition, a comparison of this proposition to alternative explanations involving level of democracy, level of economic development, and civilizational identity shows that the physical security of women is a better predictor of state security and peacefulness. Although these results are preliminary, it is still possible to conclude that the security of women must not be overlooked in the study of state security, especially given that the research questions to be raised and the policy initiatives to be considered in the promotion of security will differ markedly if the security of women is seriously considered as a significant influence on state security.

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... Countries that privilege men and have more men in politics are more likely to fight compared to those with more women in politics. Numerous studies support this finding (e.g., Caprioli, 2000;Hudson et al., 2009;Bjarnegård and Melander, 2011). Less understood, however, is whether international conflict and insecurity affects male privilege in domestic politics. ...
... 1. Prior work on gender, conflict, and security While for decades, the relationship between gender and international politics was ignored in mainstream international relations theory, the study of gender and international relations has grown in recent years. Researchers have theorized and consistently found that the greater the subordination of women in a society, the more likely the country experiences armed conflict (e.g., Caprioli, 2000;Hudson et al., 2009). Together, these studies suggest that the inclusion of women in society and politics makes countries more peaceful. ...
... Studies find that having more women in legislatures is associated with a reduced likelihood of experiencing war and militarized interstate disputes (e.g., Caprioli, 2000;Hudson et al., 2009). This suggests the possibility of reverse causality that greater individual preferences for male leaders produce a smaller number of women in legislatures, which may play a role in deteriorating a country's security environment. ...
Article
We argue that a country's international security context influences individual bias against female leaders and propose three mechanisms: by increasing individual demand for defense, by shaping individual ideological orientations, and by increasing society's level of militarization. Using survey data of more than 200,000 individuals in 84 countries, we show the more hostile the country's security environment, the more individuals are likely to agree that men make better political leaders than do women. We also find support for some of our proposed mechanisms and that the effect of security environments is greater for men than women. Our study presents the first cross-national evidence that the country's international security environment correlates with bias against women leaders.
... She refers to Galtung's work, stating that 'structural violence is a process by which cultural violence is institutionalised' (ibid:4). Support for that position comes from another study in which Caprioli was involved, which demonstrated a link between state stability and the physical security of women (Hudson et al, 2009). This link that was recently underlined by a major World Bank report noting the significant increased risk of 'intimate partner violence' in societies that are already affected by fragility and armed conflict (World Bank, 2014:70-71). ...
... Using a framework drawn from evolutionary biology, Hudson et al (2009) argue that 'lower levels of gender inequality hinder the ability of societies to mobilise for aggression', thus supporting an argument that greater inclusivity of women in the political settlement has a tendency to support greater stability in that settlement (Caprioli, 2005). ...
... So peace is a part of the rights that belong to everyone' (female, 18-30, civil society, university, Awdal). Many respondents drew direct connections between unequal or different male and female roles, and the 'ability of the society to mobilise for violence' (Hudson et al, 2009). Inevitably, though, these attitudes show some diversity, with a significant number expressing the view that one of the major causes of violence and social breakdown in Somaliland today involves youth violence and gangs. ...
Article
Research suggests that inclusive political settlements tend to be more stable. For Somaliland in the northern Horn of Africa, stability is underpinned by a patriarchal clan-based system that is non-gender-inclusive. The question therefore arises as to how the transition to greater inclusivity might be achieved without destabilising Somaliland’s political settlement in the process. The most recent 2012 Gender Inequality Index for Somalia rates the whole of the old Somali Republic at 0.776 (1 indicating maximum gender inequality), the fourth-lowest position in the index (UNDP Gender Unit, 2012). In practice, this means that the Somali territories are characterised by high levels of maternal mortality, gender-based violence, illiteracy, child marriage, rape, female genital mutilation and inadequate health services for women and girls. While this data does not relate to Somaliland alone, it provides a likely indication of the severity of the imbalance between women and men in the country. The data that is available for Somaliland shows similar gender disparities. Girls are less likely to be enrolled in primary school, for example, with 95,578 recorded in Somaliland in 2012/13 against an enrolment of 119,453 for boys. That disparity increases significantly at secondary level, with 12,306 female enrolments in the same year against 26,932 for males (MoLSA, 2014). Despite the pains of transition, there is good reason to consider a more inclusive political settlement as a means of reinvigorating the Somaliland polity. Our research and other evidence in the secondary literature show that people in Somaliland are becoming increasingly disillusioned with the ‘politicisation’ of clan and the rise of ‘clannism’. These developments in the political settlement are themselves potentially destabilising, but this time of change offers room for gender-focused activism that uses greater inclusivity for women and men (as well as minority groups) to help promote peaceful transition in Somaliland. In this report, we argue not only that the Somaliland political settlement is currently relatively stable but non-inclusive in gender terms, but that there are compelling reasons on both normative and instrumental grounds to urgently improve this situation. We present the results of a 21-month research project, including new primary data about attitudes towards improving women’s political participation and reducing gender-based violence. We conclude the report with a number of suggested initiatives, the contours of which are worth emphasising from the start. Firstly, it is important that international involvement is not seen to dominate gender initiatives to the degree that these interventions add to the growing perception that ‘women’s issues’ are a concern of liberal foreigners and are therefore ‘un-Somali’. Secondly, it is important that donor programmes seeking to address the gender-inclusivity of Somaliland’s political settlement take a long-term view, and are grounded in principles supported within Islamic ethical structures. The Somaliland government and political parties also have a significant role to play in opening spaces for both men and women to participate actively in political activities at all levels. Thirdly, therefore, we recommend a return to closed lists in elections, and a focus on finding ways to deliver on the constitutional guarantee of equal rights for all citizens. While it has supported Somaliland’s peace effectively in many ways, clan-based justice is manifestly unjust in many cases of sexual violence. Fourthly, we therefore suggest that it is important that mechanisms be found to draw customary elders into a legal system that provides more effectively for the victims in such cases. Somaliland’s success in establishing a viable political settlement in the face of considerable odds is impressive, but the transition from customary structures to those of representative nation-state politics exposes gender imbalances that could threaten to undermine that success. The research outlined in this report supports efforts to engender an inclusive and robust political settlement for the future.
... 1 1 Gleditsch et al. (2011) furthermore substantiate the nonreplicability by arguing that misogyny, rather than polygyny, is the mechanism driving political violence, which they test at the state level. Although a broader set of gender-based discrimination may be a source of political violence (see, e.g., Hudson et al., 2010;Melander, 2005), we do not believe that polygyny-which can be regarded as part of misogynistic practices-and a general concept of misogyny adhere to the same underlying mechanism with regard to local conflict. In other words, misogyny and polygyny cannot be seen as competing hypotheses when studying intergroup conflicts at the local level. ...
... Women in polygynous groups also report perceptions of inequality, which we believe resonates with the notion of gender inequality associated with polygyny (cf. Hudson et al., 2010;McDermott and Cowden, 2018). ...
... To address this insensitivity, Mary Caprioli developed, between 1998 and 2000, a feminist-centric theory called a 'gender-based structural inequality theory (Caprioli 2000(Caprioli , 2005. Through a gender-based lens, scholars of the theory have concluded that there is a direct connection between discrimination against women (including pre-war sexual and gender-based violence) and the onset of conflicts at the international, national and sub-national levels (see Caprioli & Boyer 2001;Caprioli & Trumbore 2003a, 2003bHudson et al. 2009). Through a longitudinal study, Caprioli finds that gender inequality in the economy, in the home (where children are born and fertility ratios created), and in politics, the following conditions that make conflicts possible are created: (1) political preferences for military spending ('warfarism,' e.g., the buying of arms and the training of military forces) over welfare (social services, such as family planning, public schools, and health care); (ii) the politicization of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) at the domestic and national levels-in ways that feed into the war narratives of combatants who are either out to 'get' (rape) women or to protect them from SGBV; (iii) preferences for male children (by government, when assessing what should be counted as favourable in their national fertility ratio), children who will eventually aspire to join the fighting ranks of either rebel or government armies; armies that ultimately abduct women on the basis of gender-based constructs that dictate that those female abductees should continue with their nurtured (gender-based division of household chores) and natural (reproductive) roles in fighting communities. ...
... • Proliferation of 'organised crimes' and uncontrolled criminal activities, including drugs and human trafficking. Hudson et al., 20095. Lahai 2016 Gender-based Structural Inequality induced conflicts • Low or non-impactful welfare services. ...
Chapter
In this chapter, we observe that despite the existence of definitions, datasets and databases, the literature on the intersection between conflict and state fragility in sub-Saharan Africa is not conclusive. Against this backdrop, we present in the first half of this chapter (a) the tools and adaptive indices that have been used to measure the causes and causal effect of conflicts, (b) summaries of the definitions and typologies of conflicts, and (c) the key theoretical perspectives (and their methodological frameworks) on the causes of conflict in sub-Saharan Africa. In the second half, we scrutinize the ways in which the proponents of those perspectives have imagined, understood and theorized the context-specific variations of the impact of conflict on state fragility. In addition, we contribute to the existing studies on conflict by focusing on attempts to centralize the experiences of states—that is, as actors representing the collective emotions (and knowledge) of the people within them. Through this, we are able to reveal the convergences and divergences in the theoretical (and practical) underpinnings of conflict as a critical indicator of state fragility and a tool for measuring the resilience of states in sub-Saharan Africa.
... This may be a way for members of Congress to extend their American foreign policy agenda. Advancing the status of women advances American foreign policy objectives of promoting democratic stability, capitalist economic development, and the moral objective of protecting universal human rights (Inglehart andNorris 2003, Hudson, Ballif-Spanvill, Caprioli, andEmmett 2009). In addition, scholars show how drawing attention to "saving" foreign women can be an effective ploy to support US military intervention or imperialism via masculinist protectionism (Mohanty 2014, Young 2003. ...
... Preventing gender-based violence has been shown to increase the probability of peace and security (Coleman 2004, Hudson, Ballif-Spanvill, Caprioli, andEmmett 2009) vi This follows Baumgartner, Berry, Hojnacki, Leech, and Kimball's argument regarding policy equilibriums. As one side gains greater attention on the public agenda, this mobilizes the opposition to resist the push for change (2009). ...
Article
American foreign policy has expanded in recent years to address issues that affect women and girls worldwide, global women's rights, yet there has been minimal investigation into how these representative claims for women worldwide are formed and the substantive U.S. commitment. Is this a reflection of a growing American feminist foreign policy or symbolic rhetoric for domestic audiences? To better understand the representation of global women's rights in American foreign policy, I analyze the political context behind three widely supported American foreign policy bills focusing on women that were introduced during the 111th Congress (2009–10). Each of these bills failed to become statute. Drawing from qualitative comparative case study analysis, I show how antiabortion politics constrain the legislative success of any American foreign policy legislation that focuses on women, regardless of relevance. This suggests that foreign women's bodies are a terrain for U.S. legislators to advance abortion policy objectives with minimal electoral constraint. Although advancing women's rights furthers broader U.S. foreign policy objectives, such as preventing terrorism and growing market economies, domestic abortion politics shape the boundaries of how global women's rights are represented in American foreign policy.
... This relationship may have been further compromised in multivariate models by the fact that only 16 of 112 countries were considered fragile states, and sample size was thus limited for this measure. Finally, while previous research has indicated that the normalization of violence in society more broadly may be associated with higher levels of violence against women in the home [49], fragile state status, as noted in Methods, does not necessarily indicate a state in conflict-countries with low policy and institutional capacity are also included in this group [34]. Comoros, for example, is considered a fragile state because of its low Country Policy and Institutional Assessment country rating, and has only 5% prevalence of recent IPV. ...
Article
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Financial inclusion is an area of growing global interest in women’s empowerment policy and programming. While increased economic autonomy may be expected to reduce the prevalence of intimate partner violence, the mechanisms and contexts through which this relationship manifests are not well understood. This analysis aims to assess the relationship between women’s financial inclusion and recent intimate partner violence using nationally-representative data from 112 countries worldwide. Levels of both financial inclusion and recent intimate partner violence varied substantially across countries (ranging from 2–100%, and 1–46%, respectively), and across regions. In multivariate global analyses, increased levels of women’s financial inclusion were associated with lower levels of recent intimate partner violence after accounting for asset-based enablers of economic autonomy and gender norms; this relationship was lost upon the inclusion of measures of national context (i.e., development and fragility). These results underscore that the relationship between financial inclusion and recent intimate partner violence is complex, follows many pathways, and is affected by context. In low and middle income countries, asset-based enablers of economic autonomy, gender norms and national context explained much of the relationship between financial inclusion and recent intimate partner violence. In those low and middle income countries with high levels of controlling behavior by male spouses, financial inclusion was associated with higher levels of recent intimate partner violence. These findings further suggest that initiatives that aim to prevent intimate partner violence by way of increased economic autonomy may be ineffective in the absence of broader social change and support, and indeed, as seen in countries with higher levels of men’s controlling behavior, backlash may increase the risk of violence. Efforts to improve women’s financial inclusion need to recognize that its relationship with intimate partner violence is complex, and that it requires an enabling environment supportive of women’s rights and autonomy.
... Altos niveles de igualdad de género están asociados con menores riesgos de conflictos internacionales, de conflictos armados internos o entre Estados, así como menores niveles de abuso de derechos humanos (Caprioli, 2000(Caprioli, , 2005Melander, 2005). Algunos trabajos apuntan a que la igualdad de género -en particular la seguridad física de las mujeres y su protección frente a la violencia física y sexual-es el predictor más importante (incluso por encima de la democracia) de los riesgos del involucramiento estatal en los conflictos armados o desconocimiento de las obligaciones internacionales (Hudson et al., 2009). Incluso se evidencia que el comportamiento estatal es fuertemente generizado y que las actitudes feministas parecen ser asociadas con un comportamiento pacífico y las patriarcales con mayores tendencias a la violencia . ...
... As the Peace Research Institute of Oslo recently reported, 'Men are more likely to die during conflicts, whereas women die more often of indirect causes after the conflict is over.' [25] And, in fact, more women died as a result of violence in the 20th century than all the deaths caused by combat combined, including both world wars. [26] In addition, women are far more likely to experience the kind of sexual victimization that inevitably comes in the wake of conflict. ...
Article
Gender plays a prominent role in many aspects of political violence. First, it contributes to its occurrence. Second, sexual violence causes enormous suffering during conflict. Last, sustainable peacekeeping depends on female inclusion and participation. The prominence of gender in political violence rests on the dominance of men over women in many aspects of political, social and economic life. Inequities in family law and perversions in the marriage market, especially polygyny, contribute to the perpetuation of male dominance hierarchies in ways that increase the likelihood and costs of political violence for everyone.
... Although women and men, girls and boys are liable victims of violent extremism, however, women specifically serve either as targets in sexual and gender-based violence in achieving tactical, strategic and ideological aims or as active/voluntary supporters to terrorist groups ideology or operations. In this context, numerous women human rights and socio-economic development are impeded, including loss of livelihoods, internal displacement crisis due to terrorist threats as well as lack of access to justice as victims of violent extremism (Hudson et al, 2009). Despite the fact that many national and international strategies towards CVE have been employed by African national governments, the inclusion and recognition of women and the roles they occupy in violent extremism has nevertheless been relegated. ...
Article
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The phenomenon of terrorism has gained currency in the contemporary period, nonetheless, ongoing discussions have not significantly addressed some critical issues of this canker.This paper draws on interviews and documentary analysis to unravel the dynamics and options for curbing the emerging threat of terrorism in Ghana. This paper submits that a web of domestic and regional dynamics such as the proliferation of illicit trade in small arms, youth unemployment, endemic corruption, unequal provision of socio-economic resources, and role of Ghana on the international scene could lead the country into an emerging threat of terrorists’ attacks. Following the above, the paper recommends some steps to address the emerging threat of terrorism in Ghana including; effective implementation of anti-terrorism programmes, public education and sensitisation on terrorism and security consciousness, and provision of adequate logistics, and equipment to equip the police and military to provide effective border control to fight the threat of terrorism in Ghana
... Designing a feminist foreign policy, she argued, a critical interrogation of 'development' is needed. Other important voices in this body of work were those of Valerie Hudson et al. (2009), who argued for an intrinsic link between the security of states and security of women. Feminist foreign policy analysis witnessed a new impetus after the launching of the Swedish FFP (see e.g., the special issue in Foreign Policy Analysis 2020, no. ...
Article
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In 2014, Sweden's Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP) was announced with a fanfare. This article critically interrogates how Sweden implements the FFP through digital diplomacy by investigating the extent of Sweden's gender equality activities on Twitter since the introduction of the FFP and by tracing gendered online abuse in digital diplomacy. I focus on Swedish embassy tweets towards two countries where feminism is highly contested-Poland and Hungary. The theoretical inspiration comes from discursive approaches to the spoken and unspoken, enriched by feminist observations about the non-binary character of voice/silence. The method applied is gender-driven quantitative and qualitative content analysis. The findings demonstrate that the FFP has not set any significant mark on digital diplomacy in the analyzed cases. The launching of the FFP went completely unnoticed and posts related to gender equality have actually decreased since 2014. There are no traces of ambassadors being subjected to gendered online abuse, but heavily xenophobic and paternalistic language is directed at Sweden as a representative of liberal policies. The article contributes to the literature on digital diplomacy by highlighting the (lack of) links between foreign policy and digital diplomacy and it addresses a gap by focusing on gender in digital diplomacy.
... Although women and men, girls and boys are liable victims of violent extremism, however, women specifically serve either as targets in sexual and gender-based violence in achieving tactical, strategic and ideological aims or as active/voluntary supporters to terrorist groups ideology or operations. In this context, numerous women human rights and socio-economic development are impeded, including loss of livelihoods, internal displacement crisis due to terrorist threats as well as lack of access to justice as victims of violent extremism (Hudson et al, 2009). Despite the fact that many national and international strategies towards CVE have been employed by African national governments, the inclusion and recognition of women and the roles they occupy in violent extremism has nevertheless been relegated. ...
Research
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Exploring Financing of Terrorism in African Context
... Datainsamlingen, som genomförts i samarbete med Caucasus Research Resource Centers, fokuserar på elitens inställning både till territoriell och humanitär säkerhet. Tolerans mot utsatta grupper, däribland kvinnor och sexuella minoriteter, ses nämligen ofta som en förelöpare till nationell säkerhet (Hudson, Caprioli, Ballif-Spanvill, McDermott & Emmett, 2008). Forskningsresultaten ger dock inte grund för optimism på någon punkt. ...
... Research has shown the significant impact that gender equality, empowerment of women, and the inclusion of women in peace processes have in reducing the risk of violence, including the risk of atrocity crimes (Hudson et al. 2009;Kreutz and Cardenas 2017;UNGA 2018, para. 41;Davies and True 2019). ...
Article
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Despite its rapid diplomatic rise in the UN setting and global recognition as an established norm, the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) has yet to substantially incorporate gender and implicitly engage with the complementary Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda. The article discusses this R2P limitation and ways to rectify it through capitalizing on a landmark UN annual report on R2P and cross-cutting areas of engagement with the WPS agenda. To do so, the article proceeds in three sections that mirror the three-pronged classification of overlapping knowledge projects identified for early feminist scholarship. First, the article exposes the extent and effect of masculinist bias in early R2P formulations and R2P’s failure to engage explicitly with gender perspectives until the pathbreaking twelfth annual report on R2P. Second, the complementarities between the WPS, gender equality, and R2P are examined to highlight the commonalities seen when “adding women” to these agendas. Third, the article examines what gendering the R2P agenda at the United Nations would entail through a reconstruction of R2P that recognizes gender as an analytical and structural category. It is argued that while the progressive 2020 Annual Report on R2P will likely become the reference point for weighing what a gendered R2P agenda should look like, and will hopefully trigger a much-needed reorientation of existing R2P policies as gender-responsive, limitations remain due to three factors: the lack of gender-sensitive analysis at the United Nations, lingering analytical tensions between the WPS and R2P communities, and the current politically resistant climate, which limits a gender audit.
... Existing empirical studies are strongly variable-oriented, seeking to identify the impact of climate change (independent variable) on conflict (dependent variable) in various contexts (intervening variables). Previous research has demonstrated that factors like the physical security of women (Hudson et al., 2009), the promotion of gender equality (Wood & Ramirez, 2018), and the fulfillment of women's rights (Harris & Milton, 2016) reduce violent conflict risks. However, most empirical studies on climate change and conflict have so far ignored genderrelated variables. ...
Article
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The literature on the security implications of climate change, and in particular on potential climate-conflict linkages, is burgeoning. Up until now, gender considerations have only played a marginal role in this research area. This is despite growing awareness of intersections between protecting women's rights, building peace and security, and addressing environmental changes. This article advances the claim that adopting a gender perspective is integral for understanding the conflict implications of climate change. We substantiate this claim via three main points. First, gender is an essential, yet insufficiently considered intervening variable between climate change and conflict. Gender roles and identities as well as gendered power structures are important in facilitating or preventing climate-related conflicts. Second, climate change does affect armed conflicts and social unrest, but a gender perspective alters and expands the notion of what conflict can look like, and whose security is at stake. Such a perspective supports research inquiries that are grounded in everyday risks and that document alternative experiences of insecurity. Third, gender-differentiated vulnerabilities to both climate change and conflict stem from inequities within local power structures and socio-cultural norms and practices, including those related to social reproductive labor. Recognition of these power dynamics is key to understanding and promoting resilience to conflict and climate change. The overall lessons drawn for these three arguments is that gender concerns need to move center stage in future research and policy on climate change and conflicts.
... There are also recent discussions in the literature about the impact of marriage practices on national and international stability and peace. This branch of literature argues that treatment of women in a society, which is identified by practices such as forced marriages, is one of the most important determinants of state security, state stability, and conflict (e.g., Hudson et al. 2008Hudson et al. / 09, 2015Bowen et al. 2015;Caprioli and Boyer 2001). Considering that forced marriages are practiced under a family law practice, it is demonstrated that states with inequitable family laws, including different marriage age practices for men and women, increase level of state fragility . ...
Chapter
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... Ultimately, we opted for the Global Peace Index, which includes dimensions such as safety and security, military spending, and ongoing conflict (both internal and external) and which is increasingly used in other studies [76][77][78][79]. Unlike some of the other datasets, the Global Peace Index captures the best known conflict-ridden petrostates with, for example, Libya, Nigeria, and Russia among the worst performers in the index. ...
Article
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This article presents the GeGaLo index of geopolitical gains and losses that 156 countries may experience after a full-scale transition to renewable energy. The following indicators are considered for inclusion in the index: fossil fuel production, fossil fuel reserves, renewable energy resources, governance, and conflict. Some of these represent potential gains; some represent losses; and some the capacity of countries to handle changes in geopolitical strength. Five alternative versions of the index are developed to work out the optimal design. First, the energy resource indicators are combined with equal weights to create two simple versions of the index. Next, governance and conflict indicators are included to create three more complex versions of the index. The index provides useful pointers for strategic energy and foreign policy choices: geopolitical power will be more evenly distributed after an energy transition; Iceland will gain most; Russia may be one of the main holders of stranded geopolitical assets; China and the USA will lose more geopolitically than foreseen by other analyses. The index also indicates a lack of emphasis in parts of the literature on space for renewable energy infrastructure and on domestically sourced coal for the current strength of countries such as China and the United States. Full version for download: https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2211467X19300999
... rely a normative issue -it is an issue that affects the physical security of women. They argue that violence against women in particular is a template for broader social acceptance of violence both domestically and internationally, and as we noted above, there is robust evidence that women are more critical of the employment of violent instruments (Hudson et. al. 2009;Barnhart et. al. 2019, 7-12). ...
Preprint
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Forthcoming in: Journal of Human Rights, Summer 2020
... I en av de mer noggrant utformade studierna på området utvecklar Hudson och hennes medförfattare argumentet om hur de patriarkala strukturerna i mänskliga samhällen -som inbegriper undertryckande och våld mot kvinnor och mot män som inte tillhör den egna gruppen -har lett till att våld smittat av sig på internationella relationer (och på förbindelserna mellan stater). Sådan patriarkal organisation leder till våldsamma svar på »andra», inklusive andra stater, som något naturligt (Hudson, Caprioli, Ballif-Spanvill et al., 2008). ...
... Hudson et. al found a statistically significant relationship between the physical security of women and the security of states; authoritarian patriarchal attitudes undermine government in multiple ways [19]. The relationship between terrorism and misogyny has also been explored in the recent work of Smith [48], who documents how many violent extremists, whether far-right or Islamist, have a history of abusing women -often in their own familiesbefore committing acts of violence against strangers. ...
Preprint
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Online extremism is a growing and pernicious problem, and increasingly linked to real-world violence. We introduce a new resource to help research and understand it: ExtremeBB is a structured textual dataset containing nearly 44M posts made by more than 300K registered members on 12 different online extremist forums, enabling both qualitative and quantitative large-scale analyses of historical trends going back two decades. It enables us to trace the evolution of different strands of extremist ideology; to measure levels of toxicity while exploring and developing the tools to do so better; to track the relationships between online subcultures and external political movements such as MAGA and to explore links with misogyny and violence, including radicalisation and recruitment. To illustrate a few potential uses, we apply statistical and data-mining techniques to analyse the online extremist landscape in a variety of ways, from posting patterns through topic modelling to toxicity and the membership overlap across different communities. A picture emerges of communities working as support networks, with complex discussions over a wide variety of topics. The discussions of many topics show a level of disagreement which challenges the perception of homogeneity among these groups. These two features of mutual support and a wide range of attitudes lead us to suggest a more nuanced policy approach than simply shutting down these websites. Censorship might remove the support that lonely and troubled individuals are receiving, and fuel paranoid perceptions that the world is against them, though this must be balanced with other benefits of de-platforming. ExtremeBB can help develop a better understanding of these sub-cultures which may lead to more effective interventions; it also opens up the prospect of research to monitor the effectiveness of any interventions that are undertaken.
Article
We ask two questions in this article: First, what is the level of public support for the pursuit of gender equality in foreign policy? Second, what are the most significant correlates of that support? We report the results of the first national opinion survey that queried citizens about their support for policies to increase global gender equality. We find that an average of 60 to 90 percent approve of pursuing gender equality and specific programmatic initiatives. Americans also strongly agree with one rationale for pursuing global gender equality: 65 percent agree that “The world would be a more peaceful place if more women were involved in making decisions.” Second, we find that a number of individual characteristics and personal values are strongly correlated with support for gender initiatives. Our results also suggest that women's greater endorsement of universalism values explains their higher levels of support for global gender equality.
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What does world peace mean? Peace is more than the absence and prevention of war, whether international or civil, yet most of our ways of conceptualizing and measuring peace amount to just that definition. In this essay, as part of the roundtable “World Peace (And How We Can Achieve It),” I argue that any vision of world peace must grapple not only with war but with the continuums of violence and peace emphasized by feminists: running from the home and community to the public spaces of international relations. Breaking free of the constraints of the last century's intellectual boundaries, I suggest that war and peace are not a dichotomy but rather are intimately related. Yet the dearth of feminist perspectives in global debates prevents us from seeing how violence and harm are exacerbated in households and through the global economy under conditions of both “war” and “peace.” To understand the possibilities for world peace, we must understand these varieties of violence and harm that threaten peace. And to sustain peace we must address the harmful gendered identities, ideologies, and social dynamics that support violence in every society. A narrow understanding of peace as merely the absence of organized violence does not engender the kind of nuanced and rich understanding of human history and human relations needed to bring an end to the structural and physical violence that remains pervasive worldwide.
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This chapter provides an understanding that the fundamental issues underlying the problem of state fragility in sub-Saharan Africa are not as straightforward as they may appear. This is partly due to the way the roles of African governments are understood and theorized. Some authors hold that the triggers of fragility in the region are mere reoccurrences of what life has always been in its habitable spaces; and, hence, of little cause for global concern. While others recognize the global dimensions to the woes of this crisis-ridden region, they have pointed to the contestations surrounding the ‘state’: what it is, and what has been its role in the making/unmaking of fragility. They have questioned the proactive ability of the African state in the building of resilient communities that can cope with the impact of fragility. This introductory chapter argues that the postcolonial state in Africa cannot be dismissed because of its role in the making of some of the fragility indicators: conflicts, political instability, poverty, pandemics, corruption, household food insecurity, gender inequality and [child labor]. It should also be seen as a resilient actor, with a central role in the case management of the incidences of economic, social and political fragility.
Article
This paper analyses the gendered circuits of violence that create and sustain economic insecurity in Ukraine. Drawing on feminist political economy analysis of the dependence of structural adjustment programmes on women’s labor, and feminist security studies critical analysis of the negative effects of militaries on human security, the paper shows how IFI-imposed austerity measures in Ukraine are inextricable from processes of militarization. While the gendered impacts of each of these distinct processes have been explored, this paper empirically demonstrates how IFI loan conditionalities and militarization intensify and reinforce one another precisely through the burdens they place on households and especially on women in the context of conflict.
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We investigate whether female political empowerment is conducive to civil peace, drawing on global data on female political empowerment over a 200-year period, from the Varieties of Democracy database. We augment previous research by expanding the temporal scope, looking at a novel inventory of female political empowerment measures, attending to reverse-causality and omitted variable issues, and separating between relevant causal mechanisms. We find a strong link between female political empowerment and civil peace, which is particularly pronounced in the twentieth century. We find evidence that this relationship is driven both by women’s political participation—particularly the bottom-up political participation of women, e.g., in civil society—and the culture that conduces it. This is the strongest evidence to date that there is a robust link between female political empowerment and civil peace, stemming from both institutional and cultural mechanisms.
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A growing body of quantitative research points to a robust relationship between gender inequality and armed conflict. In order to progress our understanding of this relationship, we make two contributions. First, we identify three potential explanations as to why gender inequality can be associated with conflict—gender inequality norms, societal capacity, and gendered socioeconomic development—and suggest an empirical strategy to gauge the explanatory leverage of each explanation. Second, we offer a more nuanced treatment of the dependent variable at the subnational level, moving beyond a dichotomized view of armed conflict to accounting for both its level and type. We test our hypotheses using district-level data on gender inequality and conflicts in India, covering the 1989–2014 period. Our findings show that the three explanations do not produce the same outcomes in the data. We argue that this speaks to the need to adjudicate between different forms of mechanisms that can connect gender inequality to conflict. Our results show support for women's status being important for understanding a society's capacity to handle conflict nonviolently. On the negative side, gendered socioeconomic developments resulting in a male surplus create conditions conducive for armed conflict, particularly in urban areas. A more surprising finding is that the gender inequality norm, in and of itself, does not appear to have a strong effect on the risk of armed conflict. This does not mean that we can disregard the explanation, but it underlines that there can be inherent problems with this commonly used argument.
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This article investigates the gap between policy and practice in gender-responsive security sector reform (SSR) by exploring the ways in which risks perceived to be associated with gender-responsive SSR in conflict-affected environments legitimize inaction. A typology of risks is presented, which range from risks to individuals, security sector institutions, and peacebuilding efforts and encompass security, programmatic, fiduciary, and reputational risks. The risks are analyzed to consider the extent to which they are present and could be managed, mitigated, or avoided, rather than stall action. This article argues that the process of determining what constitutes a risk, and what constitutes a risk worth taking, is inherently political and serves to reinforce dominant power relations, including gendered power relations. The article then discusses the risks that result from inaction and the opportunities that are missed when arguments about risk trump gender responsiveness. As a result, it is argued that gender inequalities persist, women continue to be marginalized within and beyond the security sector, and transformational opportunities that could lead to sustainable peace are missed. The article concludes by arguing that the potential risks resulting from not advancing gender-responsive SSR far outweigh the perceived risks associated with it.
Article
The Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda is a global peace and security architecture conventionally understood as emerging from a suite of UN Security Council resolutions and accompanying member state action plans over the last twenty years. The agenda serves as a major international gender equality initiative in its own right and as a prominent example of the broadening of security practices in global politics. In this paper, we present the first truly systematic analysis of the agenda, drawing on a novel dataset of 213 WPS policy documents from across the UN system, national government initiatives, and regional and international organizations published between 2000 and 2018. We argue that the degree of variation in the WPS agenda is frequently underestimated in conventional models of norm diffusion and policy transfer, and instead propose an account of the agenda as a dynamic ecosystem shaped by reproduction and contestation. Our empirical mapping runs counter to established narratives about the development of the agenda, producing insights into the pace and location of the growth of WPS; the hierarchy of its key “pillars”; the emergence of new issues; the development of rival versions of the agenda; and the role of domestic institutions in shaping WPS policy. We find support for the claim that the WPS agenda is pluralizing in significant ways and provide illustrations of points of fracture within the agenda at large. Our argument has significant implications for the WPS research agenda and for scholarship on security norms and policy more broadly.
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This book focuses on the indicators of fragility and the resilience of state-led interventions to address them in sub-Saharan Africa. It analyzes the ‘figure’ of fragile states as the unit of analysis and situates the study of fragility, governance and political adaptation within contemporary global and local political, economic and socio-cultural contexts. The chapters offer an indispensable, econometrically informed guide to better understanding issues that have an impact on fragility in governance and nation-building and affect policy-making and program design targeting institutions in various circumstances. These issues, as they relate to the indicators of fragility, are the contexts and correlates of armed conflicts on statehood and state fragility, the poverty-trap, pandemics and household food insecurity, and child labor. Case studies from across 46 sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries are assessed to offer clear, broad and multidisciplinary views of what the future holds for them and the international donor communities at large. Regarding state-led interventions, the authors utilize insightful statistical methods and epistemologies to explain the correlates of behavioral language frames and conflict de-escalation on battle-related deaths across the conflict zones within the sub-region, the regional and country-level interventions to end child labor, the institutional frameworks and interventions in the advancement of food security and health. This book will be of interest to scholars of economics, development, politics in developing countries, Area and African Studies, peace, conflict and security studies.
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Differences between women and men in perceptions of security threats are firmly established in public opinion research, with the ‘male warrior’ and the ‘worried woman’ two well-documented stereotypes. Yet, we argue in this article, the differences are not as well understood as such labels, or the search for explanations, imply. One reason for this is the lack of dialogue between public opinion research and feminist security studies. In bringing the two fields into conversation by analysing mixed methods research data gathered in Britain, we suggest that while the extent of the gender gap in opinions of security is overstated, the gaps that do exist are more complex than previously allowed: men and women define ‘security’ in slightly different ways; women tend to identify more security threats than men not necessarily because they feel more threatened but due to a greater capacity to consider security from perspectives beyond their own; women are more confident about the government's ability to deal with security threats in the future but not simply because of greater faith in government than men. This complexity implies a need to revisit assumptions, methods, and analytical approaches in order to develop the field of gender and security further.
Article
Women-owned businesses represent a significant segment of the contemporary economy upon a global basis. However, women entrepreneurs still experience more obstacles than men depending on cultural context; for example, research on the Arab world concerning the interaction between women entrepreneurs and their families remains under-developed. Consequently, we ground our study upon an enhanced framework of agency theory, which includes family altruism. We examined the relationships between business-family interface (BFI) enrichment components and the performance of firms headed by female entrepreneurs women in Jordan and Sudan. Specifically, we investigated if and how the country level of political and social stability moderates these relationships. The findings suggest that the relationship between the family-related objective factor (family financial support) and the performance of firms headed by female entrepreneurs is not affected by the country’s political and social stability context. Conversely, the family-related subjective factor (family moral support) is affected by this context. Our study bridges the gap in contextual studies on the Arab world concerning the success of women-owned businesses and confirms how institutional elements affect business in addition to family-related matters. Implications for future research and public policy are discussed.
Article
Do politicians represent the policy preferences of men and women equally post-war? Gender inclusiveness has particularly high stakes in this context: research shows that it can help sustain peace. We use a series of survey experiments with politicians ( N = 1389) and voters ( N = 3049) to study gender bias in policy representation in a post-conflict setting: Bosnia. We find a significant pro-male bias in the policy responsiveness of local politicians (both men and women) to their constituency preferences. We do not find evidence that this is because men are more active and vocal about expressing their policy preferences. Instead, this bias is present in the post-war society more generally: politicians’ attitudes reflect the pro-male bias among voters, both men and women. These results have important implications for the study of gender and post-conflict politics.
Chapter
This chapter makes a case for applying a masculinities lens to understand multiple forms of violence in conflict and nonconflict settings. It discusses how violence is tied to inequalities, marginalization, patriarchal and other power structures, masculinities, and young men’s identities. It further examines how those dynamics shape the differential impact of conflict on females versus males and individuals of other gender identities. Further, it brings an intersectional understanding of how ethnicity, social class, and masculinities interact in conflict and high-violence settings, addressing the cases of Brazil and the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo.
Article
Development policies advancing the Women, Peace and Security agenda enjoy an established trajectory across international organizations. This is evident within United Nations programs that engage displaced populations where children are particularly vulnerable to conflict dynamics. This article argues that existing gender-based development policies mitigate the impact of conflict on children through empowering displaced women as peacebuilding agents. Using United Nations data, fieldwork, and elite interviews, this article employs a case study of Iraq to show that the implementation of gender-based development policies correlates with reduced rates of grave violations against children in conflict settings. These findings point to the peacebuilding potential of displaced women through their ability to mitigate the economic and social impacts of conflict dynamics on children. Policy programs within the United Nations Women, Peace and Security framework should engage this connection between displaced women and the protection of children to strengthen and improve peacebuilding outcomes in conflict environments.
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Throughout the 1990s, advocates sought to ensure the future inclusion of women and girls both in the analysis of the effects of armed conflict and in peacebuilding processes. Their efforts came fruition; by the close of 2000, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1325 which added the gender lens advocates demanded; other related resolutions codified UN commitment to broader engagement of civil society. In the past twenty years, these resolutions lent support to initiatives seeking to engage community-level actors in conflict analysis and resolution. Unfortunately, these opportunities remain sporadic and incomplete. Genuine representation and participation in formal, national-level processes remain limited, albeit crucial for lasting peace. This article first advocates for inclusion of these groups for their intrinsic and instrumental value; we then examine specific inclusive peacebuilding efforts in Yemen, Syria, Libya, and Nigeria to demonstrate some of the attempts and challenges faced by those leading these efforts in the past two-decades. We conclude by advocating for increased inclusion of civil society representatives at all level of peace processes and post- conflict governance, even when such inclusion does not produce the immediate strategic outcomes outlined by elites.
Article
We examine the quality of the gender lens investing field’s underlying gender analysis to assess how a field built to redress marginalization analyzes that marginalization. In examining the evolution of gender and queer theory, we question the validity of the dominant definition of gender used in investing. Since its institutionalization, gender studies has evolved on the grounds that gender experience is dynamic and must be understood through diverse lived experiences. Drawing on current theory in gender and queer studies from across the Global North and South, we find that a comprehensive understanding of gender encompasses gender identity and sexuality as well as social, economic, and geopolitical considerations. We find a significant gap between gender lens investing's primary modes of analysis and lessons from scholars. Acknowledging the challenge of translating theory into financial practice, we suggest steps towards an investment practice that better mirrors how gender operates in the world.
Article
The UN. has intensified efforts to recruit female peacekeepers for peacekeeping missions. From 2006 to 2014, the number of female military personnel in UN peacekeeping missions nearly tripled. The theory driving female recruitment is that female peacekeepers employ distinctive skills that make units more effective along a variety of dimensions. Yet skeptics argue that deeper studies are needed. This paper explores the theoretical mechanisms through which female military personnel are thought to increase the effectiveness of peacekeeping units. Using new data, we document variation in female participation across missions over time, and we explore the impact of female ratio balancing on various conflict outcomes, including the level of female representation in post-conflict political institutions, the prevalence of sexual violence in armed conflict, and the durability of peace. We find evidence that a greater proportion of female personnel is systematically associated with greater implementation of women’s rights provisions and a greater willingness to report rape, and we find no evidence of negative consequences for the risk of conflict recurrence. We conclude that the inclusion of more female peacekeepers in UN peacekeeping does not reduce the ability to realize mission goals.
Article
Esta obra echa la mirada hacia el pasado y hacia el futuro en relación con lo que fue, es y podría ser el trabajo feminista en seguridad, mediante la combinación de un enfoque de sociología histórica con una visión prospectiva del futuro de este campo de estudio. El texto comienza con una reflexión, como cimiento de la discusión, sobre los estudios feministas de seguridad (EFS) antes de la existencia misma de la disciplina. A continuación, discute diferentes ideas sobre lo que los EFS son. Posteriormente, presta atención a las corrientes divergentes dentro los EFS, así como a las omisiones y críticas. Más que buscar reconciliar estas distintas consideraciones, se pregunta por los aspectos que puede tomarse de las mismas para abordar futuros potenciales de los EFS, y su contribución a los feminismos y/o a los estudios de seguridad.
Chapter
In spite of increased attention following resolution 1325 to women’s sidelining in matters related to peace and conflict, women continue to be marginalized in peacekeeping missions, peace negotiations and peacebuilding processes. Yet both rights-based and instrumentalist arguments push firstly for the right of women to be part of the resolution to the conflict and the construction of the post-conflict society and secondly for the necessity of including women in an effort to attain gender equality for a durable peace. The aim of this chapter is to identify and develop the necessary conditions to build a feminist peace, characterized as inclusive and transformative. Through a transdisciplinary literature review drawing on the domains of feminist studies, peace studies and security studies, the author singles out two interrelated aspects which are necessary to address for the construction of a feminist peace: enlarging the understanding of ‘security’ to encompass an absence of violence in the private as well as the public sphere and empowering women socio-economically to give them the means to participate in the post-conflict political economy.
Article
Half a year after rising to the position of prime minister in Ethiopia, Abiy Ahmed appointed a cabinet that included an unprecedented 50% women, including the first female minister of defense. This was noteworthy, because women had not been well-represented in Ethiopian political leadership. What motivated the appointment of so many women? We argue that the selection of ministers in aid-dependent global south countries responds to external cues—and that this leads to more women in the cabinet. Our findings regarding Ethiopia’s 50% female cabinet suggest that the role of external cues in cabinet selection deserves further investigation.
Article
Recent world events, such as the rise of hypermasculine authoritarian leaders, have shown the importance of both sex and gender for understanding international politics. However, quantitative researchers of conflict have long relegated the study of sex and gender inequality as a cause of war to a specialized group of scholars, despite overwhelming evidence that the connections are profound and consequential. In this review essay, we demonstrate the tremendous progress made in this field by analyzing a wave of research that examines the relationships between sex and gender inequality and war. We divide this work into theories that emphasize strategy versus those that analyze structures. In addition, we focus on two aspects of this research agenda—specifying mechanisms that link sex and gender inequality to war, and leveraging data at multiple levels of analysis—to outline fruitful pathways forward for the broader international security research agenda. Ultimately, we argue that the study of the nexus of sex and gender inequality and war will enliven theoretical debates, illuminate new hypotheses, and enrich the policy discourse with robust evidence.
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The assumption that peace mediation is gender-neutral reproduces and reinforces the already gendered aftermath(s) of war. Peace mediation is a multilayered conflict resolution mechanism that ranges from grassroots peacebuilding to high-level diplomacy. As a ‘language of peace’, international law has become foundational in high-level peace mediation processes and institutions. International legal feminist and queer theory are critical of international law for its gendered and heteronormative frameworks that reinforce the binaries of war/peace, masculine/feminine or heterosexual/homosexual. Global governance gender law reforms, such as the Women, Peace and Security agenda, are part of the institutional frameworks that guide peace mediation processes. High-level peace mediators are also members of an ‘epistemic community’ regulated by international and regional organisations. The article analyses how masculine and heteronormative international legal institutions and experts shape peace mediation’s already gendered processes and outcomes. The article concludes that contemporary peace mediation approaches must be rethought and that alternatives to the traditional peace table must be imagined.
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שילוב נשים בתפקידי לחימה בצבא מעורר דיון ציבורי סוער ומעסיק את החברה הישראלית בעשורים האחרונים. ויכוחים חריפים על סוגיה זו ניטשים בזירות שונות — צבאיות ואזרחיות כאחד. האם נשים מסוגלות למלא תפקידים אלו? והאם ראוי שנשים ימלאו תפקידים אלו? הן רק שתיים מהשאלות, אשר השיח עליהן משפיע על חיי הנשים בישראל, על מבנה הצבא ועל החברה בכללותה. בספר מובא, באמצעות סיפורן של עשרות חיילות, סיפור הקרב הכפול של נשים ששירתו בתפקידי לחימה ובתפקידים תומכי לחימה בצה"ל. הקרב הכפול שלהן מתרחש בשדה הקרב (בו הן חשופות לטראומה כתוצאה מהפעילות המבצעית), וכן בחזית המאבק בכוחות המתנגדים להשתלבות נשים בתפקידי לחימה. הספר מבקש להרחיב את היריעה האקדמית והחברתית שאפשר להפיק מניסיונן של נשים כשהן עומדות במרכז ולא כתוספת שולית לנושא הנחקר. הניתוח תקף לא רק לישראל, אלא מציע תובנות משמעותיות הן על שירות נשים בתפקידים קרביים והן על סוגיות רחבות יותר הבוחנות את הקשרים שבין מגדר למלחמה, לטראומה ולפוליטיקה. יתרה מזו, באמצעות הבלטת נקודת המבט של נשים בצבא, הספר מלמד גם על השירות הצבאי ועל החוויות של גברים לוחמים בצבא. הספר מדגיש את הדיכוטומיות הפגומות הרווחות בחקר המלחמה, האלימות והקרב, ומערער עליהן על ידי הצגה וניתוח של נרטיבים מפי מאה לוחמות משוחררות, המספרות את חוויותיהן בסביבה של סכסוך ומלחמה. https://www.pardes.co.il/?id=showbook&catnum=978-1-61838-804-9
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A transdisciplinary research project investigated the idea of framing climate and environmental change (CEC) as a new type of threat: a hyperthreat. Traditional military analytical methods were used to assess the hyperthreat and its context and develop ideas about how an adequate response could be conceived. This approach contrasts to prior literature and longstanding geopolitical discourse that identify the risks of taking a securitization approach. Instead, the author argues that it is now riskier not to consider CEC within a mainstream geopolitical and nation-state security strategy. When the hyperthreat of CEC is centered as the main threat to be contained, and its relationship to other threats is analyzed, startling new pathways to stability emerge. The research developed a new theoretical approach called “entangled security” to develop an initial new “grand narrative” and “grand strategy” (PLAN E). This article offers a vision of how military theory can be reimagined to support new policy directions and security priorities.
Chapter
This chapter makes a contribution to the debate in women’s representation and participation in politics, especially in communities undergoing transition. Firstly, the realities of female representation and participation in Myanmar’s politics is further discussed. Secondly, it highlights the structural barriers to women’s participation in Myanmar’s public and private spheres by providing an in-depth discussion on the perceptions of the role of women. Thirdly, the chapter explores the importance of women in not only politics, but also in the interrelated areas of peace and security. Although there has been a general increase in the number of women participating in politics, this chapter argues that there is much room for improvement in challenging structural barriers from local to national level in facilitating and empowering women in all aspects of political decision-making processes.
Article
This paper explores the gender dimension of the relationship between the political marketplace and identity formation. Gender is a central, not tangential, component of violence and gender norms are an essential part of singular and exclusive identity formation. The article focuses on ISIS’s sexual and gender-based violence against the Yezidis and contextualises this case within wider long-term gender- and identity-based structural inequalities that facilitate sexual violence in conflict. Structural inequalities are understood here within a continuum of violence and through an intersectional study of sexual violence in conflict. In the case of ISIS and the Yezidis, specific ethnic or religious constructions of identity intersected with gender, leading to targeting of a minority community. This identity formation is part of becoming a militarised masculine warrior within a group – ISIS used sexual violence in forming its group identity against a subordinated outgroup. In doing this, ISIS objectified and commodified the bodies of the Yezidi women and created an economic market around this. Objectification and commodification of Yezidi women reinforced ISIS’s hegemonic and militant masculinity. The construction of identity through sexual violence took place in a socio-economic and political context situated within a long-term history of the intersection of gender and identity-based hierarchies. This was possible because of the existing repertoires of values, perceptions and practices of hegemonic and militant masculinity. The organisation and institutionalisation of sexual violence and objectification and commodification of Yezidi women and girls was based on this repertoire which was based on intersectional hierarchies of gender and religious-ethnic-sectarian identities.
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In an effort to contribute to the dialogue between gender studies and international studies, this report presents findings from an empirical investigation based on the integrated secondary analysis of survey data from Israel, Egypt, Palestine, and Kuwait. The goal is to assess the utility of both gender and attitudes pertaining to the circumstances of women in accounting for variance in views about war and peace, and thereafter to examine the degree to which political system attributes constitute conditionalities associated with important variable relationships. Major findings include the absence of gender-linked differences in attitudes toward international conflict in all four of the societies studied and a significant relationship in each of these societies between attitudes toward gender equality and attitudes toward international conflict. Based on data from the Arab world and Israel, with attitudes about a peaceful resolution of the Arab-Israeli conflict treated as the dependent variable, the research also aspires to shed light on more practical considerations pertaining to the international relations of the Middle East.
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Gender analysis has emerged as an important conceptual approach to the study of decision making and conflict resolution in the international arena. Although scholars and practitioners within the field of international relations have debated the effect of gender on the negotiation and decision-making process, little systematic evidence to support their assertions has taken place. This article examines a set of data from the GLOBALED PROJECT that provides insights into the different ways men and women perceive world affairs and interact in a negotiation setting. In particular, the authors examine differences in the negotiation styles of all-female, all-male, and mixed-gender groups when negotiating over international or global issues. Findings from the GLOBALED PROJECT, a computer-mediated study of gender differences in decision-making and negotiation skills, show that there are indeed significant differences between the approaches used by various gender groupings. Although much work remains to be done in this area, this research indicates that some of the impressionistic and anecdotal characterizations of the different ways men and women approach negotiations and decision making are indeed well-grounded when examined through systemic evidence.
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Democratic states are in general about as conflict- and war-prone as nondemocracies, but democracies have rarely clashed with one another in violent conflict. We first show that democracy, as well as other factors, accounts for the relative lack of conflict. Then we examine two explanatory models. The normative model suggests that democracies do not fight each other because norms of compromise and cooperation prevent their conflicts of interest from escalating into violent clashes. The structural model asserts that complex political mobilization processes impose institutional constraints on the leaders of two democracies confronting each other to make violent conflict unfeasible. Using different data sets of international conflict and a multiplicity of indicators, we find that (1) democracy, in and of itself, has a consistent and robust negative effect on the likelihood of conflict or escalation in a dyad; (2) both the normative and structural models are supported by the data; and (3) support for the normative model is more robust and consistent.
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Social service professionals are more frequently identifying children who witness adult domestic violence as victims of that abuse. This article expands common definitions of how children witness adult domestic violence. A total of 31 research articles that met established quality criteria were included in this review. A variety of behavioral, emotional, and cognitive-functioning problems among children were found to be associated with exposure to domestic violence. Factors that appear to moderate the impact of witnessing violence—such as whether the child was also abused, child gender and age, and the time since last exposure to violence—were identified. Concerns about research methodology used in this area of research and the application of this knowledge also are raised.
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Respect for human rights represents self-imposed restraints on the behavior of a government. These limits signify both a domestic norm and a state that has decided to settle political disputes through nonviolent methods. When these governments interact in the international system, we suspect that their basic norms of behavior will remain and generate relatively peaceful interactions. We test this contention on pairs of all states from 1980 to 2001 and find that joint respect for human rights decreases the probability of conflict. This relationship is maintained even when one controls for the effect of democracy and its influence on the human rights record of states.
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In this article, I examine to what extent gender equality is associated with lower levels of intrastate armed conflict. I use three measures of gender equality: (1) a dichotomous indicator of whether the highest leader of a state is a woman; (2) the percentage of women in parliament; and (3) the female-to-male higher education attainment ratio. I argue that the first two measures in particular capture the extent to which women hold positions that allow them to influence matters of war and peace within a state. I further argue that all three measures, but especially the last two, capture how women are valued relative to men in a society, that is, the relative degree of subordination of women. Whereas female state leadership has no statistically significant effect, more equal societies, measured either in terms of female representation in parliament or the ratio of female-to-male higher education attainment, are associated with lower levels of intrastate armed conflict. The pacifying impact of gender equality is not only statistically significant in the presence of a comprehensive set of controls but also is strong in substantive terms.
Article
Although women have made large strides professionally over the last century, politics remains a man's world. Significant barriers stand in the way of more women assuming positions of political leadership-not least women's own attitudes. If serious efforts are not made to break down these barriers, the world will miss out on the benefits that women can bring to pohcymaking.
Article
The predisposition to criminality was studied in 913 women and 862 men from the Stockholm Adoption Study. Different genetic and environmental antecedents influenced the development of criminality, depending on whether or not there was associated alcohol abuse. Male alcoholic criminals often committed repeated violent offences, whereas non-alcoholic criminals characteristically committed a small number of petty property crimes. These non-alcoholic petty criminals more often had biological fathers with histories of petty crime but no excess of alcohol abuse. The risk of criminality in alcohol abusers was correlated with the severity of their own alcohol abuse, but not with criminality in their biological or adoptive parents. Most explained variation in petty crime was due to differences between the genetic predispositions of the adoptees, but substantial contributions were also made by postnatal environment, either alone or in combination with specific genetic subtypes. There was no overlap between the congenital antecedents of alcoholism and non-alcoholic criminality, but some postnatal variables were common to this kind of criminality and type 2 or male-limited alcoholism. Low social status alone was not sufficient to lead to petty criminality, but did increase risk in combination with specific types of genetic predisposition. Unstable preadoptive placement contributed to the risks of both petty criminality and male-limited alcoholism.
Article
During the past two decades, the term "women in development' has become common currency both inside and outside academic settings. But while "women in development,' or "WID,' is understood to mean the integration of women into global processes of economic, political, and social growth and change, there often is confusion about the meanings of two more recent acronyms, "WAD' (women and development) and "GAD' (gender and development). This paper begins with an examination of meanings and assumptions embedded in "WID', "WAD', and "GAD' and then looks at the extent to which differing views of the relationship between gender and development have influenced research, policymaking, and international agency thinking since the mid-1960s. It is suggested that each term has been associated with a varying set of underlying assumptions and has led to the formulation of different strategies for the participation of women in development processes. -from Author
Article
You can't end wars simply by declaring peace. "Inclusive security" rests on the principle that fundamental social changes are necessary to prevent renewed hostilities. Women have proven time and again their unique ability to bridge seemingly insurmountable divides. So why aren't they at the negotiating table?
Article
To some degree, biology is destiny. The feminist school of international relations has a point: a truly matriarchal world would be less prone to conflict and more cooperative than the one we now inhabit. And world politics has been gradually feminizing over the past century. But the broader scene will still be populated by states led by men like Mobutu, Milošević, or Saddam. If tomorrow's troublemakers are armed with nuclear weapons, we might be better off being led by women like Margaret Thatcher than, say, Gro Harlem Brundtland. Masculine policies will still be essential even in a feminized world.
Article
A nonverbal person judgment task was used to address two general questions regarding the structure of implicit person schemas: (1) Does the pattern of perceived similarity among individuals differ depending on whether traits or person types are the basis of categorization? (2) Is the structure of person types hierarchically ordered by age and sex?. Subjects sorted a set of 140 facial photographs under one of three different instructional conditions that encouraged sorting by similarity of traits, character type, or physical features. Resulting co-occurrence matrices differed substantially between the trait sorting and type sorting conditions, whereas type sortings and physical feature sorts were highly similar. Individual sortings in the character type instructional condition were partitioned by age and sex of photos, although subjects did not seem to be explicitly aware of the role of age and sex in their category structure. Further, sex and perceived age of persons in photos were the primary predictors of frequency of co-occurrence for the type sortings, but were less predictive of co-occurrence in the trait sorting condition.
Article
It is assumed that violence is functional at both individual and societal levels. A model developed for violent individuals is compared with a proposed model for interstate wars. In both domains, the data are consistent with the assumption that violence is functional. At the societal level, the contingencies of training are provided by official staff and require reasonably well-socialized soldiers. At the individual level, reinforcers are provided by victims, and aggressors are usually socially incompetent. In the societal model, decision makers receive rein-forcers for initiating and winning wars. The combat soldiers' behavior is somewhat paradoxical. Soldiers are thought to remain in harm's way out of love for their buddies. The actual reinforcers for their combat behavior are unknown. © 2008 Association for Psychological Science.
Book
The twentieth century gave rise to profound changes in traditional sex roles. This study reveals how modernization has changed cultural attitudes towards gender equality and analyzes the political consequences. It systematically compares attitudes towards gender equality worldwide, comparing almost 70 nations, ranging from rich to poor, agrarian to postindustrial. This volume is essential reading to gain a better understanding of issues in comparative politics, public opinion, political behavior, development and sociology. © Ronald Inglehart and Pippa Norris 2003 and Cambridge University Press, 2009.
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This study quantitatively tests the relationship between state militarism and domestic gender equality. International relations literature on the impact and potential impact of women on foreign policy suggests that women are more peaceful in that they are less likely than men to support the use of international violence. Other research indicates that a domestic environment of inequality results in state militarism on the international level. Both lines of inquiry suggest that a domestic environment of equality between women and men would lead toward greater state pacifism, and four hypotheses are developed to test this relationship. The Militarized Interstate Dispute dataset is used with hostility level as the dependent variable to measure the level of militarism employed by any given state to resolve international conflicts. Independent variables for gender equality include percent women in parliament, duration of female suffrage, percent women in the labor force, and fertility rate. Several control variables (alliances, contiguity, wealth, and democracy) are added to the multivariate logistic regressions, and all four hypotheses are confirmed. This study substantiates the theory that domestic gender equality has a pacifiying effect on state behavior on the international level.
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Zeev Maoz is Professor of Political Science and Head of the Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies at Tel Aviv University. He is author of Domestic Sources of Global Change (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1996). An earlier version of this paper was presented at the annual meeting of the Israeli Political Science Association, Tel Aviv, May 28, 1995. I wish to thank Allison Astorino-Courtois, William Dixon, Ben Mor, John Oneal, James Lee Ray, Bruce Russett, and Gerrald Sorokin for their useful comments. Any errors are mine alone. 1. For reviews of this literature, see Bruce Russett, Grasping the Democratic Peace (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1993); James Lee Ray, Democracy and International Conflict (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1995); Michael E. Brown, Sean M. Lynn-Jones, and Steven E. Miller, eds., Debating the Democratic Peace (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1996); and James Lee Ray, "The Pacifying Impact of Democracy: Indubitable or Chimerical?" Mimeo, Vanderbilt University (January 1997). 2. An example of this critique is given by John D. Mearsheimer, "Back to the Future: Instability in Europe After the Cold War," International Security, Vol. 15, No. 1 (Summer 1990), pp. 5-56. This study is not discussed here because it does not present empirical evidence to substantiate these claims. Other studies of this genre are discussed below. 3. Some of the first studies to examine the democratic peace issue hinted at the danger involved in extrapolating prescriptive guidelines from the fact that democracies seemingly do not fight each other. See Melvin Small and J. David Singer, "The War-Proneness of Democratic Regimes," Jerusalem Journal of International Relations, Vol. 1, No. 1 (April 1976), pp. 46-61, and Jack E. Vincent, "Freedom and International Conflict: Another Look," International Studies Quarterly, Vol. 31, No. 1 (March 1987), pp. 103-112. 4. See, for example, the pessimistic status reports on international conflict and war in Ted Robert Gurr, ed., Handbook of Political Conflict (New York: Free Press, 1980), especially the articles by Dina Zinncs and Michael Stohl. Another more recent and basically pessimistic review is provided by Jack S. Levy, "The Causes of War: A Review of Theories and Evidence," in Philip E. Tetlock, Roy Radner, and Robert Axelrod, eds., Behavior, Society, and Nuclear War, Vol. 1 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), pp. 209-333. One review that views the full half of the research glass is John A. Vasquez, The War Puzzle (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1993). 5. Zeev Maoz, Domestic Sources of Global Change (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1996), chaps. 1 and 7; Bruce Russett, "Processes of Dyadic Choice for War and Peace," World Politics, Vol. 47, No. 2 (January 1995), pp. 268-282; Bruce Russett, "And Yet It Moves," International Security, Vol. 19, No. 4 (Spring 1995), pp. 164-175; and Ray, Democracy and International Conflict. 6. Mearsheimer, "Back to the Future"; David E. Spiro, "The Insignificance of the Democratic Peace," International Security, Vol. 19, No. 2 (Summer 1994), pp. 50-86; and Henry Farber and Joanne Gowa, "Polities and Peace," International Security, Vol. 20, No. 2 (Summer 1995), pp. 123-146. 7. Spiro, "The Insignificance of the Democratic Peace," Appendix, pp. 82-86, column 9. 8. Zeev Maoz and Nasrin Abdolali, "Regime Type and International Conflict, 1816-1976," Journal of Conflict Resolution, Vol. 33, No. 1 (March 1989), p. 25. 9. Zeev Maoz and Bruce Russett, "Alliance, Wealth Contiguity, and Political Stability: Is the Lack of Conflict Between Democracies a Statistical Artifact?" International Interactions, Vol. 17, No. 4 (January 1992), pp. 245-267, and Zeev Maoz and Bruce Russett, "Normative and Structural Causes of Democratic Peace, 1946-1986," American Political Science Review, Vol. 87, No. 3 (September 1993), pp. 624-638. Politically relevant dyads are dyads that are directly or indirectly contiguous or those in which one member is a major power with a global reach capacity or a regional power with a regional reach capacity. 10. I differ with James Lee Ray, "War Between Democracies: Rare or Nonexistent?" International Interactions, Vol. 18, No. 3 (September 1993), pp. 251-276, and Ray, Democracy and International Conflict, as well as with my findings in Maoz and Abdolali, "Regime Type...
Article
I review new trends in research on the psychology of gender. The gender similarities hypothesis holds that males and females are similar on most, but not all, psychological variables. Gender is not only an individual-difference or person variable but also a stimulus variable. Emerging approaches to cross-national measurement of constructs such as gender equality provide new insights into patterns of gender differences and similarities across cultures. Current neuroscience approaches emphasize neural plasticity and provide the opportunity to study neural correlates of males' and females' differential experiences.
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International politics is a man’s world, a world of power and conflict in which warfare is a privileged activity. Traditionally, diplomacy, military service, and the science of international politics have been largely male domains. In the past, women have rarely been included in the ranks of professional diplomats or the military: of the relatively few women who specialize in the academic discipline of international relations, few are security specialists. Women political scientists who do international relations tend to focus on areas such as international political economy, North-South relations and matters of distributive justice.
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It has been shown in the work of Ted Gurr and others that ethnic discrimination can lead to ethno-political rebellion, and that rebellion often leads to interstate conflict. The authors seek to discover whether rebellion is the only meaningful link between ethnic discrimination and international violence. Many scholars have argued that a domestic environment of inequality and violence results in a greater likelihood of state use of violence internationally. This argument is most fully developed within feminist literature; however, research in the area of ethno-political conflict has also highlighted the negative impact of domestic discrimination on state behavior at the international level. The analysis builds upon the literature linking domestic gender inequality and state aggression to other inequalities created and/or sustained by the state. Using the Minorities at Risk (MAR) and Militarized Interstate Disputes (MID) datasets, the authors test whether states characterized by higher levels of discrimination against ethnic minorities are more likely to exhibit higher levels of hostility or to use force first when involved in international disputes. Group-level data in MAR are used to create a set of state-level variables measuring the extent of formal and informal discrimination against minority groups. The authors then test whether states with higher levels of discrimination against minority groups are more likely to rely on force when involved in an international dispute, controlling for other possible causes of state use of force. Ultimately, the authors confirm their hypotheses that states characterized by domestic inequality with regard to ethnic minorities are more likely to exhibit higher levels of hostility and to use force first when involved in an interstate conflict.
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This article introduces a concept of `cultural violence', and can be seen as a follow-up of the author's introduction of the concept of `structural violence' over 20 years ago (Galtung, 1969). `Cultural violence' is defined here as any aspect of a culture that can be used to legitimize violence in its direct or structural form. Symbolic violence built into a culture does not kill or maim like direct violence or the violence built into the structure. However, it is used to legitimize either or both, as for instance in the theory of a Herrenvolk, or a superior race. The relations between direct, structural and cultural violence are explored, using a violence triangle and a violence strata image, with various types of casual flows. Examples of cultural violence are indicated, using a division of culture into religion and ideology, art and language, and empirical and formal science. The theory of cultural violence is then related to two basic points in Gandhism, the doctrines of unity of life and of unity of means and ends. Finally, the inclusion of culture as a major focus of peace research is seen not only as deepening the quest for peace, but also as a possible contribution to the as yet non-existent general discipline of `culturology'.
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We explore and define the concept of a `rogue' state based on a state's domestic patterns of behavior. We combine measures of domestic gender equality, ethnic discrimination and state repression to identify characteristics of rogue states. Once we have identified rogue states, we perform logistic regression to predict whether rogue states are more likely to be the aggressors during international disputes — whether they are more likely to use force first during interstate conflict, controlling for other possible causes of state use of force. This research adds to a growing body of scholarship in International Relations regarding the behavior of states involved in conflict, which demonstrates that states with higher levels of inequality, repression and violence exhibit higher levels of violence during international disputes and during international crises. This argument is most fully developed within feminist scholarship; however, research in the field of ethno-apolitical conflict has also highlighted the negative impact of domestic discrimination and violence on state behavior at the international level.
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This article reanalyzes cross-cultural data on wife beating using Murdock and White's Standard Cross-Cultural Sample. Geographic isolation, violent norms, and intergender competition over material and intimate resources and rewards emerge as significant sources of cross-cultural variation in spouse abuse. The conclusion, which provides a provocative foundation for future research, is that wife beating is more common in cultures that embrace the use of violence and that promote competition between husbands and wives.
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We know, most notably through Ted Gurr's research, that ethnic discrimination can lead to ethnopolitical rebellion–intrastate conflict. I seek to discover what impact, if any, gender inequality has on intrastate conflict. Although democratic peace scholars and others highlight the role of peaceful domestic behavior in predicting state behavior, many scholars have argued that a domestic environment of inequality and violence—structural and cultural violence—results in a greater likelihood of violence at the state and the international level. This project contributes to this line of inquiry and further tests the grievance theory of intrastate conflict by examining the norms of violence that facilitate a call to arms. And in many ways, I provide an alternative explanation for the significance of some of the typical economic measures—the greed theory—based on the link between discrimination, inequality, and violence. I test whether states characterized by higher levels of gender inequality are more likely to experience intrastate conflict. Ultimately, the basic link between gender inequality and intrastate conflict is confirmed—states characterized by gender inequality are more likely to experience intrastate conflict, 1960–2001.
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I examine the role of domestic gender equality in predicting whether or not a state is more aggressive in international disputes. This research adds to a growing body of feminist research in international relations, which demonstrates that states with higher levels of gender equality exhibit lower levels of violence during international disputes and during international crises. Many scholars have argued that a domestic environment of inequality and violence results in a greater likelihood of state use of violence internationally. This argument is most fully developed within feminist literature; however, research in the field of ethno-nationalism has also highlighted the negative impact of domestic discrimination and violence on state behavior at the international level. Using the MID data set and new data on first use of force, I test, using logistic regression, whether states with higher levels of gender equality are less likely to be aggressive when involved in international disputes, controlling for other possible causes of state use of force. Beyond this project's contribution to the conflict literature, this research expands feminist theory by further incorporating it into traditional international relations theory to deepen our understanding of the impact of domestic gender equality on state behavior internationally.
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Rogue states have typically been characterized as those states that consistently violate accepted inter- national norms of behavior. While US foreign policymakers and policy analysts have identified rogue states as those violating a narrow set of international norms of external conduct, specifically terrorism sponsorship and illicit pursuit of banned weapons, this article proposes an alternative understanding of rogue state status that harks back to earlier notions of international pariah states, isolated from the rest of international society, owing to their egregious treatment of their own citizens. Building on Galtung's concept of structural violence and feminist insights concerning the interconnectedness of violence at all levels of human society, the authors develop a rogue state index to identify human rights rogues, based on ethnic and gender discrimination and the violation of personal integrity rights. An import- ant part of the rogue state formula developed by policymakers over the recent decades is the expec- tation that such states represent dangers to international peace and stability. Focusing on the recognized international human rights norms of non-discrimination and security of person, and informed by the causal mechanisms inherent in the normative explanation for the democratic peace, this article tests whether human rights rogues are more likely to become involved in militarized interstate conflicts and violent interstate conflicts. The results of the analysis show that human rights rogues are more likely to become involved in militarized interstate disputes in general, and violent interstate disputes specifically, than other states during the period 1980-2001, suggesting that policymakers must keep a close watch on serial human rights abusers, while seeking to identify future threats to international security.
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Samuel Huntington was only half right. The cultural fault line that divides the West and the Muslim world is not about democracy but sex. According to a new survey, Muslims and their Western counterparts want democracy, yet they are worlds apart when it comes to attitudes toward divorce, abortion, gender equality, and gay rights-which may not bode well for democracy's future in the Middle East.
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Children's tendencies to aggregate with same-sex others and to increase spatial experience with age are investigated among 3- to 9-year-olds in four non-Western communities. Also investigated are genderspecific social behaviors, labeled by Eleanor Maccoby as male-styleand female-styleplay. Analysis of naturalistic observations of daily activities indicate that during free time in all cultures, older children (7- and 9-year-olds) are much more involved in both same-sex aggregation and away-from-home spatial experience than are younger children (3- and 5-year-olds) and that older boys are more strongly involved in these events than are older girls. Older boys also display a marked degree of same-sex aggregation when enacting the male-style behaviors of physicality and attention seeking, but girls do not display a similar same-sex aggregation for any category of social behavior. Children's levels of gender understanding are unrelated to the outcomes.
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Women work for peace, and men wage war—cooperative women, conflictual men. These images pervade conventional wisdom about the efficacy of women in leadership roles and decision-making environments, but imagery is not always grounded in reality. Feminist international relations literature is examined to understand how domestic gender equality may help predict a state's international crisis behavior. The authors use the record of female leaders as primary decision makers during international crises and then test the relationship between domestic gender equality and a state's use of violence internationally. The International Crisis Behavior (ICB) data set and multinomial logistic regression are used to test the level of violence exhibited during international crises by states with varying levels of domestic gender equality. Results show that the severity of violence in crisis decreases as domestic gender equality increases.
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We recognize nationalism as problematic from the vantage point of conflict between groups: Sameness within is purchased at the price of institutionalizing difference—and too often conflict—between groups. But nationalism is also a problem from the perspective of those within the nation who share least in elite privilege and political representation.Gregory Gleason identifies three “faces” of nationalism: liberation (the self‐determination associated positively with nationalism), exclusivity (the promotion of group uniformity and “difference” from “others"), and domination (the negative effects of suppressing difference within the group and/or the domination of “outsiders” in the name of the group). How particular individuals and subgroups are situated in relation to “homogenization” will depend on various historical factors; there is no essential or predetermined givens in how race, class, ethnicity, gender, and so forth, are linked to nationalism. It is possible, however, to identify historical patterns in the gendered dynamics of group identity formation and reproduction. We can examine these dynamics with a particular focus on nationalism.
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Introduces several ways of viewing the issues pertinent to the impact of domestic violence and woman abuse on children's social development. The discussion of theory and research is framed, first by using 2 similar yet different models of behavior: the developmental psychopathology model and the ecological model. These multilevel descriptions of interactive systems provide backdrop and perspective for the ways in which domestic violence affects and interferes with children's social development. The individual child's level of understanding and reaction to violence are then discussed. The author uses 3 theoretical groundings (social learning theory, trauma theory, and relationships theory) to explain the effect of violence on children, the pattern of their present behavior problems, and the impact of current trauma on future behavior. These theories help explain the prospective impact of domestic violence on the child and allow speculation on the ways in which children's reactions to the evens can be modulated and modified. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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Using an adoption design to collect data on biological and adoptive parents of children adopted at birth, this study explored a possible mechanism through which heritable characteristics of adopted children evoke adoptive parent responses and lead to reciprocal influences between adoptive parent and adopted child behavior. Participants were 25 male and 20 female adoptees, 12-18 years of age, having either a biological parent with substance abuse/dependency or antisocial personality or a biological parent with no such history. The study found that psychiatric disorders of biological parents were significantly related to children's antisocial/hostile behaviors and that biological parents' psychiatric disorders were associated with adoptive parents' behaviors. This genotype-environment association was largely mediated by adoptees' antisocial/hostile behaviors. Results also suggest that the adoptee's antisocial/hostile behavior and adoptive mother's parenting practices affect each other. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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M. Steven Fish is an associate professor of political science at the University of California, Berkeley. He is the author of Democracy from Scratch: Opposition and Regime in the New Russian Revolution (1995) and a coauthor (with Richard Anderson, Stephen Hanson, and Philip Roeder) of Postcommunism and the Theory of Democracy (2001). He studies political regimes, regime change, state-society relations, political parties, and social movements. A recent project aims to offer a quantitative measure of the strength of legislatures in most of the world's major polities, and another seeks to assess regime change in Russia in comparative perspective.
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The purpose of this narrative is to build a bridge among feminist and traditional worldviews within international relations (IR) scholarship. In particular, this essay renews Ann Tickner's appeal for dialogue between feminist and conventional IR scholars. Not only is there room for such dialogue, but it is necessary. The most dogmatic scholars from each worldview generate and perpetuate an artificial divide. The purpose of this essay is to provide an explanation and rationale for a small, but growing, body of research that incorporates elements of gender and social justice into conventional IR theory using various methodologies, including a quantitative approach.
Article
Until recently, it was widely held that happiness fluctuates around set points, so that neither individuals nor societies can lastingly increase their happiness. Even though recent research showed that some individuals move enduringly above or below their set points, this does not refute the idea that the happiness levels of entire societies remain fixed. Our article, however, challenges this idea: Data from representative national surveys carried out from 1981 to 2007 show that happiness rose in 45 of the 52 countries for which substantial time-series data were available. Regression analyses suggest that that the extent to which a society allows free choice has a major impact on happiness. Since 1981, economic development, democratization, and increasing social tolerance have increased the extent to which people perceive that they have free choice, which in turn has led to higher levels of happiness around the world, as the human development model suggests. © 2008 Association for Psychological Science.
Article
Methodological issues have constituted some of the deepest sources of misunderstanding between International Relations (IR) feminists and IR theorists working in social scientific frameworks. IR theorists have called upon feminists to frame their research questions in terms of testable hypotheses. Feminists have responded that their research questions cannot be answered using social science explanatory frameworks. Deep epistemological divisions about the construction and purpose of knowledge make bridging these methodological divides difficult. These epistemological standards lead feminists to very different methodological perspectives. Asking different questions from those typically asked in IR, many IR feminists have drawn on ethnographic, narrative, cross-cultural, and other methods that are rarely taught to students of IR, to answer them. Drawing on a range of interdisciplinary scholarship on feminist methodologies and some recent IR feminist case studies, this article analyzes and assesses how these methodological orientations are useful for understanding the gendering of international politics, the state and its security-seeking practices and its effects on the lives of women and men.
Article
We observed 48 children from rural preschools (M=64 months old) in two different social contexts to test hypotheses about the type (relational, physical, verbal, nonverbal), contextual independence, and sociometry of girls’ and boys’ aggressive tactics. We predicted and generally found that (1) girls displayed more relational aggression than boys while boys displayed more physical and verbal aggression than girls, and that children received more physical and verbal aggression from male peers, and tended to receive more relational aggression from female peers, (2) behavioral observations of aggression corresponded with teacher reports of children's aggressive styles, (3) aggression observed during free play predicted children's aggressive styles in a structured setting at both the group and individual levels, and (4) aggressive tactics were associated with projected sociometric characteristics (dominance and peer acceptance).
Article
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Book
Women's access to education has been recognized as a fundamental right. At the national level, educating women results in improved productivity, income, and economic development, as well as a better quality of life, notably a healthier and better nourished population. It is important for all kinds of demographic behaviour, affecting mortality, health, fertility, and contraception, The personal benefits that women attach to education vary widely according to region, culture, and level of devlopment, but it is clear that educaiton empowers women, providing them with increased autonomy and resulting in almost every context in fewer children. Beyond these few general assertions, however, there is little consensus on such issues as how much education is required before changes in autonomy or reproductive behaviour occur; whether the education-autonomy relationship exists in all cultural contexts, at all times, and at all levels of development; and which aspects of autonomy are important in the relationship between education and fertility. It is in the need to address these fundamental issues that this book took shape. The author reviews the considerable evidence about education and fertility in the developing world that has emerged over the last twenty years, and then passes beyond the limits of previous studies to address three major questions: BL Does increased education always lead to a decrease in the number of children, or is there a threshold level of education that a woman must achieve before this inverse relationship becomes apparent? BL What are the critical pathways influencing the relationship of women's education to fertility? Is fertility affected because education leads to changes in the duration of breast-feeding? Because it raises the age at marriage? Because it increases the practice of contraception? Or because education reduces women's preferences for large numbers of children? BL Do improvements in education empower women in other areas of life, such as their improving exposure to information, decision-making, control of resources, or confidence in dealing with family and the outside world? Supported by full documentation of the available survey data, this study concludes that such contextual factors as the overall level of socio-economic development and the situation of women in traditional kinship structures complicate the general assumptions about the interrelationships between education, fertility, and female autonomy. It lays out the policy implications of these findings and fruitful directions for future research.
Article
Three questions are addressed in this paper: (1) Does mother's schooling affect child health? (2) If so, does its impact vary across child age groups? (3) How and why does maternal schooling affect child health? Maternal education positively affects child health as measured by height-for-age. There is a difference in its impact across child age groups, with preschoolers showing the greatest sensitivity. The pattern of interactions between maternal education and public health programs suggests that maternal education affects child health through an efficiency effect (by affecting the productivity of health inputs) and an allocative effect (by lowering the cost of information).
Article
If household income is pooled and then allocated to maximize welfare then income under the control of mothers and fathers should have the same impact on demand. With survey data on family health and nutrition in Brazil, the equality of parental income effects is rejected. Unearned income in the hands of a mother has a bigger effect on her family's health than income under the control of a father; for child survival probabilities the effect is almost twenty times bigger. The common preference (or neoclassical) model of the household is rejected. If unearned income is measured with error and income is pooled then the ratio of maternal to paternal income effects should be the same; equality of the ratios cannot be rejected. There is also evidence for gender preference: mothers prefer to devote resources to improving the nutritional status of their daughters, fathers to sons.
Article
Women's years of school enrollment and health, measured by longevity, have increased by a greater amount than men's in this century in most countries. Private and social returns to schooling and health are reviewed to explain these trends in women's human capital. Sample selection bias caused by analyses of only wage earners does not appear to lower women's private returns to schooling relative to men's. Social returns to education, moreover, favor greater public investment in women than men, particularly in South and West Asia and Africa where school investments in women are much less than in men.