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Counting and Marking Time: From the Precolonial to the Contemporary Tagalog World
Abstract
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The Spanish intrusion resulted in cultural and linguistic changes in Philippine societies, but did not lead to a complete exchange of the indigenous for the foreign. The changes were not imposed but rather chosen by the local population, as demonstrated by changes in counting and marking time in Tagalog society, which this article traces, beginning with Tomas Pinpin's Librong pagaaralan nang manga Tagalog nang uicang Castila (1610), to the present. Using the categories of core values (animism) and surface values (Spanish Catholicism), this article explains the resulting hybridity evident today.
... During our survey of the languages of PS and PB in 2016, we became aware of the use of different numerals for telling the time (eg jam duo 'two o'clock') and quantifying hours (eg dua jam 'two hours) vs quantifying the number of clocks (eg domba jam 'two clocks') in Bahasa Sigulai. A similar phenomenon is reported for Tagalog (Woods, 2011). Later on in Amery's investigation of Haloban in PB, it became apparent that the system of enumeration was indeed mysterious with a complex interplay at work between different numerals and different classifiers in the enumeration of different entities. ...
Public communication in contemporary world constitutes a particularly multifaceted phenomenon. The Internet offers unlimited possibilities of contact and public expression locally and globally, yet exerts its power too, inducing the use of the Internet lingo, loosening language norms, and often encouraging the use of a lingua franca, English in particular. This leads to linguistic choices liberating for some and difficult for others on ideological grounds, due to the norms of the discourse community, or simply because of insufficient language skills and linguistic means available.
Such choices appear to particularly characterise postcolonial states, in which the co-existence of multiple local tongues with the language once imperially imposed, and now owned by local users makes the web of repertoires especially complex. Such case is no doubt India, where the use of English alongside the nationally encouraged Hindi and state languages stems not only from its historical past, but especially its present position enhanced not only by its local prestige, but the global status too, also as the primary language of online communication. Internet, however, has also been recognised as a medium that encourages, even revitalises the use of local tongues, which may manifest itself through the choice of a given language as the main medium of communication, or only a symbolic one, indicated by certain lexical or grammatical features as identity markers. It is therefore of particular interest to investigate how members of such a multilingual community, represented here by Hindi users, convey their cultural identity when interacting with friends and general public online, on social media sites. Motivated by Kachru’s (1983) classical study, and, among others, a recent discussion concerning the use of Hinglish (Kothari and Snell, eds., 2011), the present research will analyse posts generated by Hindi users on Facebook (private profiles and fanpages) and Twitter, where the personality of users is largely known, and on YouTube, where it is often hidden, in order to identify how the users mark their Indian identity. Investigated will be Hindi lexical items, grammatical aspects and word order, cases of code-switching, and locally coloured use of English words and spelling conventions, with the aim to establish, also from the point of view of gender preferences, the most dominating linguistic patterns found online.
... Ambrosio 2010) and mathematics (cf. Manapat 2011;Woods 2011). However, it must be noted that, in such attempts to decolonize Filipino time, in relying on accounts of Filipino timekeeping usually written during the Spanish colonial era, there is a temptation to associate the Filipinos' relation to the environment with their prehispanic religions-an association that somehow counters the automated and alienated life that underlies the industrialized connotation of Filipino time, although only to veer toward a rather different form of alienation, that of mysticism. ...
This article demonstrates how the close reading of words used in lexicographic definitions of the word panahon point to a Filipino understanding of temporality. These definitions resort to metonymy to concretize the abstract. Although different meanings cloud its meaning, panahon is understandable in a given instance when it refers coincidentally to something else. Etymologically, panahon is related to nahon and taon, which embody the opportune and the material, suggesting that panahon is articulable through the encounter of things (bagay), whose thinghood/appropriateness is knowable only by chance (pagkakataon). Kasaysayan (history) is a bagay that is always implicated in the panahon it attempts to render.
Abstrak Ang papel na "Mathematical Ideas in Philippine Society" ni Ricardo L. Manapat na inilathala sa Philippine Studies ng Ateneo de Manila University noong taong 2011 ay naghahain ng argumento na ang mga Pilipino ay mayroon nang kaalamang siyentipiko at matematikal noon pa man sa mga sinaunang pamayanan. Binabalikwas nito ang mga maling pagkakakilanlan sa mga sinaunang Pilipino na sila ay walang sariling sibilisasyon, walang alam o kulang sa kaalaman sa maraming bagay, at ang naipukol na kaisipan na utang natin sa mga dayuhang mananakop ang ating mga kaalaman. Ito ang piniling suriin ng mananaliksik sapagkat naitawid nito ang paksa sa kabila ng kakulangan ng mga sanggunian tungkol sa pinagmulan ng kaalamang pangnumero sa bansa. Layunin ng papel na ito na tingnan kung paano binalangkas ni Manapat ang kasaysayan ng Matematika sa Pilipinas at makita kung ano ang ambag nito sa historiograpiyang Pilipino. Abstract Ricardo L. Manapat's paper entitled, "Mathematical Ideas in Philippine Society" published in Philippine Studies by Ateneo de Manila University in 2011 argues that Filipinos have had scientific and mathematical knowledge since ancient times. It reverses the misconceptions of the early Filipinos that they had no civilization of their own, that the Filipinos knew nothing or lacked knowledge of many things, and that we owed the knowledge we had gained to the foreign
Enumeration in the languages of Pulau Simeulue and Pulau Banyak is a complex topic. A language survey conducted by the authors in 2016 and subsequent investigations revealed a plethora of different forms of the basic numerals from one to ten in each of the four indigenous languages, as well as in Nias spoken by newcomers from the south, depending on what is being counted. Variation is evident not only between the five languages under study, but also within each of the five languages. The variable forms arise from several independent sources. Some of the variation is deep-seated and is also found in the Formosan languages of Taiwan. Some is due to fusion of the numeral and the classifier for ‘fruit’ to form a new numeral form. However, much of the variation is due to language contact with Jamee and Indonesian. Some minor variants may best be regarded as ‘doublets’ (Blust, 2013: 278; 338-340). Other variants are explained by the presence or absence of a nasal ligature, but the source of some variants remains obscure. The result is a suite of intricate and complex numeral systems which are now under threat due to language shift. In this fluid context there appears to be considerable variation across speakers and even perhaps within the same speaker, though this remains to be thoroughly investigated. This paper presents the variation we documented through primary investigation over the period 2016 to 2019 and as documented by Ariani (2016).We attempt to trace the origins of the individual forms of the numerals in use in the languages of Pulau Simeulue and Pulau Banyak, also known as the Barrier Islands.
The counting system(s) and the use of classifiers in the languages of Pulau Simeulue and Pulau Banyak are complex. Indeed, there is more than one means of enumeration depending on the nature of the entity being counted in those languages. This study reveals strong similarities between the counting systems and classifiers used across this set of languages that differ markedly from Bahasa Indonesia and other languages of Indonesia more closely related to Malay. It provides additional evidence of the connection between the languages spoken in Simeulue and those spoken in Pulau Banyak and with Nias to the south.
From Naujan on the island Mindoro in the seventeenth-century Spanish Philippines emerged two petitions written in Tagalog and addressed to the archbishop of Manila, asking for the continued presence of Jesuits replacing the secular priests assigned there. A close examination of the texts points to the resident Jesuit as the force behind these petitions. The article argues that, apart from refracting the conflict between the regular and secular clergy over the control of parishes, these documents recognize the agency of the men who signed it. Also explored are the question of the documents' survival and the rewriting of history using materials in indigenous languages.
This essay refutes Bloch's claim that the Balinese possess two distinct conceptions of time, a linear, durational notion attrubutable to a 'practical' domain, and a cyclical, non-durational notion attributable to a 'ritual' domain. I argue instead that they have a single coherent concept of duration and that such duration exhibits features of both cyclicity and linearity. I further contend that although duration (the passage of time) is an inevitable fact of experience, the particular manner in which it is expressed in a culture is socially created.