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The Importance of Identity, History, and Culture in the Wellbeing of Indigenous Youth

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Abstract

Indigenous people have experienced profound disruptions, including epidemics, forced relocation, cultural colonization, and genocide over the past few centuries. Indigenous young people have not evenly understood or consciously articulated these historical events,1 but the behavioral health consequences for them have been well documented. These historical events have been linked to acculturation stress and identity conflicts, and rapid social change has been associated with significant health problems among Indigenous young people.2–5 Conversely, studies have consistently found robust correlations between positive affiliation and engagement with their culture and Indigenous young people's well-being and resilience.6–9 Resilience, consists in the processes by which people overcome life challenges to achieve their sense of well-being. Although the connection between culture and these processes are clear, previous studies have neglected to describe how cultural identity plays into Indigenous youth wellness and resilience. Specifically, they have failed to explain how a strong and positive link to their culture supports young people, especially as they encounter and respond to hardships. In this article, I will present a model for understanding the role of ethnic identity development in Indigenous youth resilience and will point to the value of historical consciousness in that process. Historical trauma has been defined as "a combination of acculturative stress, cultural bereavement, genocide, and racism that has been generalized, internalized, and institutionalized.10, 12 Such trauma is cumulative and unresolved,11 as well as both historic and ongoing."12 According to Indigenous people and researchers, historical trauma can be implicated in many of the current health problems experienced by Indigenous communities.13, 14 For example, the youth suicide rate for Indigenous populations around the globe is elevated when compared to other minority groups.15–19 Research has clearly established a connection between these high suicide rates and the culture loss or historical trauma experienced by Indigenous people.16, 20–23 These generalized associations of historical trauma refer to the lingering and negative effects associated with traumas experienced by previous generations and affecting contemporary people.1 Although the influence of historical trauma on Indigenous health is assumed,7, 24 few investigations have provided an explanatory model to describe this link. This is also true for the converse. Scholarship connecting cultural affiliation to youth well-being is abundant,25–27 but the mechanics of this process go without scrutiny. The link between cultural affiliation and well-being is explained as the answer to core questions such as "Who am I?" "Who are we as a people?" and "Where am I going?"7 but the specific processes involved in this discovery remain unexamined. I will consider how and in what ways historical consciousness and memory—individual and group awareness of the past—intersects with cultural identity and affects the health of Indigenous youth. Although there has been some scholarship on history and memory that emphasizes linkages between historical understandings and cultural identity,1 there has been little attention paid to the mechanisms that support these connections. The following arguments borrow mainly from youth development, Indigenous mental health, and post-conflict psychology. Developing a distinct identity and crafting a sense of purpose are key elements in healthy youth development.28, 29 Accomplishing these tasks fosters continued healthy development and psychological ease. In order to get a realistic picture of how this process works in the lives of Indigenous youth, it is important to consider how the dominant society intersects with identity formation and negotiation in adolescence. Identity formation is related to expectations of what it means to be a man or woman, Indigenous or White, elder or youth in different settings. The relative importance and meaning of these categories is shaped by the young person's community and the dominant society. In the case of Indigenous youth, images of the "noble savage" or the "drunk Indian"30 make it hard for them to construct salient identities within the larger society without a strong sense of their group history. Clearly, identifying with one's heritage and developing a strong cultural identity is extremely important for Indigenous young people. Cultural identification includes recognizing one's cultural attributes—beliefs, values, practices, norms, traditions, and...
Journal of the History of Childhood and Youth (v.2.2) © 2009 by The Johns Hopkins University Press
LISA WEXLER
LISA WEXLER
TH E I MP O R TA NC E OF I D E NT IT Y, C ULTU RE A N D
HI S T OR Y F O R I ND IG E N O US YO U T H W EL LN ES S
IN T RO DU CT ION
Indigenous people have experienced profound disruptions, including epidem-
ics, forced relocation, cultural colonization, and genocide over the past few
centuries. Indigenous young people have not evenly understood or consciously
articulated these historical events,1 but the behavioral health consequences for
them have been well documented. These historical events have been linked to
acculturation stress and identity conflicts, and rapid social change has been
associated with significant health problems among Indigenous young people.2–5
Conversely, studies have consistently found robust correlations between
positive affiliation and engagement with their culture and Indigenous young
people’s well-being and resilience.6–9 Resilience, here, can be understood as the
processes by which people overcome life challenges to achieve their sense of
well-being. Although the connection between culture and these processes are
clear, previous studies have neglected to describe how cultural identity plays
into Indigenous youth wellness and resilience. Specifically, they have failed to
explain how a strong and positive link to their culture supports young people,
especially as they encounter and respond to hardships. In this article, I will
present a model for understanding the role of ethnic identity development in
Indigenous youth resilience and will point to the value of historical conscious-
ness in that process.
HI STORI CAL TRAUM A A N D IND IG ENOU S
YOU T H H E A LTH
Historical trauma has been defined as “a combination of acculturative stress,
cultural bereavement, genocide, and racism that has been generalized, internal-
ized, and institutionalized.10, 12 Such trauma is cumulative and unresolved,11
as well as both historic and ongoing.”12 According to Indigenous people and
JHCY 2.2 text.indd 267JHCY 2.2 text.indd 267 4/16/2009 2:26:04 PM4/16/2009 2:26:04 PM
268 TH E I MPO RTA N CE O F I DE N TI T Y, CU LT UR E A ND HI STO RY
researchers, historical trauma can be implicated in many of the current health
problems experienced by Indigenous communities.13, 14
For example, the youth suicide rate for Indigenous populations around
the globe is elevated when compared to other minority groups.15–19 Research
has clearly established a connection between these high suicide rates and the
culture loss or historical trauma experienced by Indigenous people.16, 20–23 These
generalized associations of historical trauma refer to the lingering and nega-
tive effects associated with traumas experienced by previous generations and
affecting contemporary people.1 Although the influence of historical trauma on
Indigenous health is assumed,7, 24 few investigations have provided an explana-
tory model to describe this link.
This is also true for the converse. Scholarship connecting cultural affiliation
to youth well-being is abundant,25–27 but the mechanics of this process go with-
out scrutiny. The link between cultural affiliation and well-being is explained as
the answer to core questions such as “Who am I?” “Who are we as a people?”
and “Where am I going?”7 but the specific processes involved in this discovery
remain unexamined. I will consider how and in what ways historical conscious-
ness and memory—individual and group awareness of the past—intersects
with cultural identity and affects the health of Indigenous youth.
Although there has been some scholarship on history and memory that
emphasizes linkages between historical understandings and cultural identity,1
there has been little attention paid to the mechanisms that support these con-
nections. The following arguments borrow mainly from youth development,
Indigenous mental health, and post-conflict psychology.
Adolescent Development and Culture
Developing a distinct identity and crafting a collateral sense of purpose
are key elements in healthy youth development.28, 29 Accomplishing these tasks
fosters continued healthy development and psychological ease.
In order to get a realistic picture of how this process works in the lives of
Indigenous youth, it is important to consider how the dominant society inter-
sects with identity formation and negotiation in adolescence. Identity formation
is related to expectations of what it means to be a man or woman, Indigenous or
White, elder or youth in different settings. The relative importance and meaning
of these categories is shaped by the young person’s community and the domi-
nant society. In the case of Indigenous youth, images of the “noble savage” or
the “drunk Indian”30 make it hard for them to construct salient identities within
the larger society without a strong sense of their group history. Clearly, identify-
ing with one’s heritage and developing a strong cultural identity is extremely
important for Indigenous young people.
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Journal of the History of Childhood and Youth 269
Cultural identification includes recognizing one’s cultural attributes—
beliefs, values, practices, norms, traditions, and heritage—along with under-
standing how they are (and are not) reflected in one’s self.31, 32 These cultural
attributes are both internally and externally defined, as they come from per-
sonal choices as well as ascriptions of others. As Indigenous young people
negotiate these different (sometimes contradicting) notions of selfhood, they are
engaged in a creative endeavor.33 They are constrained by ideas of the past and
the present—those found in their traditional culture as well as those embedded
in the dominant society.34 The outcomes of these processes—the development of
a clear sense of self—can be fundamental in supporting healthy development.
Crafting a strong cultural identity is a particularly important developmental
task for Indigenous and other ethnic minority young people who experience
discrimination, racism, and prejudice.35 In the ethnic identity development
model,36 adolescents construct their ethnic identity around two basic dimen-
sions: exploration and commitment. The former measures how much effort is
put into understanding the dimensions and significance of one’s ethnic heri-
tage, whereas the latter signifies the strength of one’s ethnic affiliation. The best
outcome of this process are “adolescents with an achieved ethnic identity [who]
have a working knowledge of their ethnic heritage, a clear idea of the meaning
of their ethnic group membership, and a commitment to their ethnicity and the
role it plays in their lives.”35
A positive ethnic identity seems to provide minority adolescents with self-
esteem gained through coping skills that make them more likely to use active
strategies to confront hardship. This has been found to be particularly impor-
tant for Indigenous young people who may have experienced discrimination
and prejudice based on their ethnic group affiliation.37 A strong sense of cultural
identity has also been correlated with higher levels of psychological health
for Indigenous youth.6, 7, 38 Psychological well-being encourages individuals to
meaningfully engage with larger societal issues.
Historical Memory, Indigenous Identity Development, and Youth Health
History provides groups not only with a platform for mutual affinity, but
also with a sense of collective meaning-making about who they are, where they
came from, and what future direction they should take. This is because “memo-
ry is the foundation of self and society.”39 To create an ethnic identity “requires
that certain beliefs, practices, or characteristics be elevated to core values and
claimed as shared experiences. . . . A shared history invests ethnic identity with
social value and contributes directly to mental health.”22
The ways in which a people understand their collective, cultural history
can have profound effects on an individual’s sense of identity. Joane Nagel’s
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270 THE IM PO R TAN CE OF ID ENT IT Y, C ULT U RE AN D HIS TO RY
work illustrates how the civil rights movement in the 1960s and 1970s pro-
vided incentive for Indigenous individuals to claim (or reclaim) their native
ancestry. In these years, the U.S. Census recorded triple the number of people
claiming American Indian heritage, an increase that cannot be accounted for
by simple population growth or measurement error. She claims that the Red
Power movement strengthened many people’s ethnic identity “by dramatiz-
ing long held grievances, communicating an empowered and empowering
image of Indianness, and providing Native Americans, particularly Native
youth, opportunities for action and participation in the larger Indian cause.”40
In this way, social memory functions as a historical interpretation that imbues
meaning to individuals and communities and presents strategies for future
collective action.41
Collective/cultural memory helps individuals find their place in larger
temporal and social contexts and situates them as actors in their community
and in the world. This is important developmentally since young people tend
to do better if they identify with values that transcend themselves. This means
that youth are more likely to thrive if they relate to values that supersede family
and self and that have historical continuity, commanding respect from others
who have lived before and who will live after them.42 In a large study conducted
with two tribes, one in the Northern Plains and one in the Southwest, Jervis et
al. state, “It is clear that the past is neither forgotten nor deemed unimportant
among contemporary American Indian tribes.”1 As a significant component
of many tribal communities, collective/cultural memory can provide posi-
tive guidance to Indigenous young people as they construct their identities by
pointing the way to a socially and personally productive future.
Within the context of historical trauma and ongoing discrimination, culture
and its historical context can provide individuals with stabilizing resources to
draw on when seeking to frame a coherent sense of self. In this way, affiliation
with one’s Indigenous culture can provide a framework in which individuals
can locate themselves in relation to others, to a larger shared context, and to
history. “The production of culture creates collective meaning, a perception
of community through mythology and history, and shapes symbolic bases for
ethnic mobilization.”40 For individuals, this has translated into feelings of con-
nection, belonging, and purpose which have been associated with resilience
and well-being in many different age groups and peoples.43–45
This cultural orientation and historical foundation can provide a sense of
grounding, self-worth, social connectedness, and purpose to indigenous young
people. This broad explanation provides a rationale for the strong associations
found between various forms of cultural affiliation and Indigenous youth well-
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Journal of the History of Childhood and Youth 271
being.6–8, 33, 46 When young people have a clear understanding of their cultural
past, present, and future, it is easier for them to sustain a sense of connectedness
and commitment to their future.47
Cultural identifications emphasize membership and connection to a group,
socially-defined roles that call for moral and civic responsibility, and ways to
enact these roles in service of a greater purpose. In combination, recognition of
a positive, socially defined role and enactment of that role based on a moral and
civic identity are linked to thriving.43, 48–50 This literature has not yet focused on
Indigenous people and the function of cultural identity in producing socially
defined roles, explicit pathways to combat hardships (resilience), and pathways
to contribute to a greater, community good (thriving). Understanding these
processes is vital to support Indigenous efforts to improve the health outcomes
of youth living in post-conflict areas.13, 23
Identity-Relevance of Meaning
Little is known about the social processes and personal and community
meanings that reinforce the connection between history, culture, and health
in the lived experience of Indigenous people, but the concept of Identity-
Relevance of Meaning (IRM)51 provides a helpful theoretical structure for this
inquiry. Simply stated, the theory posits that if young people can make sense
of their experiences by locating themselves and their situation within historical
understandings and community meanings, they are better able to overcome
hardship and sustain psychological health. IRM provides a theoretical foun-
dation to begin to understand the importance of individual meaning-making
within the confines of historical, social, political context.
IRM was developed by Brian Barber after studying young people who have
experienced political violence.51 After interviewing Palestinian and Bosnian
young people years after experiencing war, he came to appreciate that the
perceptions of, functioning in, and experience of adapting to war are shaped
heavily by the meaning that the conflict holds for the young people and their
communities. Thus, the meanings that their historical, political, cultural, and
religious systems give young people to interpret the origin, purpose, and value
of the conflict shapes the psychological and health ramifications of that conflict.
Palestinian young people have a rich ideology that gives clear information as
to the nature of the conflict and their role in it, but there is almost a complete
absence of such historical direction for the Bosnians, who, therefore, have suf-
fered substantially more psychologically from their war experiences.52
IRM provides a useful perspective to understand the stark health dispari-
ties young people in Indigenous communities suffer as they try to make sense
of and adapt to their communities’ post-conflict experience. Although previous
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272 THE IM POR TANC E OF ID E NT IT Y, C ULTU RE AN D H IS TO RY
research has documented Indigenous adults’ and elders’ understanding that
historical events and experiences (e.g., the trauma of boarding schools, outlaw-
ing of traditional languages, and the spread of disease) are the root cause of
many social and health problems,13, 24, 53 Indigenous young people are much less
apt to make this claim. Instead, young Indigenous people often understand
their communities’ present difficulties as arising from personal and collective
failure, rather than emerging from historical trauma and ongoing colonization.54
This is perhaps because contemporary oppression is ambiguous, embedded in
the everyday structures of school,55 business, media, etc.19 This makes it invis-
ible to many.
Because of this inability to locate their current experiences in historical,
post-conflict context, young people have more difficulty associating their per-
sonal hardships with a shared community experience. Without this collective
meaning-making, many Indigenous young people are unable to see clear and
meaningful ways to contribute to their personal and collective struggle. With
this gap in their knowledge, they may experience ambivalence about their cul-
tural identity as well as a lack of connection, legitimacy, and urgency related
to the (cultural) conflict itself. One way of addressing this involves helping
Indigenous young people find a meaningful connection with their heritage
and the role it plays in their lives. This can not only provide them with a solid
foundation for developing their cultural identity, it can also support youth in
crafting a collective, transcendent purpose. These endeavors have been shown
to have real health consequences for Indigenous youth.
CO NC LU SI ON
Although research on Indigenous young people has long identified cultural
affiliation as an important factor in supporting resilience and well-being,
there has been little attention given to developing a theoretical framework to
understand this association more fully. In this paper, I argue that a historical
understanding of and affiliation with one’s culture can provide Indigenous
youth with a perspective that transcends the self, incorporates a larger temporal
and social dimension to individual experiences, and offers young people a col-
lective pathway forward. As in other post-conflict arenas, young people have
improved psychological outcomes when their “systems of meaning provide
information that can be used to understand and define [themselves] within
the events or experiences with which [they are] confronted.” 52 In the case of
Indigenous young people, many do not understand their experiences as embed-
ded in larger historical and social realities that include war, forced relocations,
outlawing of Indigenous languages, and genocide. This does not provide them
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Journal of the History of Childhood and Youth 273
with clear ways to understand their own and their communities’ difficulties.
This inability to make connections can lead to collective recriminations and
self-depreciation.54 Having a strong cultural identity can provide Indigenous
young people with a historically grounded, stabilizing way to understand their
people’s and their own past and the present. By developing a strong cultural
identity, Indigenous youth can craft renditions of themselves that have shared
and personal continuity and which can then contribute to a shared and indi-
vidual future.
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... 120). This disconnection is associated with a range of issues for native youth, including low self-esteem, higher rates of mental health issues, lower rates of educational engagement and attainment, and more (Good et al., 2021;Wexler, 2009). ...
... Yet, evidence suggests Indigenous youth want to connect with their culture (Fast et al., 2021), and helping them do so can help attenuate these harms of cultural genocide and increase overall wellness, resilience, and positive self-concepts overall, and in relation to education (Kana'iaupuni et al., 2017;Wexler, 2009). As native youth are often left without access to language or land-based teachings and engage with a noticeable lack of native American educators in both K-12 schools and on college campuses (National Center for Education Statistics, 2023; Teach for America, 2023; U.S. Department of Education, 2015), much of this cultural reconnection is taking place via intentional community-and schoolbased interventions. ...
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The Indigenous Education Youth Collective brings together native youth, community members, and researchers to promote identity development, community engagement, and educational imaginings to address chronic issues with college access and well-being among native youth. Grounded in Indigenous methodologies and frameworks, our findings suggest culturally relevant programming supports participants’ native identity exploration, and in turn, how participants view educational spaces and their own educational pathways. Connecting native identity with college imaginings for middle- and high-school students early in their postsecondary planning may be particularly impactful. We offer additional implications for education policy and practice and for future research leveraging Indigenous approaches in collaboration with native communities.
... Third, it has been difficult for many Ingrian descendants to form and explore an Ingrian identity. Ethnic identity formation can be complex if one's ethnic identification connects with cultural practices and norms that have disappeared (Wexler 2009), as is often the case in families with only one Ingrian parent or grandparent. Furthermore, results might differ between families with one Ingrian parent and families with two, depending on how often and in what ways the family interacts with the Ingrian community. ...
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High ethnic identification is known to support well‐being. In the context of historical trauma, however, a sense of belonging to a persecuted community can contribute to social curse processes. This study explores the relationship between ethnic identity and mental distress among second‐ and third‐generation Ingrian women with a family history of displacement and ethnic persecution. It analyses the intergenerational transmission of historical trauma by investigating whether mothers' stronger ethnic identities contribute to daughters' greater mental distress, and whether this relationship is more pronounced in mother‐daughter pairs where a mother knows more than her daughter about the family's traumatic past. We analyse dyadic data from 94 mothers (i.e., second generation, Mage = 64.9 years, SD = 9.8) and 94 daughters (i.e., third generation, Mage = 36.8 years, SD = 12.2) using the actor‐partner interdependence model and the structural equation modelling framework. We find a positive relationship between a mother's ethnic identity and both her own mental distress and that of her daughter, a relationship intensified when a mother knows more than her daughter about the family's traumatic past. Our findings demonstrate the intergenerational carryover of collective victimisation. They also suggest that knowledge of past events can hinder intergenerational social curse processes and the transmission of historical trauma.
... Among many Indigenous populations in the United States, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, the impacts of colonization have been studied through the lens of historical trauma, and many suicide researchers acknowledge and account for the impacts of colonization on the suicide rates within the community (Booth 1999;Kral 2012;Kral and Idlout 2016;Liu and Alameda 2011;Hatcher 2016;Hunter and Harvey 2002;Wexler 2009). This approach to understanding suicide is a distinct departure from contemporary suicidology, where a "medical model" has been utilized for the understanding of suicide since the mid-1950s (Browne et al. 2005). ...
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Performance methodologies take many forms—performative writing, poetic transcription, and co-performative witnessing, to name only a few—and can be both process and product, differentiating and unifying a group between and across differences. As a social work researcher committed to decolonial, liberatory methodologies that make and bring meaning to the communities I work with, performance methodologies fill a gap that other qualitative research methods can only begin to approach. This project is an exploration in performance methodologies and Critical Suicidology through the lens of social work research, with a case study derived from a performance documenting suicide prevention research with Native Hawaiians. This study sought to understand connections between suicide risk and experiences of colonization among Native Hawaiians and among LGBTQ Native Hawaiians. The findings point to the importance of relationships, cultural understandings of identity and identification, and healing through cultural practices. Sections from the performative text, including voices from the participants, as well as feedback gathered from performances of the research, are woven together with academic narrative to form a creative and critical report of the research.
... Resulta evidente que identificarse con la propia herencia y desarrollar una fuerte identidad cultural es de gran relevancia. Por ello, la identidad cultural incluye el reconocimiento de los propios atributos culturales entre los que destacan los valores, las creencias, las prácticas, las normas y las tradiciones (Wexler, 2009). ...
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El objetivo de este estudio es proponer un modelo de evaluación de la identidad cultural mediante la evaluación multicriterio para el municipio de Choix, Sinaloa, México. Respecto al marco de referencia se analizan el concepto de identidad con un sentido de pertenencia colectiva, logrando comprender que dentro sus principales elementos se centran en los rasgos culturales, costumbres, tradiciones, manifestaciones religiosas, lengua, expresiones trasmitidas en generaciones. Asimismo, se realiza una revisión de literatura, considerando que la identidad cultural, es fundamental para la implementación de estrategias para el impulso del turismo en una comunidad. Como parte del proceso metodológico se consideró el Análisis Multicriterio para la Toma de Decisiones basado el método de Suma Aditiva Ponderada el cual permite la incorporación de criterios de carácter cualitativo. Además, que permite constituir múltiples factores de los destinos turísticos y modelarlos de manera general. Los resultados permitieron con este método multicriterio diseñar un indicador compuesto para evaluar la potencialidad de la identidad cultural del municipio en el desarrollo turístico en lo urbano y rural al compararlas como alternativas. Como conclusión el método de análisis multicriterio permitió obtener los indicadores finales, proporcionando resultados útiles, al conocer la percepción de la población sobre la potencialidad turística y proporcionar información a los tomadores de decisiones.
... According to the World Health Organisation (WHO), indigenous populations are individuals descended from groups living in specific geographic locations and keeping their communities apart from mainstream society (Angell et al., 2016;WHO, 1999). Over the past few centuries, they have experienced profound disruption, including pandemics, cultural colonization, and genocide (Wexler, 2009). The perception of the wellbeing of indigenous people is different from the non-indigenous construct. ...
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Indigenous people experience health inequalities across the continuum of health services all over the world. A limited number of meta-analyses are available on indigenous wellbeing. This study contributes to the existing literature by exploring the relationship between indigenous wellbeing and health through meta-analysis. A random effect size of 27 independent samples is analyzed. From the 96 effect size, a significant positive relationship is observed between indigenous wellbeing and health (r = 0.07). Moderator analysis showed a significant effect of journal rank, the country's development status, and gender on the relationship between indigenous wellbeing and health. The meta-analysis indicates a significant relationship between indigenous wellbeing and health, migration, education, community, quality of life, and occupation. A definite conclusion on these outcomes is challenging to infer due to limited studies. Limitations include cross-sectional design and disparities in data collection techniques. Research suggests that a strengths-based approach can be a highly effective method for changing narratives of indigenous health. Moreover, it provides an alternative way to deal with health issues affecting indigenous people.
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Reproductive justice (RJ) is an intersectional social justice movement birthed by Black feminist thought. It is undergirded by the right to sexual, bodily, and gender autonomy and has three core tenets: 1) the right to have a child, 2) the right to not have a child, and 3) the right to parent in safe and sustainable communities. A movement that acknowledges the White supremacist policing of childbearing and raising of minoritized groups, RJ seeks to uplift and amplify the voices of folks on the margins and empower them to make the best reproductive choices for themselves and their families. RJ’s emphasis on sexual and gender autonomy, self-determination, community building, and advocacy aligns beautifully with social work theory, education, practice, and macro-level work. Social Work and Reproductive Justice: A Necessary Fit is the first book of its kind to directly align RJ and social work through illustration of how the three main tenets can inform and infuse into social work practice and empower social workers to engage with all levels of the profession from an RJ perspective. Written by interdisciplinary authors of diverse identities, chapters provide a comprehensive and necessary education for social workers on areas embedded in the three main tenets, including obstetric racism, fertility access; maternal-fetal surgery; incarceration; abortion; the Dobbs decision; environmental justice; and resources for schools. At the end of each chapter, “Voices from the Field” introduces readers to individuals on the ground engaged in RJ work.
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The Marind live in the southeast corner of Indonesian Papua, traditionally relying on sago cultivation, gardening, hunting and foraging for their daily subsistence. Like many Indigenous People, they have been subject to a series of unsought and often devastating incursions – of disease, sedentarization, cultural dislocation, the theft of traditional economic resources, the occupation of their land by large numbers of transmigrants, and the depredations of a massive agri‐business development. Multiple observers have predicted their annihilation over more than a century. Against this dire backdrop, it is important to study the aspirations and experiences of Marind youth. Drawing on 18 months of ethnographic fieldwork, the article examines the meanings of the ubiquitous and hopeful expression, the desire to ‘menjadi manusia’, to ‘become somebody’, as a measure of human‐ness, and of Marind, and Papuan identity. Parents admonish their children to go to school so that they can ‘become somebody’ – thereby challenging the stigmatizing perception that the Marind are backward and inferior to non‐Papuan Indonesians. The article analyses the life stories of several Marind young people, showing their aspirations and the precariousness and unpredictability of their life pathways, but also their adaptability and resilience.
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Native Americans have a strong cultural identity, connection to traditions, and centuries of viewing health and well-being as a balance of physical, emotional, mental, and spiritual health. However, the oppression of Native Americans through colonization which aimed to systematically wipe them out using federal programs such as forced relocation to reservations from sacred homelands, removal of children from their families placing them into boarding schools, outlawing Native languages and ceremonies, and forced acculturation disrupted the natural balance that helped keep their communities healthy and prosperous. High rates of distress, substance and alcohol misuse, social dysfunction, and suicide among Native peoples can be connected to the intergenerational traumatic impact of these policies. Reconnection with culture, cultural identity, and traditional practices can help return individuals and communities to balance. This chapter describes the collaborative work of an academic-tribal partnership who used community-based participatory research and mixed methods to implement traditional cultural practices as an intervention for reducing stress and promoting well-being in reservation-based Native American early childhood education (ECE) teachers working for the United States-based Head Start program. Relationship building and respect for tribal sovereignty and self-determination were essential to the success of this research effort. The process of adapting an existing cultural intervention and the implementation of a feasibility study to test the adapted intervention are detailed in other publications. However, our study findings indicate the promise of a group-based culturally informed workplace intervention delivered by a trained community-based interventionist for improving health and well-being of Tribal Head Start teachers. By implementing culture as treatment, a strengths-based focus was used to promote the psychological health and well-being and thus a return to balance for study participants helping to support evidence for the importance of culture as a social determinant of health.
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This article illustrates some of the complexity of youths' experience with political violence as a means of cautioning researchers, applied professionals and policy makers against overly-simplistic conclusions and interventions when attempting to understand and serve the large populations of the world's youth who endure conflict. A variety of forms of data and their analyses from one research program are utilized to show how distinctly two cohorts of youth (Bosnian and Palestinian) experienced their respective conflicts, including: types and frequencies of political violence exposure; degree of involvement in political violence; perceptions of the meaning and efficacy of the conflict and their willingness to engage in it; its perceived impact on their psychological, social, and civic lives; as well as the implications of all of the above for their identity development.
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Context: American Indians and Alaska Natives have the highest suicide rates of all ethnic groups in the United States, and suicide is the second leading cause of death for American Indian and Alaska Native youth. Objective: To identify risk and protective factors associated with suicide attempts among native male and female adolescents. Design: The 1990 National American Indian Adolescent Health Survey. Setting: Schools of reservation communities in 8 Indian Health Service areas. Participants: Eleven thousand six hundred sixty-six 7th-through 12th-grade American Indian and Alaska native youth. Main Outcome Measures: Responses were compared among adolescents with and without a self-reported history of attempted suicide. Independent variables included measures of community, family, and individual characteristics. Separate analyses were conducted for boys and girls. Results: Ever attempting suicide was reported by 21.8% of girls and 11.8% of boys. By logistic regression done on boys and girls separately, suicide attempts were associated with friends or family members attempting or completing suicide; somatic symptoms; physical or sexual abuse; health concerns; using alcohol, marijuana, or other drugs; a history of being in a special education class; treatment for emotional problems; gang involvement; and gun availability. For male and female youth, discussing problems with friends or family, emotional health, and connectedness to family were protective against suicide attempts. The estimated probability of attempting suicide increased dramatically as the number of risk factors to which an adolescent was exposed increased; however, increasing protective factors was more effective at reducing the probability of a suicide attempt than was decreasing risk factors. Conclusions: A history of attempted suicide was associated with several risk and protective factors. In addition to targeting youth at increased risk, preventive efforts should include promotion of protective factors in the lives of all youth in this population.
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Research on trauma among First Nations citizens has focused primarily upon the psychological aspects of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). The role of sociology in this area of research is different than that of psychology. This chapter elaborates upon a general sociological discussion of the legacy of colonialism and dependency and focus on the intergenerational effects of this trauma. Figure 1 illustrates the process by which the trauma is passed on, from the seed of colonialism to the outer layer, which represents the current traumatic events being experienced by First Nations citizens. The Cree of the James Bay region in Canada are utilized to describe this figure in more detail.
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The “stress of change” is one of the most studied phenomena in the social and health sciences. Variously described as acculturation, urbanization, migration, modernization, or Westernization, rapid sociocultural change has become a daily fact of life for all but the most isolated of the world’s populations. A large and multidisciplinary literature has generally argued that the health consequences of rapid sociocultural change are higher levels of morbidity and mortality along both physical and psychological dimensions. The prevailing view has been that rapid sociocultural change brings about social disorganization and cultural disruption which is in turn responsible for role confusion, cultural identity conflicts and feelings of alienation and anomie. This psychosocial “stress” is then implicated etiologically in the development of a variety of health problems including alcohol abuse, suicide, schizophrenia, hypertension, diabetes and, increasingly, other chronic illnesses including cancer (Dressier 1982; Appell 1980; Antonovsky 1979; Carstairs and Kapur 1976; Dohrenwend and Dohrenwend 1981; Graves and Graves 1979; Marmot and Syme 1976; Reed et al. 1970).
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This chapter focuses on group interview data from Bosnian and Palestinian youth, most of whom had spent at least three of their teen years in the midst of severe and sustained political violence. The results illustrate the variability with which adolescents process their experiences with political violence and how the availability of explanatory meaning during conflict can shape their identity. The construct identity-relevant meaning systems is presented in order to capture the type of meaning that was revealed in these interviews.
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This study represents an effort to understand the phenomenon of Native school dropouts in an Innu community. Toward this end it employs a research strategy that examines how the features of the wider society shape Native responses to schooling. More specifically the study investigates how the stratifying qualities of Euro-Canadian society, a phenomenon Foucault refers to as “discipline,” surface in the Innu past, the present day community, and in the community school, and how they prompt young Innut to stay away from school. The school, as well as other Euro-Canadian institutions in the community, employ components of this system of social organization—perpetual observation, evaluation, documentation, and punishment (and reward)—to “normalize” the Innut to ensure, or at least attempt to ensure, that they abide by non-Innu standards. This process, however, creates negative self-images among these young Innut and discourages them from coming to school. I conclude that changing the classroom environment to match the local cultural milieu, a strategy that a number of researchers and others associated with minority education recommend, will do little to alleviate difficulties in Native education, for such a tactic does not address those basic components of the problem that originate in the wider society.
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Identity is a major developmental task for adolescents, and the development of ethnic identity is a unique and significant developmental task for many adolescents. This article reviews theoretical and empirical literature that informs our understanding of the development of a positive ethnic identity, and the consequences for adolescent mental health. The review includes research on both psychological and behavioral outcomes for adolescents; the relationships among ethnic identity, discrimination, and mental health; and the role of racial socialization in ethnic identity development and mental health. The authors also pay particular attention to ethnic identity and academic achievement. Overall, this review supported the conclusion that a strong, positive ethnic identity benefits adolescent mental health and academic success. The authors conclude with a discussion of strategies for parents, teachers, and schools to support the development of a positive ethnic identity in adolescents of color.