Content uploaded by Kaltham Al-Ghanim
Author content
All content in this area was uploaded by Kaltham Al-Ghanim on Jun 03, 2016
Content may be subject to copyright.
80 ./ JOURNAL OF MIDDLE EAST WOMEN’S STUDIES 5:1
JOURNAL OF MIDDLE EAST WOMEN’S STUDIES
Vol. 5, No. 1 (Winter 2009) © 2009
80
FIELD STUDY
./
Violence Against Women
in Qatari Society
Kaltham Ali al-Ghanim
ABSTRACT
is study is the rst of its kind using eld and documentary research
sources. While o cial sources on the subject have proven the limita-
tions of such data, the study uses a eld survey of a sample of 2,787
women students at Qatar University representing 4.4% of Qatari
females aged 15–64 and 0.4% of non-Qatari females in the same age
group. e study provides important indices and conclusions, e.g., a
substantial percentage of the participants have experienced violence,
with most violence occurring within the family, from family males
such as brothers, fathers, or husbands. It also shows that some women
were subjected to violence during childhood and adolescence. e
study points to the lack of legislation and o cial organizations to
protect women from violence and suggests ways and means of dealing
with the problem in Qatari society.
INTRODUCTION
In Qatar and other Arab communities, studies of violence against
women are scarce. According to the author’s preparatory survey
of such studies, not only are they few in number, but the topic of vio-
lence against women has been treated as marginal, the samples studied
have been very small, and some of the studies have been mere sur veys of
the problem, while others did not employ proper research methodology
(Bu-Zaboon 2004; al-Irayni 2005; al-Jaba 2005). This article documents
KALTHAM ALI AL-GHANIM ./ 81
the first national survey on violence against women in Qatar—indeed,
in any Arab community—and provides recommendations for address-
ing this vital issue in Qatari society.
The process of documenting information on violence against
women is a ected by the social and cultural context. In a culture such as
that of Qatar, where women are expected to uphold the family’s honor, it
is unacceptable to reveal anything that might bring shame and dishonor
on the family or the tribe. Since governmental security bodies are part
of this cultural context, their performance is restricted by these social
attitudes, rendering their statistics inaccurate and their enforcement of
laws against violence ine ective.
Statistics involving cases that have come to the attention of the
Qatari Association for the Protection of Children and Women from Vio-
lence (al-Muwasa al-Qatari le Himaya al-Atfal wa al-Mar’a min al-‘Unf
[QACW]) show that 55 reports of violence against women were made
in 2005, two-thirds involving Qatari women and one-third involving
non-Qatari women. e information as published is not detailed and
does not represent an information database (al-Obaidli 2006). Other
statistics provided by the Ministry of the Interior show that in 2004,
65 complaints of domestic violence were presented as follows: 23 cases
of assault and ghting were addressed to the O ense Court; 5 to the
Criminal Court (3 involving homicide and 2 assault); and 37 to the So-
cial Status Department (al-Muhannadi 2006).
Clearly, where no records have been kept of the type of case, the
identities of the victim and the o ender, the nationalities of the persons
involved, or the manner of o ense (particularly in cases of domestic
violence), there is insu cient information to determine whether these
cases can be classi ed as violence against women. Current statistical
data on violence against women lack information, clarity, and organi-
zation. Changing this would require o cials to address the issue seri-
ously and take measures to protect women and apply the international
treaties, protocols, and resolutions signed by the government of Qatar.
LEGAL PROVISIONS
e Qatari judicial system consists of the Ministry of Justice and the
Supreme Judiciary Council. Legislative Law No. 10 of 2003 (October 2,
2004) de ned two types of legislation as judicial and religious under one
82 ./ JOURNAL OF MIDDLE EAST WOMEN’S STUDIES 5:1
body called e Courts. ese are the Preliminary Court, the Appellate
Court, and the Supreme Court. Each court is competent to settle cases
led with it in accordance with the law. However, the Qatari legal system
has no provisions for dealing with violence against women, this being a
relatively new area of interest. e state, however, is keen on protecting
the family, including mothers and children, in the face of various chal-
lenges, be they economic, social, cultural, or environmental, and these
challenges include domestic violence in particular.
As stated in the Permanent Constitution of Qatar, Part 2, Article
21, under the heading Basic Social Elements, “ e family is the basis of
society, with religion, morality, and love of the homeland as its essence.
e law should provide all means to protect, consolidate, and maintain
motherhood, childhood, and old age.” Yet some of these principles are
not re ected in criminal law codes. e Qatari Penal Code currently
in force (No. 11 for 2004) does not criminalize domestic violence or
violence against women or children, but it does specify crimes of physi-
cal assault, molestation, defamation, insult, and exposing children to
danger, and it speci es penalties for felonies or misdemeanors involving
any of these crimes.
In Qatar there is no centralized system of protection for the victims
of abuse. A victim can report their complaint to the Police Department,
the QACW, or the Human Rights Commission, which are the only agen-
cies available. Once reported, their complaint is investigated and the
victim is provided with protection (safe house). e victim can then sue
the o ender through the judicial system.
DEMOGRAPHIC FEATURES
e Qatari family is characterized by a number of demographic features
common to many developing countries, such as large family size and
high fertility rate. According to GOQ 2004, the average size of a Qatari
family in 1997 was 5.3 members, and while that gure had decreased
by 2004, it was still greater than the average size of non-Qatari families
resident in Qatar, which was 4.5 members (al-Ghanim 1999; 2004).
e overall fertility rate of Qatari women has taken an upward
trend to reach 3.9 in 2004, despite the relative drop from 4.4 in 1997
(GOQ/SGPC 2006). is suggests that reproductive literacy has not im-
KALTHAM ALI AL-GHANIM ./ 83
proved despite a rise in the level of education among Qataris. e high
fertility rate among illiterate and lesser-educated females balances the
fertility rate of more educated women, preventing the rate from dropping
below 3.0. Altogether, however, the current trend suggests a decrease in
the next few years, and therefore a drop in population growth rates and
eventually in family size.
e basic transformation in Qatar seems to be the shrinking size
of the family and the change from extended to nuclear families. As well,
the social conditions of large families are changing. As income and
education levels rise and occupations and types of residence change,
the social status of Qatari families also changes. Women’s traditional
role within the family is diversifying as women join the work force.
e participation of Qatari and non-Qatari women in the work force
increased from 10% in 1986 to 15% in 2004; during the same period,
participation of Qatari women increased from 8% to 30%. is has led
to what is perhaps the most prominent challenge facing modern Qatari
society. e consequences for the Qatari family of women’s entry into
the work force require further study.
QUASI-OFFICIAL STATISTICS ON VIOLENCE
Table 1 shows a set of unpublished data based on available Security
Services Department (SSD) records (i.e. police records) on crimes of
violence committed against women in Qatar from 2000 to 2004 (GOQ/
MOI n.d.). e data reveal a rise in cases of violence against women
from 2000 to 2003, with a negligible decrease in 2004. is may re ect
a growing willingness to le such cases. It may also re ect economic
Table 1
Number of crimes committed aga inst women in 2000–2004.
Percentage of i ncrease /decrease.
Year Number % + / –
2000 212 –
2001 332 + 57%
2002 402 + 21%
2003 554 + 38%
2004 498 –10%
Source : GOQ/MOI n .d.
84 ./ JOURNAL OF MIDDLE EAST WOMEN’S STUDIES 5:1
changes and modernization introduced to Qatari society with no clear
awareness of the nature and results of such changes and no plans to
minimize the resultant negative social e ects.
According to SSD records, over half of the reported crimes were
committed against Qatari women, and the majority were classi ed as as-
saults, although the type of assault was not speci ed. Next in frequency
were sexual crimes (such as rape) and premeditated murder, which seem
to be reported more frequently among non-Qatari women. Over half of
the reported violence can be classi ed as sexual harassment in shopping
precincts. Statistics obtained from SSD, which represent cases normally
referred to the Preliminary Court system, do not reveal the type or de-
gree of violence, nor whether it occurred within the family.
Data from the Emergency O ce of Hamad Hospital in Doha docu-
mented only 200 cases of violence against women in 2006. e victims
ranged between 20 and 40 years of age, and the types of assault extended
from deep wounds to bruises, super cial cuts, and traumas in icted by
hands, sharp tools, or sticks.
ese data originating from di erent sources, such as the Associa-
tion for the Protection of Children and Women, the Security Services
Department, and Hamad Hospital, show that there are many cases of
women being subjected to violence. But more importantly, the data show
that there is a lack of e ective recording and reporting.
METHODOLOGY OF THE FIELD STUDY
is scienti c eld study was nancially supported by Qatar’s Supreme
Council for Family A airs as part of its task to establish policies and
programs aimed at unifying and protecting the family. e study takes
a descriptive and analytical approach to data and analyses of violence
against women in Qatari society. It is the rst of its kind in Qatar, and
its size has provided an extensive reference source. Due to the scarcity
of data on the subject, it was important to use a survey tool to provide
a database, enrich the methodological and scienti c aspects of study-
ing such a social problem, and yield suggestions for decision-makers
concerned with violence against women. e large sample size allows
results to be generalized to Qatari society. e study helps to expose
features of violence against women, including its causes and conse-
KALTHAM ALI AL-GHANIM ./ 85
quences, and points the way toward recommendations for countering
the problem.
DATA
A questionnaire was administered to female students at the University
of Qatar during the Spring 2006 academic term. e size of the study
was large enough to help discover the sources and the extent of violence
against women, and to increase knowledge about how assaulted women
understand and react to violence. e eld study provided various data
that were analyzed using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences
(SPSS) program. It showed some demographic, social, and economic
changes that represent the society under survey. Based on the data, con-
clusions were made that represent the phenomenon of violence against
women in Qatari society.
SAMPLE SIZE
According to the 2004 census, the total population of Qatar was 744,046,
most of whom were males (GOQ 2004). Qatari females numbered
92,560, versus 155,087 non-Qatari females, for a total of 247,647 females,
or one-third of the population.
e sample encompassed 2,787 female students, representing 1.1%
of the total number of females in Qatar: 2,366 Qatari and 421 non-Qatari
females. Moreover, the sample represented 4.4% of Qatari females aged
15–64, and 0.4% of non-Qatari females in the same age group. Consider-
ing the criteria of size, variety in social makeup, and geographic distri-
bution, female students at Qatar University were suitable candidates for
the study because of their large number and their representation of the
various classes of society (taking into consideration that they represent
a distinct age group). In addition, the large size of the sample lessens the
standard of deviation in the age group involved in the study.
Qatar University in Doha is the only national university in the
country. ere are no fees applicable to the students; all expenses are
met by the government. In addition, Qatari culture dictates that male
and female students must be segregated. As Qatar University responds
to these values, it attracts a large number of female students.
86 ./ JOURNAL OF MIDDLE EAST WOMEN’S STUDIES 5:1
OUTCOME OF THE FIELD STUDY
e study investigated whether women in Qatari society were subjected
to any kind of violence or assault, and if so, to what extent. e results
are described below.
Degree of Violence
e most crucial part of the study looks at the degree to which the sub-
jects faced violence. e questions were structured in such a way that
participants could choose from three responses: Yes; To some extent;
and No. is structure worked well in encouraging students to respond
truthfully. In response to the question, “Have you ever been subjected
to violence?” 23% of the sample (i.e. 596 students) answered Yes, or To
some extent (see Table 2). Among the 499 married Qatari students (18%
of the sample), 119 (24% of those married) responded Yes, or To some
extent. It should be noted that such percentages admitting they have
been subjected to violence in Qatari society—where there has never
before been any such documentation—are phenomenal and underline
the ground-breaking importance of this study.
Forms of Violence
e 596 students who said they were subjected to violence were asked to
indicate the forms of violence they had experienced by choosing items from
a list. Beating was the most widespread form of violence, with 381 students
having been beaten (64% of those subjected to any form of violence). e
study also showed that some of these women lived in fear of divorce or
not having children. Fourteen percent of those subjected to any form of
Table 2
Student responses to the question: Have you ever been subjected to violence?
Response Qataris % Non-Qataris % Total %
Yes 176 8.0 32 8.4 208 8.1
To some extent 333 15.2 55 14.5 388 15.0
No 1,653 75.3 291 76.6 1,944 75.5
I don’t know 34 1.5 2 0.5 36 1.4
Total responses 2,196 100.0 380 100.0 2,576 100.0
No response 170 41 211
KALTHAM ALI AL-GHANIM ./ 87
violence (85, including 68 Qataris) had encountered sexual harassment.
Of this group, over half (46, including 34 Qataris) reported that they had
been raped (i.e. 1.7% of the total sample). Other forms of violence were
proportionately similar or less frequently indicated by the students who
were subjected to violence. ese included humiliation, insult, preventing
self-expression, grounding, control, and ignoring the victim.
Frequency of Violence
e majority of the 596 students who were subjected to violence were re-
peatedly subjected (56% frequently and 16% continuously), indicating a
need for counseling and protection. Most had been subjected to violence
for a long period: 45% since childhood, 34% since they were teenagers,
and 11% starting a er marriage. O cials involved in the protection of
women, children, and human rights, as well as those responsible for
security, should be aware of this critical result regarding the abuse of
children and young women.
Violence during Childhood
Of the 509 students who answered the question, “Were you ever sub-
jected to violence during childhood?” 27% said Yes, and another 30%
said To some extent, for a total of 57%, or more than half of those who
answered this question. Such results con rm that in many cases violence
began in and has continued since childhood.
e analysis showed that the most common form of violence dur-
ing childhood was beating (62%), followed by humiliation, degradation,
and verbal abuse. In h place was sexual harassment, experienced by
21% of those who experienced violence in childhood. Moreover, in the
category of sexual harassment, there was no di erence between Qataris
and non-Qataris.
Ten percent (52) of the students who said they were subjected
to violence said they were raped during childhood. e discrepancy
between this number and the 46 victims of rape cited above may have
occurred because some students gained courage to admit the fact a er
they felt more secure.
is is a very high percentage that exposes a dangerous fact: a
large number of girls face sexual assault despite living in a conservative
society. e students reporting rape said that it had taken place 10 to 15
88 ./ JOURNAL OF MIDDLE EAST WOMEN’S STUDIES 5:1
years prior to the time of the survey. is was also prior to the current
social and economic development that has brought an increase in the
number of domestic workers and the spread of new communications
technologies, all of which provide more exposure and potential occa-
sions for sexual harassment and attacks from non-relatives who live
with families and become part of their domestic life. Increasing wealth
in Qatari society makes life easier but also brings with it di erent kinds
of problems: social deviation, a high rate of divorce, and new crimes.
Sources of Violence
e study indicated that 39% of students subjected to violence said
their brothers were the prime o enders (see Table 3). Fathers were a
close second (38%) and mothers third (22%), followed by sisters and
other relatives as well as unrelated persons. Husbands were in sixth
place (over 10%). e percentages of other types of o enders was low,
though important; for example, women reported facing violence at the
hands of stepfathers, chau eurs, housemaids, employers, colleagues,
and friends.
While violence is usually a male prerogative, 22% of Qatari and
25% of non-Qatari respondents who experienced violence said their
mothers were the perpetrators (whereas there is greater divergence
between Qataris and non-Qataris in the parallel gures for brothers
and fathers). is is particularly true to this sample in which over 80%
of the respondents were single women. Possible reasons for mothers
enacting violence against their daughters include the mothers’ position
of authority in the family, their own social upbringing and internalized
oppression, and generational con ict caused by a growing liberalization
and its threat to traditional ways.
Coping with Violence
Modes of response to violence were almost evenly divided between
resistance and passivity. ose who said they were passive were asked
about their reaction and it was found that 39% resorted to crying; 24%
resorted to silence; 15% withdrew from any sort of participation with
others; and 15% hid themselves in their room. When asked why they
did not resist violence, 17% said they wanted to avoid further punish-
ment; 16% said to avoid scandal; 16% said they did not want anyone to
KALTHAM ALI AL-GHANIM ./ 89
know; and 12% said they were afraid of the o ender. In addition, 11%
said they did not resist because the o ender was their father, and the
same percentage said they did not resist because they loved the o ender.
Clearly, a strong motivation for keeping silent is to protect the honor of
men and/or the family, out of loyalty, love, or fear, or all three.
Consequences of Violence
One of the aims of this study was to identify the consequences of vio-
lence for the victim. e study indicated that nearly half of those who
experienced violence said they su ered from depression due to the vio-
lence perpetrated against them. Tension and temper were experienced
by more than one-third, with a higher proportion of non-Qataris suf-
fering tension. More than half of the victims of violence said they had
lost their self-con dence and su ered from anxiety; one-fourth became
introverted and avoided socializing; and one- h said they hated men.
Table 3
Responses of students who were subjected to violence, to the question:
Who exercises violence against you?
Perpetrator Qataris % Non- % Total %
Qataris
Brother 208 40.86 26 29.88 234 39.26
Father 186 36.54 38 43.67 224 37.58
Mother 111 21.80 22 25.28 133 22.31
Sister 60 11.78 12 13.79 72 12.08
Relatives 60 11.78 11 12.64 71 11.91
Husband 58 11.39 4 4.59 62 10.40
Stepfather 22 4.32 6 6.89 28 4.69
Friends 19 3.73 8 9.19 27 4.53
Classmates 25 4.91 2 2.29 27 4.53
Passers-by 19 3.73 7 8.04 26 4.36
Stepmother 21 4.12 4 4.59 25 4.19
While driving 14 1.60 2 2.29 16 2.68
Colleagues 12 2.35 1 1.14 13 2.18
Employer 11 2.16 2 2.29 13 2.18
Housemaid 12 2.35 1 1.14 13 2.18
Driver 11 2.16 0 0.00 11 1.84
Other 25 4.91 5 5.87 30 5.03
Total 874 151 1,025
90 ./ JOURNAL OF MIDDLE EAST WOMEN’S STUDIES 5:1
ere were 25 cases of attempted suicide and 43 cases of involuntary
urination. And one of the major ndings in the study was the frequency
of nervous breakdowns, with 53 instances.
Only 5% of the Qatari students who experienced violence informed
the police; the other 95% refrained from doing so. e same percentages
were found among non-Qataris. Given the overwhelming proportion of
cases not reported to the police, statistics provided by those responsible
for security do not re ect the actual levels of violence against women
in Qatar.
In another case study on domestic violence in which the author
interviewed a sample of 16 Qatari women, details were provided on the
causes, sources, and consequences of violence (al-Ghanim 2007). e in-
terviews also identi ed noteworthy characteristics of the perpetrators of
violence. All respondents explained the cause of violence as having been
brought about through misunderstanding between the victim and the
perpetrator(s), especially when the cases involved males (father, brother,
husband) and females in the family. Ten respondents attributed the
reason for the violence to a basic deprecatory attitude of males toward
females in the family. In these cases, violence resulted when women
refused male orders restricting their movements (i.e. going out) or hav-
ing friends. In the words of one respondent, “My family rejected my
friends and refused to permit me to go out or stay late.” Another female
was subjected to violence when she expressed her opinions and argued
on issues of social morality and ethics. Women were also subjected to
verbal abuse; one was constantly abused and berated by her stepmother
and half-brothers because her mother was a non-Qatari.
In these interviews, women victims of violence revealed the depth
and extent of violence related to sexual relations. One woman explained,
“I was subjected to violence at the hands of my husband when I discov-
ered that he was having sexual relations with the housemaid.” Another
said that she was subjected to violent abuse from her husband when she
refused to engage in “abnormal” sexual acts. e most extreme case was
the respondent who reported to have been raped by her father since she
was a child. At least ve of the interviewed women said that they had
been subjected to physical violence, verbal mistreatment, and threats by
the father or the husband when he was under the in uence of alcohol.
KALTHAM ALI AL-GHANIM ./ 91
SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS
is eld study has demonstrated without a doubt the existence of vio-
lence against women in Qatar. e cultural image of women as weak
and dependent, in need of the protection of men, lacking authority, and
responsible for preserving the honor of men encourages and excuses
violence against women, to the point that it is o en not even de ned as
violence. Qatari criminal codes do not include a description, de nition,
or penalty for domestic violence. e study showed that beating is the
most common form of violence. It also revealed cases of sexual assault
and harassment, and exposed the extent of violence against children.
Women reported that they o en keep silent about abuse to avoid further
punishment or scandal, or out of shame, fear, or love for the abuser. e
overwhelming majority of women do not report incidents of violence to
the police or any o cial agency; this fact renders o cial statistics on vi-
olence against women inaccurate. Most violence is perpetrated by males
in the family (especially brothers, fathers, and husbands), although, as
stated above, women (especially mothers) are also perpetrators.
With its large sample size, the study allows results to be generalized
to Qatari society and yields four major areas of recommendations for
alleviating violence against women: raising awareness, revising criminal
laws, collecting data, and establishing a network for educating and sup-
porting victims of violence.
Raising awareness is central to addressing the problem of violence
against women—particularly awareness among decision-makers, public-
opinion leaders, and social agencies including national organizations,
academic institutions, and groups concerned with protecting women.
Understanding the gravity of this phenomenon and the trend of in-
crease in cases of violence against women is a necessary prerequisite for
social change. Key public gures and agencies should also work toward
a comprehensive plan to ensure that women can live a life without vio-
lence, and should develop a national strategy to combat violence against
women.
Qatari criminal laws must be changed to de ne and include crimes
of domestic violence. To guide and track progress, concerned establish-
ments and academic institutions should establish indices on violence
against women by, for example, furnishing plans and strategies, dra ing
92 ./ JOURNAL OF MIDDLE EAST WOMEN’S STUDIES 5:1
legislation, and signing international treaties and resolutions that oppose
violence against women. Judicial bodies should protect women from
abuse while executing laws. ere should also be follow-up on cases of
female prisoners who have been imprisoned, not for criminal acts, but
as a means of punishment at the behest of their families, and this use of
the security apparatus to punish women should be eradicated.
Collecting data involves requesting that security and health agen-
cies document cases of violence; it also involves monitoring the ability of
such organizations to identify and report these cases. Statistics must also
be evaluated periodically to determine their accuracy in representing
violence against women. More data is needed on the physical, psycholog-
ical, educational, and societal costs of violence against women. Further
analyses and eld studies on violence against women are required for
greater understanding of the sources and causes of the phenomenon.
And nally, it is essential to establish a network to educate and
support victims of violence. Awareness programs are needed to help
women expand their traditional views of their role in society and in the
family, as well as their status and their relationship to men. Civil society
institutions should play a central role in activating awareness of problems
facing victims of violence, such as providing legal defense and demand-
ing changes in penal codes. Training should be provided for those who
work with victims of violence, such as lawyers, police o cers, and prison
wardens. Legal and counseling services should be provided for assaulted
women, along with practical assistance and support.
REFERENCES
Bu-Zaboon, Bana
2004 Al-‘unf al-manzili... al-mujtama‘ al-bahraini (Domestic violence... in
Bahraini society). Manama: Al-Markaz al-Watani li al-Bahth.
Al-Ghanim, Kaltham
1999 Woman and Development in Qatari Society: Analytical Study of Oppor-
tunities for Human Development (in Arabic). Majalla al-Khaleej wa al-Jazira
al-‘Arabiyya (Journal of the Gulf and the Arabian Peninsula), 24:95 (October):
121–55.
2004 Irtifa‘ al-khusuba wa ta’thiratha ‘ala al-tanmiya ( e phenomenon
of fertility increase and its impact on the development process). Majalla
al-‘ulum al-ijtima‘iyya (Journal of the social sciences), 32:2 (June):
298–325.
KALTHAM ALI AL-GHANIM ./ 93
2007 Al-‘unf al-manzili al-mujtama‘ al-Qatari (Domestic violence in Qatari
society [case study]). Manuscript under review for publication by the
Human Rights Administration, Ministry of the Interior, Government of
Qatar.
Government of Qatar (GOQ)
2004 Ta‘dad al-sukkan (Census). Doha.
Government of Qatar, Ministry of the Interior (GOQ/MOI)
N.d. Unpublished police records. Security Services Department. Doha.
Government of Qatar, Secretary General of Planning Council (GOQ/SGPC)
2006 Taqrir al-tanmiya al-bashari al-awwal (First human development
report). Doha.
Al-Irayni, Ramzia
2005 Al-‘unf dhidd al-mar’a (Violence against women). Research paper.
Conference on the Rights of Arab Women, Sanaa, December 3–5.
Al-Jaba, Amal
2005 Al-Adat wa al-taqalid wa sihha al-mar’a (Customs and habits and
woman’s health). Working paper presented at the Arab Conference on
Violence against Women from a General Health Perspective, Amman,
November 22–24.
Al-Muhannadi, Abdullah Sagr
2006 Ahammiya al-bayanat al-ihsa’iyya fi bahth mushkila al-‘unf dhidd
al-mar’a: Tasawwurat ‘amniyya wa ijtima‘iyya ( e importance of statisti-
cal data in studying violence against women: Security and social outlooks).
Working paper presented at the nal discussion on developing statistics of
violence against women, Supreme Council for Family Affairs, Doha,
March 13.
Al-Obaidli, Farida
2006 Tatwir ihsa’at al-‘unf dhidd al-mar’a al-dawla Qatar (Developing
statistics on violence against women in Qatar). Working paper presented
at the nal discussion on developing statistics of violence against women,
Supreme Council for Family A airs, Doha, March 13.
