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Diaspora in Modern Societies: Myths of Homeland and Return
Abstract
William Safran is professor of political science and director of the Center for Comparative Politics at the University of Colorado, Boulder. He is program coordinator of the Conference Groups on French Politics and Society and vice president of the Research Committee on Politics and Ethnicity of the International Political Science Association. He has written several books, including The French Polity (1977, 1979, 1985, 1991), and contributed to numerous journals and books, most recently the forthcoming Ethnic and Racial Minorities in Advanced Industrial Democracies.
This article is a revised and much enlarged version of a paper presented at the Université de Haute Bretagne, Rennes, France, in December 1988. The earlier version was published in Les Etrangers dans la ville, ed. Ida Simon and Jean-Pierre Simon (Paris: L'Harmattan, 1990). I also wish to thank two anonymous reviewers for their comments and suggestions, from which this version has benefited greatly.
1. For example, see Cobban; Shafer; Smith; Rothschild; and Enloe.
2. "Jeszcze Polska nie zginieła kiedy my żyjemy"—these are still the words of the Polish national anthem, which parallel those of "Hatikva," the Zionist and, later, Israeli national anthem: "As long as there is a Jewish soul within us . . . our eyes turn to Zion."
3. For an "inventory" of the Polish diaspora and its institutions, see Kolodziej, whose study was published under the auspices of the Cracow-based Institute for the Study of Poles Abroad.
4. See Morsy (15ff), who points out that this label is often used even for third-generation descendants of Algerian immigrants.
5. The term "Palestinian Arab" is preferred by some Israeli Jews, especially those of the older generation who remember that the term "Palestinian" was applied to the Jewish as well as the Arab inhabitants of Mandate Palestine. In Britain, the major fundraising agency in behalf of the Jewish settlers used to be called the United Palestine Appeal, and the Jerusalem Post, the English-language daily of the Jews in Israel, was, until 1948, known as the Palestine Post.
6. According to one sympathetic observer of the Palestinian condition, the focus of the Palestinians' homeland aspirations would not be Haifa (or the rest of Israel within the pre-1967 borders), "as a first step at least" (Colin Smith 5).
7. According to Zuheir Mohsen, head of the Saiqa faction of the PLO, "There are no differences between Jordanians, Palestinians, Syrians, and Lebanese. . . . It is only for political reasons that we carefully underline our Palestinian identity." Saiqa is backed by the Syrian government.
... The loss of historical facts, known as cultural diaspora, is widely discussed by scholars (such as Clifford 1994;Cohen 2002;Hall 1990;Safran 1991) for its impact on various fields, especially in the social sciences. The cultural diaspora occurred once the knowledge, stories, or experiences of the original inhabitants were added to or completely diminished. ...
... The cultural diaspora occurred once the knowledge, stories, or experiences of the original inhabitants were added to or completely diminished. The cultural diaspora is, in fact, very detrimental to future generations without a complete or significant source to explain an event, the origin of a lineage, or an interesting moment that has happened in an area or community group (Clifford 1994;Cohen 2002;Hall 1990;Safran 1991). Thus, local history that is not properly documented becomes folklore or fiction that describes imaginary stories, events, or people and causes the knowledge of ancestors to be diverted far from the truth. ...
... Scholars (cf. Clifford 1994;Cohen 2002;Hall 1990;Safran 1991) contended that the cultural diaspora is avoidable once society plays a role, cherishes mutual social ties and defends communal norms and values. ...
History is data regarding historical instances of human activity. This study anticipates the cultural memory around the primary school, SRK Pulo, which was relocated while retaining its previous name. One of the ancient Malay settlements along the Sarawak riverbank in Kuching is called Kampung Pulo. Questions are being asked about the SRK Pulo, its origin and other related histories to acknowledge. Further study, especially oral history inquiries, might help clear up any lingering questions regarding a historical truth or knowledge gap. For the benefit of future research, the cultural memory of intangible cultures needs to be preserved and documented through oral history research. To highlight historical local stories as the major focus in a qualitative manner, this study utilised Husserlism in Transcendental Phenomenology (TPh). The positive takeaways from oral history investigations into the genesis of SRK Pulo could serve as a guideline for the younger generation to respect and learn from the past to establish evocative living in the future. The sustainability of indigenous peoples in preserving their sociocultural ways of life and oral traditions depends on this study.
Diaspora research has focused primarily on collective (im)migrant expression, particularly engagement in transnational networks, identifications and practices oriented toward own community, dispersed kin, and homeland. In this literature, (im)migrants are inadvertently placed in ethnocommunal loop(s) which leaves accounts of integration in and orientation to the host country largely unexplored. This has created a gap and resulted in a kind of entrapment not only for (im)migrants, but also for scholars and scholarship with serious implications for public policy planners and practitioners. I address this gap by examining individual (im)migrant interactions with host country, kinfolk and home country through exploring, for the first time, the integration of Iraqi Sabian (Mandaean) diaspora in the UK, Netherlands and Sweden. Drawing on a mixed-method design that combines interviews and survey data, this paper delves into personal narratives and lived experiences and shows that study participants, predominately first-generation immigrants, have integrated in varying ways and degrees by adopting integrationist strategy to orient to, fit in and feel part of the host society and system. Besides many other findings, the study identifies two interacting sets of integration facilitators and four overlapping sets of challenges, and finds a majority of the study sample, though with cross-country differences, in higher positions in host society.
In this brief section, I explore the dynamics of the Jordanian context, characterized by its complexity yet predictability, where the autocratic power dynamics embedded in the constitutional framework exacerbate corruption and erode civil liberties (Bustani in Jordan’s new opposition and the traps of identity and ambiguity. Jadaliyya, 2011a). This research focuses on the 2011 Arab Awakening as another lens to better understand the Hashemite Kingdom’s shifting narrative identities, with the goal of identifying another pivotal moment in its history—or lack thereof. I will begin by tracing the events leading up to and following the Jordanian uprising.
La historia de las relaciones binacionales entre los Estados Unidos Mexicanos (México) y Estados Unidos de América (EE.UU.) se ha escrito desde cada país y desde distintas miradas. Se cuenta con la visión oficial-gubernamental, con la formalidad académica-intelectual; y una ambición mediática-política desmesurada. En algunas ocasiones se han desarrollado esfuerzos académicos binacionales para tratar de documentar y explicar objetivamente distintas temáticas que identifican dichas relaciones. Este es un ejemplo de lo que se hace desde la academia. Se utilizan como elementos de análisis el empoderamiento y las relaciones transnacionales de los migrantes mexicanos y sus organizaciones en EE.UU. para analizar los supuestos teóricos y conceptuales de diáspora en sus distintas clasificaciones y etapas históricas. Se argumenta que tal y como lo muestra la historia, desde una perspectiva occidental sobre las diásporas, estas se asimilan a aquellos supuestos de las diásporas tradicionales-consolidadas y las modernas con carácter económico, comercial-mercantil. La idea que la diáspora mexicana en EE.UU. es un conglomerado de entidades sociopolíticas híbridas que se podrían encasillar entre las diásporas emergentes, con características incipientes y fluctuantes. Este es sólo un análisis de continuidad a otras contribuciones sobre la diáspora mexicana en EE.UU. que se funden y confunden con las actividades diplomáticas del Estado mexicano. Se deja abierta la puerta a otros puntos de vista ya que concluimos que existen individuos excepcionales en EE.UU. y en México, apasionados por mejorar las condiciones socioeconómicas, políticas y culturales de los migrantes mexicanos y sus descendientes en EE.UU. y de sus familiares que permanecen en México. Por lo tanto, las relaciones transnacionales de los migrantes y sus organizaciones con sus contrapartes en los lugares de origen, de manera inclusiva con el Estado mexicano y los gobiernos sub-nacionales podrían irrumpir con lo que se está nombrando o asumiendo como la diáspora mexicana.
Տեղեկատվական տեխնոլոգիաների դերը շեշտակի աճել է հանրային տիրույթում գաղափարների ստեղծման և տարածման մեջ, և դրանից առավելապես շահում են պետականություն չունեցող ժողովուրդները։ Ի տարբերություն մեդիայի ավանդական ձևերի (մամուլ, ռադիո, հեռուստատեսություն), այս տեղեկատվական հոսքերը անհամեմամատ դժվար վերահսկելի են պետական ինստիտուտների և ուժային կառույցների կողմից, ինչն էլ ավելի է մեծացնում վերջիններիս արդյունավետությունը և կիրառելությունը։ Այս փաստը լավ գիտակցվում է քրդական սփյուռքի կողմից՝ որպես տեղեկատվական տեխնոլոգիաները ինքութենակերտող և ազգակերտող գործիքի կիրառողի։
The article underscores the conceptual nexus of diaspora and soft power. It analyses US soft power, its main operating mechanisms and tools, and the role of diaspora groups in the transfer of American values, using Armenia and the Armenian-American diaspora community as a case study. The paper argues that ethnic diaspora groups are increasingly important actors of soft power. Along with protecting and promoting the national interests of their country of origin, ethnic diaspora groups play a unique role in promoting the host country’s soft power by establishing links and enhancing mutual understanding between both societies and states and providing the transfer and network for the host country’s values and ideals abroad. The article highlights the role of the Armenian diaspora political parties, the Armenian-American sociopolitical and lobbying organisations, and the activities of prominent Armenian Americans and their charitable foundations in the spread of American values and ideals, and the advancement of American soft power in Armenia.
This paper aims to study transnational diasporic interactions with the internal return of protracted displaces, using two cases from directly war-affected regions of Sri Lanka. This paper contributes to the conceptualization of return by analyzing the complexities arising through diaspora engagement in post-war return and recovery of internally displaced people. Split returns—of near and far diasporas in the form of short-term, temporary family visits—shape protracted returns in post-war situations. Diaspora’s collective memory that results in diaspora transnationalism requires an engagement in rights-based issues such as access to and ownership of land in which the diasporas directly or indirectly intervene.
Sometimes physical security may come at the cost of ontological security for refugees. They may struggle to develop stable narratives of identity and fail to situate themselves within their new social environments. States often prioritize addressing refugees’ physical security needs to facilitate their integration, but largely overlook the importance of identity security. This study argues that ontological security is crucial to integration processes, and refugees reestablish it by engaging in various forms of identity backlash, lowering their interest in the politics of the host country, and heightening their desire to return home. In other words, identity backlash, political disinterest, and an intensified desire to return home function as ontological security-seeking mechanisms and anxiety responses. The study contributes to ontological security theory (OST) by introducing a novel and nuanced framework that defines a set of indicators for the emotional and narrative-oriented aspects of ontological security among refugees. It takes a micro-level approach examining ontological security at the individual level for Syrian refugees in Turkey and Germany. The specific findings of this study are threefold. First, I find a significantly lower level of narrative-oriented security among Syrian refugees in Turkey than in Germany. Second, the results indicate that narrative-oriented ontological security among Syrian refugees is strongly associated with identity backlash, low political interest, and a willingness to return to the home country. Third, the results show that physical security and ontological security are not always correlated. Overall, this study demonstrates how OST can provide insights into the complex interplay between perceptions of security, identity backlash, political integration, and willingness to return among refugee communities.
West German attempts to promote social harmony are hampered by unhelpful economic circumstances. Figures and tables summarise the current situation and the geographical distribution of immigrants is treated briefly. Despite recession and their vulnerability to unemployment many migrants remained in West Germany. A particular problem is the large number of young people, especially Turks. Existing policy contains three elements: integration, restrictions on entry, and repatriation. Each of these is described. -D.G.Price
This article examines the patterns of naturalization, voting registration, turnout, and political orientation of this minority and compares them with those of other groups. This exercise is significant for three reasons: First, the number of Cubans already living in the United States makes the analysis of their political integration important. Second, little research has been conducted on naturalization and voting patterns of recent immigrant groups; in particular no one has examined, to our knowledge, how political refugees and other immigrants compare in this respect. Third, a comparative analysis of different minorities focused on naturalization patterns and elected behavior may offer some practical guides for those interested in promoting their participation in the political process.
"This article provides a portrait of Cuba's exiles [in the United States] that encompasses all their waves of migration, while utilizing the Cuban exodus to shed light on the broader phenomenon of refugee migration. It argues that to understand the changing social characteristics of the exiles over twenty years of migration, we need to understand the changing phases of the Cuban revolution. Utilizing the Cuban exodus as data, the article uses Egon F. Kunz's...theoretical framework for refugee migration to shed light on the refugees' varying experiences, while also using the actual Cuban refugee experience to react to Kunz's abstract model."
Is a Homeland of the Mind
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