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Architecture in Everyday Life

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Abstract

New Literary History 33.4 (2002) 707-723 For an enterprise that exalts the concrete, the study of everyday life is remarkably vague about its object. The everyday comprises "seemingly unimportant activities." Or it is "a set of functions which connect and join together systems that might appear to be distinct." Or it is that which is leftover, which falls outside of or runs counter to the scrutiny of power or officialdom. It is an Other of some sort, better defined by what it is not than by what it is. The same vagueness about the nature of everyday life plagues architecture. For one architect, "The everyday is that which remains after one has eliminated all specialized activities." According to another, everyday space lies "in between such defined and physically definable realms as the home, the workplace, and the institution, [it] is the connective tissue that binds everyday lives together." But what is this connective tissue? Where can we find it? How do we recognize it? Of what is it made? Architecture is inescapably concrete and it forms the fabric and the setting of everyday life. Consequently, to approach everyday life through architecture—architecture with a lower-case a, understood in its broadest sense to encompass the entire material world (or "cultural landscape") that people make and think—is to be forced to pin down, in ways too often lacking in theories of the quotidian, the precise ways in which everyday life is experienced and the specifics of its relationships to other aspects of life and landscape. So architecture's materiality makes it a natural conduit to the specificity of everyday life. Over the last decade, contemporary theories of everyday life have begun to infiltrate Architecture with a capital A—the realm of high design and theory that forms one small corner of the larger world of architecture. The increasingly pervasive commodification and homogenization of life and landscape and the extreme social stratification associated with globalization seem poised to devastate both the cultural landscape and the architectural profession. As the architect Steven Harris noted, "The consideration of everyday life as a critical political construct represents an attempt to suggest an architecture resistant to this commodification/consumption paradigm, a paradigm that has come to dominate contemporary architectural practice" (EA 3). Architectural exploration of everyday life is closely allied to the work of Henri Lefebvre, who planted the theory of the everyday squarely in architecture's bailiwick. "Everyday life is sustenance, clothing, furnishing, homes, neighbourhoods, environment. . . . Call it material culture if you like, but do not confuse the issue," he wrote (EL 21). In particular, his fascination with the spatial nature of social life resonated with a long-established claim that space should be the defining element of a modern Architecture. Thus architecture's discovery of Lefebvre following the English-language publication of The Production of Space (1991) helped to rehabilitate space after a quarter-century of the postmodern elevation of representation and language over space and materiality. Lefebvre framed his interest in space and the everyday as part of his lifelong project to examine the meaning of modernity, and modernity—what it means to be modern, what a modern Architecture might be—is also a central strain in twentieth-century architectural discourse. In current architectural history, theory, and practice, then, discussion of the everyday takes place at the intersection of architecture and Architecture—of the study of the material settings of human life and of the narrower concerns of professional design. In the first part of this essay I will examine some ways that theories of the everyday have been used to reflect upon goals and practices in the study and making of architecture. The idea of the everyday has pushed architectural thought in important new directions, but those directions have been limited both by weaknesses in the original theories and by misreadings prompted by the intellectual history and preoccupations of Architecture. In particular, theories of the everyday have reinforced an Architectural habit of dichotomous and hierarchical thinking about the landscape. In addition, architectural writers have fit their thinking about everyday life into the discourse model that has dominated Architectural theory for thirty years. In the second part of the...

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... It is a significant aspect of people's everyday experiences where 'everyday' is understood as the routine recurrence of activities undertaken by people throughout the day (Harris & Berke, 1997). These everyday activities are integrally linked to the built environment, of which buildings play a major role (Upton, 2002). Everyday most people walk past, visit or dwell for periods of time in buildings. ...
... Everyone, then, as they go about their everyday activities has a story wherein urban elements such as buildings inform itineraries and the geographical structure of the narrative. As Upton (2002) pointedly remarks: "Architecture is inescapably concrete and it forms the fabric and the setting of everyday life" (Upton, 2002, p. 707). And yet, as she proposes, despite the infiltration of contemporary theories of everyday life in Architecture motivated by a desire to resist the "pervasive commodification and homogenization of life and landscape" such theories are often lacking in detail and specifics about everyday relationships of people to life and landscape, and in many respects, have been hijacked by the preoccupations of Architecture (with a capital 'a') (Upton, 2002, pp. ...
... For Upton (2002), such acknowledgment of the central role of the body and its movements and dispositions invariably leads to another French theorist Pierre ...
Thesis
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Initial attempts to more deeply understand what architecture means to people as they go about their everyday activities revealed that relevant bodies of knowledge such as environmental psychology (including environmental perception and cognition) did not adequately satisfy, either singularly or collectively, the need expressed in environmental psychology and design theory for a more contextualized and a holistic conceptual framework. The research described in this thesis addresses this shortfall by responding to the question: What is the architectural experience in the everyday context? In other words, the research aimed to identify the various ways in which people make sense of buildings that are part of their everyday context in order to develop a conceptual framework that captures the holistic and contextual role of architecture in people’s everyday lives. As an overarching methodology Grounded Theory (GT) was used to guide research in a systematic inductive way augmented by Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) to reveal the idiographic, contextual nature of architectural experience through building engagement. To facilitate exploring their experiences in semi-structured interviews, participants were asked to photograph buildings that they encountered and experienced on a regular basis in the Brisbane CBD as a pedestrian while walking along the street and as a visitor. A third stage of the project involved interviewing participants in the building in which they work, that is, as occupants. In the first two instances, participants were asked to bring their photographs to the interview with the photo-elicitation method found to be successful in taking participants back to their actual experience and in the encouraging revelation of emotive and existential sense-making as well as conceptual and perceptual sense-making. Analysis of the data from the three stages produced four super-ordinate themes: (1) building in urban (text), (2) building in (text), (3) building in human (text), (4) and building in time (text) which, with their sub-themes, constitute an original conceptual framework representative of the multifaceted way in which people make sense of building in the everyday. The framework was also found to be useful in accommodating specific environmental psychology theories about selective aspects of person-environment engagement. Through this framework, the research makes a substantial original contribution to environmental psychology, particularly from a transactional perspective, as well as to architecture and design, educationally and professionally. Specifically, it identifies the general community’s contextual sense-making in relation to the everyday experience of buildings, producing a comprehensive theoretical framework that acknowledges a person’s relationship with a building as dynamic and unfolding, as opposed to static and constant; as emotive and existential as well as conceptual and perceptual. As well as contributing methodologically through the integrated use of GT and IPA, at a practical level, this thesis extends our knowledge of the relationship between people and architecture (in this case buildings) to help inform and enhance the design of more responsive buildings, interior environments and the urban context.
... These acts carried out on everyday and ceremonial levels have consequences for interpersonal relations; 'if one could control people's movements and control their interpretation, one could control their identities' (cf. Upton 2002:719, Hacking 1999. ...
... Having the authority to structure space means more than just regulating particular events; it is the power to shape society by governing the repetitions that form its component selves. As argued by Henri Lefebvre, 'If one could control people's movements and control their interpretation, one could control their identities' (Upton 2002:719, compare Lefebvre & Levich 1987. ...
... The boatswain becomes a boatswain by carrying out a boatswain's activities and by dressing as a boatswain; similarly, the designated quarters for the boatswains becomes defined as such by the presence of boatswains (cf. Hacking 1999:161-171, compare also Garfinkel 2006or Upton 2002. ...
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In the seventeenth- and early eighteenth centuries, fluits were the most common type of merchant ship used in Baltic trade. Originally a Dutch design, the majority of all goods transported between Sweden and the Republic was carried on board such vessels. Far from all voyages reached their destination. Down in the cold brackish water of the Baltic, the preservation conditions are optimal, and several of these unfortunate vessels remain nearly intact today. Although thousands of more or less identical fluits were built, surprisingly little is known about the arrangement of space on board, their sculptural embellishment and other aspects that formed the physical component of everyday life on and alongside these ships. Fluits were a fixture in early modern society, so numerous that they became almost invisible. The study of wrecks thus holds great potential for revealing vital components of early modern life. Inspired by phenomenological approaches in archaeology, this thesis aims to focus on the lived experience of fluits. It sets out to grasp for seemingly mundane everyday activities relating to these ships, from the physical arrangements for eating, sleeping and answering nature’s call, to their rearrangement for naval use, and ends with a consideration of the architectonical contribution of the fluit to the urban landscape.
... 7 This focus on architecture (with a lower-case 'a') in its broadest sense, sees the city as a cultural landscape, and architecture as the material world that people make and conceive. 8 We suggest that everyday examination should not be based exclusively on users' perceptions, but must address the interaction, the interrelationship and interdependence between institutional powers and quotidian rituals. Analysis of these reciprocal relationships creates what is defined in this paper as a process of 'stitching and unstitching' that is endemic to urban development; processes of change and re-envisioning the physical environment. ...
... Atarim Square is clearly an unstitched site, sentenced to death (Figs 7,8,9). Its owners neglect it and prefer to leave most of its commercial spaces unused. ...
Article
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The metaphor of stitching/unstitching can be applied to the mechanism employed by authorities, professionals and users alike—each for a different purpose and under different circumstances—for appropriating the urban space. It views the urban space as a socio-political arena that involves ongoing negotiation. The metaphor is used in this paper to debate some basic premises of architectural discourse of the everyday. Analysis of Atarim Square on Tel Aviv's shoreline—focusing on three periods: the 1930s, 1960s and the 1990s—reveals ongoing and often simultaneous processes of ‘stitching and unstitching’. The key contention here is that formal (official and professional) spatial processes are not necessarily limiting, just as informal processes (personal and communal) are not always liberating, and that both are endemic to the socio-political construct of the everyday.
... Artikel ini berupaya memahami desain yang tidak terkondisi yang terbentuk dari metode desain arsitektur berbasis partisipatif masyarakat. Arsitektur yang tidak terkondisi hadir dari perubahan-perubahan yang terjadi dalam proses desain yang muncul akibat upaya masyarakat untuk beradaptasi pada isu tertentu pada konteks (Upton, 2002). Terjadi berbagai perubahan secara ekonomi maupun budaya yang mampu mengubah ruang-ruang arsitektur di dalam suatu konteks sepanjang waktu, sehingga diperlukan suatu manuver desain yang responsif mampu menciptakan kesinambungan dan berjalan secara sinergis terhadap perubahan tersebut. ...
... Sherry (1969) dan Jones et al. (2005) mengemukakan bahwa tingkat citizen control menjadi bentuk parameter seberapa besar masyarakat dalam berkontribusi dan mendominasi proses desain memungkinkan hadirnya desain yang tidak terkondisi itu. Berdasarkan Arstein (1969) dan Upton (2002) arsitektur tidak terbatas dari guidelines yang ditentukan oleh desainer namun hadir dari hubungan antara masyarakat dan ruang yang terkait. Tulisan ini berupaya memahami bagaimana desain yang tidak terkondisi dapat menciptakan ruang arsitektur yang bersifat adaptif dan bagaimana mekanisme arsitektur yang tidak terkondisi hadir dalam proses desain yang berbasis partisipatif. ...
Article
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Abstrak_ Artikel ini menginvestigasi mengenai arsitektur yang tidak terkondisi, yakni desain dengan ruang dan elemen arsitektur yang hadir tanpa keteraturan dan tanpa perencanaan sebelumnya. Pelibatan masyarakat menciptakan potensi variasi dalam membangun ruang dan elemen arsitektur yang bersifat non-conformity (ketidaksesuaian), dan dengan demikian berfungsi memperkaya ruang urban yang terbentuk. Arsitektur tidak lagi berfokus hanya pada estetika sebagai bentuk akhir desain, namun menjadi bagian dari upaya untuk memberikan masyarakat ruang untuk bermanuver dalam merancang ruang urban yang adaptif. Artikel ini membahas lebih lanjut akan metode desain arsitektur yang tidak terkondisi melalui riset kajian (desk research) studi kasus arsitektur berbasis partisipasi pada restorasi Amiriya Complex, pengembangan Kali Code, dan rumah bagi komunitas tradisional di Puebla, Mexico. Analisis studi kasus ini memperlihatkan bagaimana partisipasi masyarakat mengubah fungsi ruang dan menekankan lokalitas material yang tidak terkondisi sehingga menciptakan identitas baru sebagai ruang urban. Pemahaman akan mekanisme terbentuknya desain arsitektur yang tidak terkondisi diharapkan mampu menginisiasi cabang ilmu arsitektur yang melihat arsitektur di luar keteraturan serta melihat kemungkinan masyarakat sebagai aktor utama dalam produksi ruang keseharian pada konteks urban. Kata Kunci : Arsitektur yang Tidak Terkondisi; Non-Conformity; Partisipasi; Urban. Abstract_ This article investigates unconditional architecture, which is a form of design with space and architectural elements with disordered characters that arise in an unplanned way. Engagement with the community provides potential variation in developing space and architectural elements that value non-conformity, enriching the urban space. Architecture no longer focuses on aesthetics within the final form of the design but provides maneuvering opportunities for the community to develop an adaptive urban space. This article focuses on the design method of unconditional architecture through case studies of participatory architecture in Amiriya Complex restoration, Code river development, and Puebla traditional dwellings for the community in Mexico. The analysis of these case studies demonstrates how community participation changes function and emphasize material localities that are unconditioned that generate new urban identity. Understanding the mechanism of unconditioned architecture aims to expand architectural knowledge that values architecture beyond its orderliness, and highlights possibilities of the community as the main actor in the production of everyday urban space. Keyword: Uncoditional Architecture; Non- Conformity; Paritipatoru; Urban.
... Architecture has been studied in multiple discussions to integrate with the cinematic art form in design (Vidler 1992). A cinematic context can be a proper solution to analyze the human interaction in space and time that reveals physical habits (Upton 2002), especially because moving images work directly with emotionalaffective traits (Pallasmaa 2007b;Pallasmaa 2007a). The emotional-affective assessments in a cinematic context can be surveyed through the disruption of the monotonous rhythm of everyday life followed by the occurrence of evoking "events." ...
Article
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Objectives: Converging architecture with cinema and cognition has proved to be a practical approach to scrutinizing architectural elements' significant contribution to engineering science. In this research, a behavioral analysis has been conducted to examine if disruptive events in cinematic spaces can lead to an insightful perception of architectural qualities and enhanced interplay with the observed spaces to highlight mental health and improved cognitive tasks in sustainable design characteristics. Methods: The experiment was conducted in participants (N = 90) while watching three films with different stimuli to facilitate multivariate analyses. The HR, BP, SCL, and BT were measured while screening films to subjects. Psychological assessments of PANAS, TIPI, Chills, Pleasure, Arousal, Dominance, and NAQ were gathered to conduct correlation and regression analyses between variables. An independent space syntax analysis of film plans was also performed to compare film spaces' properties. Results: Analyses show that physiological responses of HR, BP, SCL, and BT showed a meaningful relationship with the event intensity. Psychological assessments of Chills, SAM, and NAQ also depicted a meaningful relationship with the degree of stimuli during the movie screenings. Regression analyses illustrated that the age factor had a significant relationship with Arousal (p-value = 0.04), Chills (p-value = 0.03), and Dominance (p-value = 0.00). The TIPI factor showed a meaningful relationship with Chills (p-value = 0.03) and Dominance (p-value = 0.00). PANAS PA factor's relationship was significant on Chills (p-value = 0.00), Arousal (p-value = 0.04), and Dominance (p-value = 0.03), and the PANAS NA factor showed a meaningful relationship with Chills (p-value = 0.00) and Dominance (p-value = 0.05). mixed plan structure than the other two films. Factors such as area compactness, connectivity, visual entropy, controllability, and mean depth were influential in distinguishing film spaces. Conclusion: It has been concluded that the space with intensive disruption of architectural elements successfully indicated improved cognitive perception of spatial qualities, enhanced interaction, and signified sustainable design criteria. Evoking events disrupted the banalization of cinematic spaces, illustrating that the designed model can indicate a more homogenous evaluation of a sustainable environment.
... 14 The rise of so-called vernacular architecture studies, too, has inspired historians to turn to alternative sources, and to explore how buildings change over time. 15 Significantly, and starting about 1980, architectural history has moved away from art history, especially its emphasis on formal analysis. ...
Article
Neurosurgeon Wilder Penfield (1891-1976) envisioned hospital architecture as a powerful medical tool. Focusing on two key interiors in the 1934 Montreal Neurological Institute (MNI)-the operating room and the foyer-this article engages newly accessible textual and material evidence to show Penfield's intense involvement in the design of the building. A unique, tri-level surgical room, with a sophisticated setup for photography, made the MNI's surgery interactive. The OR is discussed with regard to the relationship of doctors and architects and Penfield's penchant for architectural travel. Subsequently, we visit the foyer as a spatial counterpoint to the operating room. Its design enabled a particular, Penfield-inspired view of the brain and recounted neurological history in the language of Art Deco design. An emphasis on axial movement pushed visitors to "consume" a work of sculpture, meticulously copied from another in Paris. The architecture of the MNI thus monumentalized Penfield's accomplishments, by his own design.
... Explicating on the complexities of interaction between people and place today, this paper examines the potential significance of everyday landscapes in creating meaningful place engagement. The quality of everyday life whether it is liberating or oppressed is dependent on the ways it is organised spatially (Upton 2002). The term 'everyday landscape' discussed in this paper represents everyday interactions with the place encountered, along with its related experiential understanding. ...
Article
This paper conceptualizes landscape from a temporal and spatial perspective which emphasizes peoples’ interactions and activities as an inherent part of understanding the landscape itself. Today, peoples’ interaction with the landscape has become more complex, largely owing to the changing notions of place in contemporary urban living. In this context, the paper examines the role and significance of the landscapes of everyday life in urban environment and delineates how it (re)constructs ordinary human and social meanings that are necessary conditions for our existence. The paper is presented in three sections. In the first section, it discusses the concept of everyday life and its relevance in the contemporary urban living. In the following section, it examines the complexities encountered in urban landscapes today .The third section of the paper discusses how meaningful interaction experienced with everyday landscapes offer valuable insights for addressing the challenges posed by the complexities of urban city living. The paper concludes by highlighting the need for attention towards the largely neglected or overlooked domains of ‘ordinary’ everyday landscape by designer professionals, which plays a crucial role in creating meaningful relationship between people and place.
... Yeni ve eski tüm dikotomiler ve tüketim teorileri içinde gündelik yaşam konut içinde zamana yayılan ve sıradan kabul edilen yaşamın maddesel doğası olarak düşünülmektedir. [27] Aslında bu, Lefebre'nın da düşündüğü, göstergelerden soyutlanmış ve oluşumunu inkar etmeyen steril bir düzendir. Birey, kendi konumunu tüketimin dilinden bağımsız kılabilmektedir. ...
Article
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Housing has always been of special interest to architecture and interior architecture, which is understandable, given its primary role in individuals’ lives. In particular, the beginning of the 20th century and the impact of modernism on social life created diversification in viewpoints on housing and housing interiors. Housing has had an active, varied, and disputatious history, starting from the avant garde, flexible, and chic spaces of modernism alienated from tradition, to the colourful, cheap, and inarticulate signs of postmodernism. Of course, these changes were not easy to achieve. The change of social organism, innovations in technology, differentiations in individuals’ needs and demands, and their social status created the most essential components of this process. As we leave the twentieth century behind and move through the the first quarter of the twenty-first, it seems that even as housing remains as important as ever in individuals’ lives, some differentiations in what it represents are attracting attention. Today, as an object of consumption, the house stands somewhere beyond being a statement of daily dynamics, taste and an expression of the identity the consumer defines as representing the social groups to which he belongs. The aim of this study is to analyse the conversion of the house since the beginning of the 20th century in respect of the space identifying and identity creating factors of the individual, who sees house as an consumption object in daily life, and transformes “home” as part of his life; and to reveal the possible existential results.
... Yet, in his review of the architectural uses of the everyday, Dell Upton notes that for "an enterprise that exalts the concrete, the study of everyday life is remarkably vague about its object." 13 Upton finds that many studies turn the everyday into an aesthetic category while those that avoid this tendency in turn fail to recognise spatial form: ...
Conference Paper
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This paper addresses several ideas proposed in the conference description. To begin with the paper, based on a recently completed research project, will engage with ‘alternative readings of territory and a range of spatial practices’. It does this through the identification of ‘patterns of rituals of occupation’ identifying how ‘daily routines and activity are curtailed, moulded and adapted to a particular environment.’ It will however contest the increasingly presumed domination of human agency in spatial discourses. That is, it will test whether form is as insignificant as is suggested by Gowan’s statement: ‘I can east a sandwich in any size of room.’ This is done through a critical reading of the work of Lefebvre, de Certeau, and others. It will propose that de Certeau’s view of the relation between spatial configurations and practices achieves a (rare) dialectical balance where neither form nor practice is privileged. As such, it identifies form as an active (but not fully determinant) participant in the formation of practices, inhabitation and meaning. The paper will sketch out the basic premises of the above authors and will identify both the strengths and gaps in applications of theories of the everyday, space and spatial practices. The paper will also highlight the difficulty (or reluctance) in translating these ideas to concrete situations. In conclusion, by reference to a mundane space and practice – the entry sequence leading to front doors in 1970s housing estates – a case will be made for how these theories can be understood on a formal level while remaining attentive to the differences of individual practices. A comparison of contemporary and historical entry sequences and individual modifications to these will suggest an arena where everyday practices, spatial form and history intersect. The aim is to suggest a way of looking at spaces that accounts for human action while acknowledging the responsibility of form.
... Such dilemmas raises further questions about how one apprehends forms or practices of vernacular photography beyond one's own perception of what is customary, exposing how terms such as 'common', 'ordinary' or 'everyday' must be used carefully lest they elide difference and mask power relations. 49 Nevertheless, if vernacular photography is the work of billions of different hands, so too is its study. In which case, we all have many stories to tell. ...
... Everyday life in the city includes a collection of leftover activities and people have their own experiences that give various meanings to urban space (Upton, 2002). This means that some activities in the city are formal or happened according to the plan or in desired places while some activities are informal and happened in leftover spaces or out of plan. ...
Article
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This paper aims to investigate the negotiation between the “formal” and the “informal” urban space in Jakarta through the examination of use of space of marginalized transportation of bajaj – a three-wheeled public transportation. Bajaj drivers continuously and creatively create their use of space and territory as the result of the limitation of space. Creativity in using space emerges as a way to get available space and this activity results in the appropriation of urban space. The basis of such appropriation is how to survive in urban space and such condition is characterized by negotiation, flexibility and adaptability. In high-density Jakarta city, it is necessary for bajaj drivers – who have only limited possibility in using strategic urban space – to use both the formal and the informal to sustain the city at large. An analysis of how bajaj drivers negotiated urban spaces around Manggarai Station reveals the appropriation of urban space that relies on temporality, tactics and negotiation of rules of access among users. In this paper, we analyze how urban informality as an ‘organizing logic’ results in a specific mode of the production of space. The analysis of negotiations of space around Manggarai Station is intended to contribute to an understanding of how informal and negotiated spaces, which shape everyday life in the city, are inseparable parts of formal and designed spaces in the city of Jakarta.
... Upton acknowledges a certain rigidity in architecture's ability to respond effectively to the everyday that is due to an intrinsic bifurcation between the two. 22 Further, he notes: ...
Article
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As a result of the pressing environmental and technological conditions dominant today, new frontiers for architectural production are emerging. Fueled by accelerated change and increased connectivity, these trajectories operate across multiple scales and domains. The evolving relationship between place, technology, and occupancy formulates a complex active structure that tends to have fluctuating levels of activity and impact. These conditions are giving way to hybridized settings where the interdependence of digital and analog is altering the very politics of place and identity. In response to the prevalence of amalgamated settings, the paradigm of “Dynamic Landscapes, Emerging Territories” is presented. Dynamic Landscapes have definitions and presence in multiple locations simultaneously, requiring new methods of documentation and assessment in order to conceive appropriate design responses. The paper uses the Syrian Refugee Crisis as a case study for deciphering the implications inherent in displacement in the context of dynamic landscapes. Furthermore, it presents an opportunity to think of new architectural trajectories rooted and driven by the animation of such sites. Inherently dynamic, forced displacement presents rich emerging territories where design carries significant impact and facilitates a tangible reassessment of a refugee’s narrative. Supported by robust information networks and active feedback loops, displaced landscapes as such can learn from their residents and inform their imminent futures specifically, as well as our collective human occupancy at large. Within constantly changing milieus, architecture’s premises and processes are being challenged to respond to fluctuating contexts and provide for transient occupancies. While some may see this as a loss of spatial agency when it comes to design, these conditions present an opportunity to think of new architectural trajectories that are rooted and driven by the dynamism of multilayered landscapes and new approaches towards practice.
... Henri Lefebvre thought of architecture as 'everyday space'. The study of architecture, in this sense, is the study of the material setting for human life (Upton 2002). If architecture has a role in everyday life then the architecture of our well-preserved wrecks could unveil aspects of the behavioural patterns of the people on board, irrespective of whether the ships can be identified in written sources or not. ...
Book
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Shipwrecks are one of the primary type-sites for maritime archaeology. This volume brings together authors whose research focuses on Northern Europe and the Baltic Sea in particular. The environmental conditions of this sea have made it the most signifiacant repository for sunken watercraft anywhere in the world and it has figured significantly in the development of maritime archaeology as a dynamic sub-discipline. This volume explores the ways that ships can be understood and interpreted as material cuklture and the ways in which they provide a high-resolution conduit to past human action.
... Consecuentemente, el aproximarnos a la vida cotidiana a través de la arquitecturaarquitectura con a minúscula, entendida en su sentido más amplio para acompasar la totalidad del mundo material (o "paisaje cultural") que la gente hace y concibe -es necesario establecer, en modos que muchas veces están ausentes de la teoría de lo cotidiano, los modos precisos en los que la vida cotidiana es experimentada y las especificidades de sus relaciones con otros aspectos de la vida y del paisaje. (Upton, 2002, pág. 707). ...
Article
Recent phenomena of accelerated urban growth often have a violent impact in the image of the city. Inhabitants' response to the lack of solutions from the authorities is automatic: they take charge and give solutions through the self-construction of a spontaneous, informal city, born out of everyday needs and limited resources. Through case studies in Lima (Peru), this article analysis the sources of inspiration for this informal architecture, identifies with the term “huachafa”, it's processes of creation, and the ways in which it multiplies. We conclude that references can be found in architectonic elements of projects built in formal neighbourhoods, and in traditional environments. We aim to establish a relationship between formal aspects, and social and cultural realms, throughout the evolution of huachafo housing. Keywords: Self-construction, informality, housing.
... 12 For a concise review of Lefebvre's critique of everyday life, see McLeod (1997). For an attempt to explore the limits of contemporary theories in approaching the everyday in concrete ways, see Upton (2002). ...
... However, very little has been discussed in relation to the public spaces which play an implicit yet critical role in the quality of everyday life in Indian cities. At a superfi cial level, everyday life in public spaces involves ordinary experiences and routines that are taken for granted (Upton, 2002;Sandywell, 2004 ;Rajendran, 2016). This chapter is developed in the form of a think piece to highlight how examining these 'mundane' spaces and the activities performed in those spaces can provide an interesting lens to understand the altering socio-spatial relations and its impact on people's behavioral practices in the pandemic and post-pandemic context. ...
Chapter
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It is clear that the pandemic has had much harsher effects on vulnerable urban groups such as migrant youth, refugees, asylum-seekers, undocumented migrants and the homeless. For many of these groups public space is a quintessential realm, not only for leisure and social contact but also for shelter and income. This chapter presents early findings from ongoing research on the fate of these groups based on 30 interviews with frontline practitioners such as social assistants, social workers, language course teachers, outreach workers and youth workers. The interviews reveal how increased policing to enforce COVID-19 measures has perhaps made public spaces safer in terms of health regulation, but has simultaneously made them more desolate, dangerous places for these vulnerable populations.
... 21 Upton had argued that the dichotomies are a means to other the non-professionals from the professionals. 22 In every dichotomy, the professionally designed assumes a level of sophistication and extra-ordinariness from its routinised and anonymous counterpart. It is a tactic to claim and legitimise the architectural space by creating the lesser other. ...
Conference Paper
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“A bicycle shed is a building; Lincoln Cathedral is a piece of architecture. Nearly everything that encloses space on a scale sufficient for a human being to move in is a building; the term architecture applies only to buildings designed with a view to aesthetic appeal”. Nikolaus Pevsner The above quote encapsulates quite aptly the arguments of this paper: the narrative of inferiority and the dissent of the everyday. In the global south countries, even though informal settlements are the primary means of answering the demand for affordable housing, the dominant response is to eradicate, relocate or replace them. In all these discourses, these habitats are not considered as housing. They are seen as a form whose materiality and aesthetic has to be transcended; the houses of the majority of the population is not worthy of being called architecture. While informal settlements are generally considered as a manifestation of the neoliberal era, however, the informal way of planning is not a recent phenomenon. The self-organised process of planning had been the primary mode of producing housing from antiquity, yet they never found a place in the canon of architectural history. Most western architectural history had been written through the practice of excluding the ‘architecture without architects’. And when there was an attempt to include the lost voices, it was created through the narrative of the ‘primitive’, the ‘ordinary’, the ‘non-design’ and the ‘temporary’. In this paper, we question the epistemic injustice embedded in the writing of architectural history. What were the criteria of inclusion? And what was excluded? We question the construction of history. We argue for a theoretical space for including the silenced, erased architecture of the ‘everyday’ and the dominant mode of urban production in the global south countries.
... The repetition of the kozolec in many different forms makes it a powerful identity tool. It is an everyday item that is present in lives and deines cultural space to a perceptible degree (Upton 2002). It is an example of how culture and everyday life are intertwined and produce space (Lefebvre 1991). ...
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This paper presents the kozolec, or Slovenian hayrack, as one of the markers of the Slovene landscape. The kozolec is found in several different forms in approximately 80% of Slovenia. While not unique in its form and use among people of Slovene ethnicity, it has been elevated to a symbolic status among some Slovenians. Its traditional use is in sharp decline, but it has been readapted in new ways to continue its work of showing where Slovenia is. Is this a shift in representation or a new practice of the kozolec? This question is answered by re-theorizing how identity happens as a matter of practice. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=vth&AN=60861760&site=ehost-live
... First, there are his discussions of space and place (e.g. Duff, 2010;Upton, 2002) and second, his theorising of tactics and strategies (e.g. Andres, 2013;Round et al., 2008). ...
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The Practice of Everyday Life (de Certeau M (1984) The Practice of Everyday Life. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press) has become a canonical text in urban studies, with de Certeau’s idea of tactics having been widely deployed to understand and theorise the everyday. Tactics of resistance were contrasted with the strategies of the powerful, but the ways in which these strategies are operationalised were left ambiguous by de Certeau and have remained undertheorised since. We address this lacuna through an examination of the planning profession in South Africa as a lieu propre– a strategic territory with considerable power to shape urban environments. Based on a large interview data set examining practitioner attitudes toward the state of the profession in South Africa, this paper argues that the strategies of the powerful are themselves subject to negotiation. We trace connections with de Certeau’s earlier work to critique the idea that strategies are univocal. We do this by examining how the interests of different powerful actors can come into conflict, using the planning profession as an exemplar of how opposing strategies must be mediated in order to secure changes in society.
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The Jonathan Creek site in Kentucky was excavated in the early 1940s in an effort to uncover the community plan of an entire Mississippian town and mound center. Although the project terminated prematurely, the remnants of 89 structures representing a diverse array of architectural foundation styles were documented. Quantitative and qualitative analyses of multiple attributes, such as posthole diameter and spacing, wall-trench width and depth, roof supports, and floor area, are necessary to adequately parse the variation in architectural style, construct inferences about the aboveground appearance of buildings, and suggest origins for the diverse construction methods used at the site. At least some of the distinctive differences in foundation preparation would have resulted in diversity in the appearance of finished buildings. Time is not wholly adequate to explain this diversity. Technological and functional choices made by the ancient builders account for some of this variation, while social, genealogical, and ethnic differences, and possibly distinctive ritual customs and traditions among the residents, explain other sources of variation.
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This paper discusses and questions the boundaries of vernacular architecture as conceived, interpreted and reinterpreted since the late eighteenth century. The activities and boundaries of the Vernacular Architecture Group are considered in the context of work in other fields also concerned with architecture and the vernacular. The paper argues for a broad understanding of vernacular architecture as an inclusive social study that is not necessarily restricted by boundaries of time and place.
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In practice a great many scholars, when they speak of the vernacular, mean the old, the rural, and the domestic. But this definition, while it identifies an important segment of the ordinary built world, also leaves much out. Is there not vernacular architecture in the present? Is it all from historical periods? Is there no vernacular architecture in urban areas? And what about stores, warehouses, churches, depots, stables, workshops, commercial strips, suburban tracts, and other commonplace environments? Are they not elements of the vernacular? Vernacular architecture is now the term most widely used to denote indigenous, tribal, folk, peasant, and traditional architecture . . . Distinctions can be made between formal, architect-designed architecture and vernacular architecture, and between these and what may be termed popular architecture. When we isolate from the world a neglected architectural variety and name it vernacular, we have prepared it for analysis. The term marks the transition from the unknown to the known. The contemporary ambiguity in the term “vernacular architecture” is easily traceable to the book in which it is widely believed to have first appeared in print.1 In reading Sir George Gilbert Scott’s Remarks on Secular and Domestic Architecture, published in 1857, it may appear that Scott had in mind an exclusive synonymy between “vernacular architecture” and “everyday,” “spontaneous,” or “ordinary architecture.” Consider, for example, Scott discussing the economy inherent in contemporary 1850s cornice making, upon which he comments in the present tense that, “in this respect our ordinary vernacular house-builders are more correct in their practice than our architects.”2 Or again, when Scott directs his readers to “look at the vernacular cottage-building of the day . . . the spontaneous productions of our builders, where no external influence is brought to bear upon them.”3 However, Scott’s book also tends in places to confound the usage of “vernacular” with “traditional,” as when he states, “It is not, however, a part of my mission to shew [sic] how the vernacular classic styles are to have new blood thrown into them.”4 Since Scott wrote his Remarks, scholars have contested the precise meaning of the term “vernacular architecture” even while acknowledging its instability.5 The continuing instability is a direct consequence of the built environment’s inability to sustain in a consistent or logical way the intersecting and overlapping interests of diverse scholarly disciplines. Scholars in geography, anthropology, archeology, folklore, landscape architecture, planning, photography, as well as in architecture have over the past century and a half brought to bear divergent and often conflicting approaches to the study of built work described by each in turn as “vernacular architecture.”6 Limiting the literature review to scholarly works expressly addressed to architects or architectural scholars does not substantially reduce the number of differing approaches.7 As a single example, consider that Paul Oliver’s Encyclopedia of Vernacular Architecture identifies no fewer than twenty distinct scholarly approaches to its subject.8 In contemporary scholarship, the dual synonymy of the term “vernacular architecture” to both “everyday architecture” and “traditional architecture” is easily discerned. That “vernacular architecture” is assumed to be synonymous with “ordinary” or “everyday architecture” is apparent in Upton and Vlach’s editorial approach to their 1986 anthology Common Places.9 Alternatively, an assumed synonymy between “vernacular architecture” and “traditional architecture” is evident in Oliver’s monumental Encyclopedia of Vernacular Architecture.10 Constant between these two otherwise distinct approaches is the way in which the term is used to distinguish between practices, i.e., between on the one hand the unsanctioned or unofficial practices of the public—whether by this is meant a contemporary public or a public remote in time or place—and on the other hand the sanctioned practices of the profession or of the academy. When Henry Glassie wrote in 2000 that the act of naming architecture as vernacular “marks a transition from the unknown to the known,” he concisely acknowledged the effect that the practices of structuring information have on formulating a particular understanding of architecture.11 Glassie implied that the transition from...
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Cambridge Core - European History after 1450 - A Jewish Jesuit in the Eastern Mediterranean - by Robert John Clines
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In this pioneering study of contemporary Chinese urban form, Duanfang Lu provides an analysis of how Chinese society constructed itself through the making and remaking of its built environment. She shows that as China's quest for modernity created a perpetual scarcity as both a social reality and a national imagination, the realization of planning ideals was postponed. The work unit - the socialist enterprise or institute - gradually developed from workplace to social institution which integrated work, housing and social services. The Chinese city achieved a unique geography made up in large part of self-contained work units. Remaking Chinese Urban Form provides an important reference for academics and students conducting research on China. It will be a key source for courses on Asia in architecture, urban planning, geography, sociology and anthropology, at both the graduate and undergraduate level. The insightful yet accessible introduction to urban China will also be of interest to architects, urban designers and planners - as well as general audience who wish to learn about contemporary Chinese society.
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The cities of eighteenth-century America were crucial for the coming of the American Revolution. This book focuses closely on political mobilization in colonial British America's five most populous cities, from 1740 to 1780. It particularly examines the Boston waterfront community, New York City taverns, Newport churches and congregations, the elite households of Charleston, and the gatherings outside the Philadelphia State House and State House Yard. Because of their tight concentrations of people and diverse mixture of inhabitants, the largest cities offered fertile ground for political consciousness, political persuasion, and political action. The book traces how everyday interactions in taverns, wharves, and elsewhere slowly developed into more serious political activity. Ultimately, the residents of cities became the first to voice their discontent. Merchants began meeting to discuss the repercussions of new laws, printers fired up provocative pamphlets, and protesters took to the streets. Indeed, the cities became the flashpoints for legislative protests, committee meetings, massive outdoor gatherings, newspaper harangues, boycotts, customs evasion, violence and riots-all of which laid the groundwork for war. By focusing on some of the most pivotal events of the eighteenth century as they unfolded in the most dynamic places in America, this book illuminates how city dwellers joined in various forms of political participation that helped make the Revolution possible.
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Distinctiveness is a fundamental part of defining place identity. This paper aims to define the identity of place through the distinctiveness of the urban heritage of Chiang Mai Old City, Thailand. Chiang Mai Old City has unprecedented levels of diversity and a cultural dynamics related to its intangible and tangible urban heritage. Moreover, the city is in the important stage of being nominated as a new World Heritage Site of UNESCO, with the city’s distinctiveness being significant in supporting further heritage management strategies. The research presented in this paper mainly focuses on how local people interpret and understand the urban heritage identity of Chiang Mai Old City. This has been achieved through surveys of four hundred participants who live in the Old City and a two-way focus group with five participants in each group. The results provide seven aspects to describe the distinctiveness of Chiang Mai Old City. Moreover, the results can also be used to develop an assessment indicator for defining the distinctiveness of other cities through the engagement of local people.
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Riksäpplet deals with a shipwreck that has a neglected position in the grand narrative of the history of the Swedish navy. The story of its destiny and the missing accounts in scholarly and popular works in history says something about heritage processes within Swedish maritime archaeology. On 5 June 1676 Riksäpplet came loose and adrift from its moorings outside Dalarö Sea fortress. The hull struck a rock and sank. The loss was considered both ignominious and embarrassing and the ship’s fate has been overlooked in all major history books. The rock onto which Riksäpplet sank was named ‘Äpplet’ after the incident, and the wreck itself has become an integrated component of the underwater seascape. As a consequence the wreckage has never enjoyed a proper ‘discovery’ or undergone documentation under the sensational forms that many other famous shipwrecks have, even though they have sunk in more inconvenient places. In Eriksson’s study the official handling of Riksäpplet’s wrecked body is compared to the more wellknown ships Kronan and Svärdet, which both sank during battle only days before. Eriksson draws on different motifs and driving forces behind the study of naval wrecks from the period from his comparison, and the differences are discussed. Riksäpplet has never achieved a prominent position with the romanticising works of history that honour the national heroes and their deeds which are associated with this era of the Swedish Empire. The first half of the book thus sets out to unpack the ideas that have led to the relative disinterest in Riksäpplet in comparison to other shipwrecks. The second half of the book sets out to analyse Riksäpplet from a specific archaeological perspective, with focus on the ship as material culture. Eriksson’s departure is to explore the relatively low budget fieldwork that has been done at the wreck site. He the combines those facts with a survey of the artefacts recovered from the wreck, of which all are kept in museum archives and private collections. This, in addition to his studies of preserved written correspondence concerning the construction of the ship, has brought new insights into seventeenth-century shipbuilding and how the balance between the global political superpowers affected this trade. In this context Riksäpplet has great potential to show how military alliances are materialized through ships’ architecture. Abstract [sv] Riksäpplet: Arkeologiska perspektiv på ett bortglömt regalskepp handlar om kulturarvsprocesser inom svensk marinarkeologi. Men boken handlar också om ett skeppsvrak som hamnat en hårsmån utanför den stora vedertagna sjökrigshistoriska berättelsen: regalskeppet Riksäpplet. Den 5 juni 1676 slet sig Riksäpplet från förtöjningarna vid Dalarö skans. Skrovet högg i en klippa och sjönk. Förlisningen kom att betraktas som både snöplig och pinsam och har i efterhand kommit att förtigas i historieböckerna. Klippan bär idag namnet Äpplet och vraket har kommit att bli en integrerad och självklar del av landskapet. Som en konsekvens av detta har vraket inte kunnat påträffas och dokumenteras under de sensationella former som gällt för andra välkända skeppsvrak trots att de förlist på mer otillgängliga platser. I boken jämförs hanteringen av Riksäpplets vrak med de mer välkända regalskeppen Kronan och Svärdet, vilka gick under i strid fem dagar före Riksäpplets förlisning. Utifrån jämförelsen diskuterar Eriksson motiv och drivkrafter som legat till grund för studiet av vrak efter svenska örlogsfartyg från stormaktstiden. Riksäpplet har inte kunnat erövra någon framträdande roll i den romantiserande historieskrivning som lyfter fram nationens hjältar och deras stordåd. Boken första hälft syftar till att synliggöra de mekanismer och drivkrafter som ligger bakom att Riksäpplet prioriterats bort till förmån för undersökningar av andra vrak. Bokens andra hälft ägnas åt att fokusera på ett nytt, mer renodlat arkeologiskt perspektiv på skeppet som materiell kultur. Erikssons utgångspunkt är ett till resurserna tämligen begränsat arkeologiskt fältarbete på vrakplatsen som ändå har genererat stora resultat. Han kombinerar detta med en genomgång av de föremål som genom åren har bärgats från vraket och som finns arkiverade i olika museimagasin och hos privata samlare. Tillsammans med bevarad skriftlig korrespondens kring skeppets byggande väcks nya insikter om 1600-talets skeppsbyggeri och hur detta kunde påverkas av den globala politiska maktbalansen över världshaven. Satt i en sådan kontext har Riksäpplet stor potential att visa hur stormaktens militärallianser materialiserades genom skeppens arkitektur.
Thesis
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The subject of the present thesis is the cognitive reconstruction of human in space - time and space by analyzing the deconstructive events of everyday human interactions from the perspective of cinematic sequences. The overall process of this research is based on a test of the theoretical characteristics explained by the common themes between cognitive psychology, space-time-place in architecture, and the foundations of cinema. The main purpose of the research in this thesis is the cognitive restructuring of human beings through the redefinition of the architectural elements derived from cinematic sequences and techniques. This study investigates what kind of spatio-temporal relationship will lead to human cognitive reconstruction, as well as the factors that influence the changing of everyday structure and enhancement of human interaction with space, as well as the mechanism that enhances human cognitive restructuring in elemental architecture. Space-time and place that influence the everyday and event-driven creation of cinema. The ten theoretical indicators of the philosophy of space syntax, the twenty indicators of the normalized quality of space, the self-evaluation of the human sense of space, as well as those derived from human biological properties. The research method in this study is developmental in terms of descriptive correlational and quasi-experimental descriptive research method and in terms of documentary and survey data collection and software derived data. The method of analysis is based on descriptive and inferential statistical analysis, content analysis and comparative analysis. The determination of space-time variables and metrics in architecture and cinema is done using documentary method and comparative study. The Delphi method is used to validate the measures. Logical reasoning and comparative analysis will be used to test the hypotheses and the method of survey and quantitative analysis will be used. Data collection was done using questionnaire and observation while watching movies related to residential complexes. Examination of the tests of theoretical features shows that the emotions and emotions of individuals influence their cognitive perception while viewing architectural spaces in cinematic sequences. Biofeedback tests have shown significant results in arousing people while viewing more stimulating spaces, or in other words more destructive events. Also, the results of the tests related to convexity and space adjustment qualities have led to the criteria such as: geometric structure of space, area and plan isovist compactness, surface difference, maximum visual connectivity and spatial variability.
Chapter
As exemplified by James Deetz’ use of Henry Glassie’s ideas, there has long been a theoretical cross-fertilization between vernacular architecture studies and historical archaeology. This chapter presents a case study in which that cross-fertilization extended beyond theory to practice in the field. The project, a joint historical archaeology and vernacular architecture study, focused on the cultural landscape of southeastern Colorado, a fertile ground for both types of investigation. In this chapter the authors discuss significant theoretical foundations common to both disciplines, and suggest ways practitioners can benefit from one another’s innovations and expertise.
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The ongoing and accelerating process of rapid urbanisation defines how everyday environments are formed and understood in the future. As the density of the urban tissue on the planet is on the increase, also the experiential qualities of urban environments are evolving and diversifying at the same time. Understanding the profound effects of these processes is essential in order to understand how the aesthetic continues to manifest itself in the sphere of the everyday. Concentrating merely on built space in the traditional sense is not enough to assess the experiential quality of urban environments. Human space, instead, takes as a concept into consideration the totality of planned and unplanned spaces in urban environments from the human point of view. In an attempt to bring whole entities such as cities of different scale under aesthetic scrutiny, a more inclusive perspective is needed to assess how diverse parts of these entities – objects and activities, structures and infrastructures, people and other more or less complex living organisms and relations between them – function in direct contact with each other on a daily basis. By succeeding in this, environmental aesthetics can have a better access to the complex phenomena related to the urban everyday.
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After over a decade of reports, designs, and public outreach, the United Nations Plaza in San Francisco was dedicated in 1976. Using historical documents such as government reports, design guidelines, letters, meeting minutes, and newspaper articles from archives, I argue that while the construction of the UN Plaza has failed to completely transform the social and economic life of the area, it succeeds in creating a genuinely public space. The history of the UN Plaza can serve both as a cautionary tale for those interested in changing property values purely through changing design, and as a standard of success in making a space used by a true cross-section of urban society.
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My argument in this paper is of crucial importance for the micro-spaces of the city, for the conduct of everyday life, social reproduction, and the construction of social meanings. Meanings are created wherever the built environment and the rhythms of social life coincide. In the perspective of its inhabitants, then, the city may be thought of as a dense, complex, and often contradictory web of meanings that, however difficult to disentangle, are yet essential to the good life. Unfortunately, these meanings are difficult to represent persuasively at the points of strategic decisions. And so they remain largely invisible to the planners of state and private capital as they endeavor to shape (and reshape) the city through comprehensive plans and large-scale projects. Given this lack of representation, dynamic change occasioned by planned interventions that are conceived at macro- and meso-scales frequently leads to the alienation of the city's lived spaces, causing widespread anomie, destroying individual as well as social meanings as well as community bonds, and deepening an already pervasive sense of powerlessness on the part of local inhabitants. Over time, the anti-city of drugs, crime, and violence becomes a preferred way of life particularly for many of the young people of disempowered groups whose life spaces are repeatedly targeted to absorb unwanted environmental, social, and aesthetic impacts from projects sponsored by the partnership of state and private capital. The answer to this problem, which will grow in severity during the coming decades in both the economically developed and less developed countries, must begin with an acknowledgment on the part of city planners of the importance of small urban spaces for the conduct of everyday life. Concerned populations must be brought into all phases of a planning process that is open to serious negotiation from the beginning. Even so, given the relative powerlessness of ordinary citizens, direct action by mobilized sectors of civil society, ranging from street protests and dramatic media events to counter-planning, may be necessary to compel the partnerships of state and capital to negotiate in good faith. The object is not preservation of the status quo but a social process of urban change that will minimize the alienation of small urban spaces and the tearing apart of the web of meanings that any city is for its inhabitants.
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In this concluding article, we summarize some of the major themes and highlight several unresolved issues. We focus first on the structure or representation of self. The major issues that emerged here were: (1) the existence and representation of a primitive, presymbolic self; (2) the existence, origins, and developmental course of multiple selves; (3) the role and representation of affect in early self. Several unifying propositions are offered both to integrate across commonalities and to demarcate theoretical differences. Next we consider functions of self, including both what self uniquely contributes to the organism and how its functions might change developmentally. We propose that the core function of self remains invariant; to define, locate, demarcate the world from a consistent perspective by organizing, integrating, and representing experiences from that vantage point. Inherent in this process, however, is the establishment of boundaries that define self with respect to the world and others. These boundaries may change with age as a function of the changing structure of self. The earliest boundaries may define for the infant the physical boundaries between self and world, followed by social and causal boundaries, then personal and psychological boundaries. In the final two sections we address issues of enactment of self in observable behavior: how do we know that the infant or young child has a self, and that the self looks like X? And we address the question of mechanisms of early self-development. Here we also suggest that insights gleaned from the study of nonnormative influences, whether biological or environmental, may shed light on our descriptions and explanations of the early self.