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Stigma and Sacrifice in the Federal Republic of Germany
Abstract
Historians are dumb witnesses to a culture wrangling with itself about its criminal past if they only narrate the sequence of historical controversies such as those that have dotted the German public landscape since the Holocaust. They need to be alive to the subterranean biblical themes flowing beneath the surface froth of events, linking past and present through the continuity of German political emotions that are necessarily collective and therefore sensitive to anxieties about accusations of collective, inherited sin. This article argues that the guilt/shame couplet so common both in public German and academic discourses about postwar Germany cannot account for the intergenerational transmission of moral pollution signified by Holocaust memory. In order to understand the dynamics of German political emotions, it is more useful to employ an alternative couplet: stigma and sacrifice.
... Moses' has recently drawn on Goffman's treatment of stigma to explore the problem of German identity in the long shadow of the Holocaust (Moses 2007a). He argues that Germans in post-Holocaust Germany are marked with the stigma of the perpetrator that has been passed down through their forebears. ...
... They are vigilant in detecting residues of racism and fascism in their government and compatriots. They may also distance themselves from older family members who were alive during the war, or fabricate a family history of Nazi resistance (Moses 2007a). ...
Beginning in the 1970s, the efforts of the Australian settler state to help its Indigenous minority shifted away from 'assimilation' and embraced the principles of 'self-determination'. According to the rhetoric of the self-determination era - explored in this article as the 'liberal fantasy space' - Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians should be in control of efforts to improve their lives, ultimately making state intervention redundant. A by-product of this shift was to radically change the role of non-Indigenous people who sought to participate in Indigenous development. No longer in charge of Indigenous advancement, they were now cast as partners and supporters. This article explores some of the complexities of White anti-racist subjectivities in the self-determination era. It draws on ethnographic research with a group of progressive Whites who work in Indigenous health in northern Australia. A striking feature of contemporary White anti-racist discourse is a reluctance to claim any agency in the process of Indigenous improvement. I argue that applying the concept of stigma to White privilege is a novel and productive approach to understanding this desire for self-effacement. White stigma works in a parallel fashion to the case of liberal Germans who believe the German collective identity is irrevocably tainted by the Holocaust. In the Australian case, the negative characteristics associated with Whiteness act as a barrier to the broader goal of constructing ethical White subjectivities fit for the 'liberal fantasy space' of post-colonial justice. In their attempts to overcome this barrier and transcend White stigma, White anti-racists mobilise the identity tropes of missionary, mother, and child. Ultimately, these efforts at self-fashioning point to the ultimate fantasy of decolonisation: the desire of White anti-racists to disappear.
As German Jews emigrated in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and as exiles from Nazi Germany, they carried the traditions, culture, and particular prejudices of their home with them. At the same time, Germany—and Berlin in particular—attracted both secular and religious Jewish scholars from eastern Europe. They engaged in vital intellectual exchange with German Jewry, although their cultural and religious practices differed greatly, and they absorbed many cultural practices that they brought back to Warsaw or took with them to New York and Tel Aviv. After the Holocaust, German Jews and non-German Jews educated in Germany were forced to reevaluate their essential relationship with Germany and Germanness as well as their notions of Jewish life outside of Germany.
Among the first volumes to focus on German-Jewish transnationalism, this interdisciplinary collection spans the fields of history, literature, film, theater, architecture, philosophy, and theology as it examines the lives of significant emigrants. The individuals whose stories are reevaluated include German Jews Ernst Lubitsch, David Einhorn, and Gershom Scholem, the architect Fritz Nathan and filmmaker Helmar Lerski; and eastern European Jews David Bergelson, Der Nister, Jacob Katz, Joseph Soloveitchik, and Abraham Joshua Heschel—figures not normally associated with Germany. Three-Way Street addresses the gap in the scholarly literature as it opens up critical ways of approaching Jewish culture not only in Germany, but also in other locations, from the mid-nineteenth century to the present.
The Holocaust, a significant moral principle for contemporary Germany, is embedded in a politically and emotionally charged discourse of remembering and forgetting. German politicians and young German adults often perceive the Holocaust as a threat associated with guilt, and call it Totschlag‐Argument, killer‐phrase, or Keule, bludgeon. This paper analyses how the Holocaust is endowed with agency, and how demands to control its powers are aligned with this. Some young German adults used this narrative practice to position themselves in the German memory discourse, while others criticised it. This paper argues that agency attribution contributes to the mechanisms of forgetting by reducing the complexities of social and historical entanglements. French L'Holocauste, un principe moral important pour l'Allemagne contemporaine, est noyée dans un discours politiquement et émotionnellement chargée d'oubli et de souvenir. Les politiciens allemands et les jeunes adultes allemands considèrent souvent l'Holocauste comme une menace associée à la culpabilité. Cet article analyse la façon dont l'Holocauste est doté d'une ‘agencité’ puissant, résultant en demandes pour contrôler et limiter ces pouvoirs. Certains jeunes adultes allemands utilisent cette pratique narrative de se positionner dans le discours de la mémoire allemande, tandis que d'autres la critiquent. Cet article soutient donc que l'attribution d'agencité contribue aux mécanismes d'oublie en réduisant les complexités d'enchevêtrements sociaux et historiques.
This article develops a theoretical approach to stigma in international relations and resituates conventional approaches to the study of norms and international order. Correcting the general understanding that common values and norms are the building blocks of social order, this article claims that international society is in part constructed through the stigmatization of “transgressive” and norm-violating states and their ways of coping with stigma. Drawing on Erving Goffman, this article shows that states are not passive objects of socialization, but active agents. Stigmatized states cope strategically with their stigma and may, in some cases, challenge and even transform a dominant moral discourse. A typology of stigma management strategies is presented: stigma recognition (illustrated by Germany); stigma rejection (illustrated by Austria); and finally counter-stigmatization (illustrated by Cuba). Because of the lack of agreement on what constitutes normal state behavior, attempts to impose stigma may even have the opposite effect—the stigmatizers become the transgressive. A focus on stigma opens up new avenues for research on norms, identities, and international order.
White anti-racists are an influential social group within settler-colonial societies that often escape critical attention. This article explores one aspect of white anti-racist subjectivities as experienced by those who work in Indigenous health in northern Australia. Although not usually discussed openly between colleagues, frustration, betrayal, and suffering physical discomfort without complaint are common experiences for whites working in remote Indigenous communities. To explain this suffering, I first develop the novel concept of white stigma. I argue that in progressive spaces where there is a concerted attempt to invert colonial power relations—what I call ‘progressive spaces’—whiteness and the privilege it represents is something to be avoided, diminished, and counteracted. When white anti-racists are interpellated as white, this is generally experienced as a stigma. Recognizing whiteness as a stigmatized identity that white anti-racists continuously attempt to rehabilitate and make liveable makes the suffering of white anti-racists intelligible. Drawing on ethnographic research with white anti-racists, I show how suffering works to manage white stigma. This exploration of stigma, suffering and love furthers our understanding of white anti-racists’ identities, and through this, liberal governance in settler societies.
The student revolt of the late 1960s had far-reaching repercussions in large parts of West German academia. This article sheds light on the group of liberal scholars who enjoyed a relative cohesiveness prior to "1968" and split up in the wake of the student revolt. The case of Kurt Sontheimer (1928-2005) offers an instructive example of the multifaceted process of a "liberal critic" turning into a liberal-conservative. While he initially welcomed the politicization of students and the democratization of universities, he became increasingly concerned about the stability of West Germany's political order and placed more and more emphasis on preserving, rather than changing the status quo. Sontheimer was a prime example of a liberal critic shifting and being shifted to the center-Right within a political culture that became increasingly polarized during the 1970s.
The paradigmatic case in which an almost permanent impasse exists in coming to terms with a difficult war past and ‘normalizing’ its international relations is that of Japan. Although successive Japanese governments have apologized over the last few decades, these have been countered by periodic episodes within Japan revolving largely around history textbooks, the remembrance of war dead and the quest by nationalists to restore national pride in the past. Regional relations were especially strained during the premiership of Koizumi Juni’chirô and his immediate successor, Abe Shinzô. They improved under Fukuda Yasuo, a moderate on war memory issues, and remained steady under Asô Tarô. Japan’s latest prime minister, Hatoyama Yukio, appears determined to address Japan’s war past more openly and critically than previous LDP figures, no doubt with an eye to improving Japan’s relations with its Asian neighbours. But whatever line he pursues, contestation over war memories will remain an issue. They are driven by deep divisions within Japan at the same time that political leaders seek a more prominent identity for Japan as a ‘normal’ actor in international affairs. This article analyses key aspects of the politics of Japan’s war memories, using insights from collective memory studies and constructivist IR theory. We suggest that the quest for ‘normality’ has generated a set of tensions and contradictions over the issue of war memories, both domestically and internationally, for which there is no resolution in sight.
Jewish Social Studies 6.2 (2000) 24-55
Even more than 50 years after the founding of the State of Israel, it is evident that the Holocaust refuses to fade at all. Israeli newspapers and radio stations contemplate the fate of the Jews during the Holocaust almost daily. For example, some headlines that appeared in late 1999 and early 2000 were: "Holocaust Survivors Are Waiting (to Get the Money Israel Received from the Swiss Banks)"; "This Is How Germany's Children Are Told About the Holocaust"; "How Should We React to the Rise of the Extreme Right in Europe?"; "76% of Young French and 65% of German Teenagers Do Not Know About the Holocaust"; "In Germany Today Moral Indifference to Forced Labor During the Nazi Era"; "There Was a Genocide"; and "He Will Not Become a Saint in the Year 2000: Pius the 12th and the Holocaust." On January 26-28, 2000, the Stockholm International Forum on the Holocaust convened a conference on Education, Remembrance, and Research. It was the initiative of the Swedish prime minister Göran Persson and received extensive radio and television coverage. Heads of state who participated in the conference stressed the importance of Holocaust education in view of renewed ethnic tension in Europe and the rise of the extreme right. Conference leaders called for the establishment of a universal memorial day for the victims of the Holocaust and Nazi persecuted.
Diaries from the Holocaust and memoirs written many years afterward are still being published and generating much excitement. In the field of historical research, Daniel Goldhagen's book Hitler's Willing Executioners (1996) has caused wide public discussion and, whereas the public enthusiastically received the book, most professional historians sharply criticized it.
Discussion in the media, as well as interviews with Holocaust survivors who tell their personal stories, often follow such events. Israeli schools organize trips to Poland for teenagers and prepare a variety of educational programs on the Holocaust. In the domain of culture, one can point to plays, films, and numerous books in which the Holocaust is portrayed in diverse ways. Steven Spielberg's film Schindler's List and Roberto Benigni's Life Is Beautiful caused great sensations, and the number of documentary films and oral history interviews is growing steadily.
Such a turn of events would have been considered inconceivable, it is often asserted, during the first decade of the State of Israel. The current centrality of the Holocaust in contemporary Israeli discourse creates the impression that, during the first years of the state, the Holocaust was ignored and there was a lack of public interest in the processing of this difficult memory.
I would like to take issue with this opinion and maintain that the Holocaust and its meaning did capture the attention of Israelis -- including the political leadership and the intellectual elite. From the end of World War II, the Holocaust was a major topic in the discourse of the Yishuv and Israel, revealing both mourning and the difficulty of comprehending its devastation. Discussion concerning the (proper) commemoration of the Holocaust displayed its significance in the minds of individuals and leaders. It also revealed the contention between religious and nonreligious, between survivors such as ghetto fighters and partisans, as well as between political leaders from the right and the left over the issues of how to remember the Holocaust and who should be responsible for shaping its memory. Yizkor books and Pinkas Kehilot(community records) appeared in Hebrew and Yiddish, prepared with the financial support of members of survivors' organizations. People gave testimony and donated photographs and various documents to be included in these books, which became a source of pride and longing.
Patterns of commemoration were shaped both by individuals and by the public as a whole. Well before the Eichmann Trial (1961-62)--generally considered a milestone in the changing Israeli attitude -- the Holocaust emerged as a moral yardstick in the self-understanding of Israelis of European origin. It was pivotal in defining the responsibility of Israel toward Diaspora Jews; it was visible in internal political debates and in conceiving the relations between Israel and other nations. In this article, I will attempt to clarify the backdrop to...
This paper examines the reasoning behind Jeremy Waldron's influential thesis concerning the possibility of the supersession of historical injustice. It argues that Waldron establishes only the possibility that distributions of property brought about by unjust acts may become just distributions in certain limited circumstances. It argues further that it is not clear that the circumstances of colonisation in Australia meet the relevant criteria and that the consequences of this argument for the rights of colonised Indigenous peoples are more limited than is commonly thought.
Using a case study of official representations of the Holocaust in the Federal Republic of Germany, we address the ways in which collective memory constrains political claim-making. In contrast to the commonly held views that the past is either durable or malleable, we characterize collective memory in political culture as an ongoing process of negotiation through time. We distinguish between mythic and rational political cultural logics, and delineate mechanisms through which these logics operate as constraints: taboo and prohibition, duty and requirement. With these conceptual distinctions, we describe transformations in the memory of the Holocaust as a constraint in German political culture.
Del Caro, Adrian, and Janet Ward, eds. German Studies in the Post-Holocaust Age: The Politics of Memory, Identity, and Ethnicity. Boulder: University of Colorado Press, 2000. 244 pp. $55.00 hardcover. Paperback edition, 2003. 262pp. $21.95. German Studies, the editors of this volume assert, is in crisis. Enrollments in German majors and German courses are in decline and the number of K-12 students learning German has dropped precipitously. To readers of this journal, the alarm has been heard before. The editors argue, however, that the way out involves embracing the multi-ethnicity of German-speaking literature and facing the cataclysm of Germany's twentieth-century legacy, particularly the Holocaust. They also urge more English-language courses and greater inter-disciplinarity within a German Studies curriculum. The essays, selected proceedings of a symposium held at the University of Colorado at Boulder in 1995, suggest the possibilities of a post-Holocaust German Studies. The symposium was also meant to commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of the liberation of the death camps and the end of the vicious war in Europe unleashed by Nazi Germany. As in many volumes of collected essays, the contributions are of unequal quality and design, ranging from Walter Sokel's astute reflections on Heidegger's understanding of Being and Kari Grimstad's informative narrative about Germanistik in Canada to essays that rarely stray outside a predictable post-Holocaust canon. There are twenty-three essays in all and they are divided into four sections: cultural philosophy and ideologies of identity; post-Holocaust identity debates; poetry and images after Auschwitz; and sites of meta-German multiplicity. The latter category mainly refers to the special relationship of German literature and German studies outside the Federal Republic. Of the twenty three contributors, eighteen are from the field of German literature proper, three are historians, one is a political scientist and one is a novelist. Seven of the contributors teach at the University of Colorado, Boulder. Of the eighteen Germanists, only one teaches in the Federal Republic of Germany. The distribution of contributors means that German studies is largely read through the interpretive prism of German departments in North America. Because the essays tend to be short, many of them might be described as either translations of German debates for American audiences or interventions in these debates. Representative of the first genre is Andreas Michel's clear presentation of the controversial position of the GermanJewish patriot and historian Michael Wolfsohn, who consciously eschews a hyphen in his self-attribution; or Thomas Hollweck's resume of the debate over unification among leading German intellectuals. …
This article examines the re-educational aspect of the Anglo-American occupation of western Germany in 1945-6. It interrogates some of the key methods, messages and goals of the re-education programme with particular reference to the representation of Nazi genocide and the question of responsibility for it. It suggests that Allied policy contributed significantly, if often inadvertently, to fostering the two overriding postwar German responses to wartime atrocity and Nazism: the rejection of responsibility and the ‘relativization’, and even minimization, of the crimes committed.
The post-Holocaust pattern of muted anti-Semitism in accepted European discourse has all but dissolved. For obvious reasons, this pattern probably remained most intact in Germany. But there, too, a new "uninhibitedness" has emerged that fuses old tropes of antipathy toward Jews and Israel with the current Europe-wide hostilities toward America, Israel, and Jews. Although the situation for Jews in Germany and Europe is in no way comparable to that in the 1920s and 1930s, a new tone informs the music.
This article deals with the question of how personal memories of the national socialist past in Germany are passed on to younger generations. Rather than viewing this process as an unidirectional handing down of memories from generation to generation, examination is made of how memories are negotiated and re-created in intergenerational discourse. Drawing on a series of case studies, there is discussion of how the meaning of past experiences is construed and organized within particular narrative genres. In order to understand the ways memories are recomposed in the course of social transmission, the analysis highlights the role of group concerns. Against this backdrop, Bartlett’s observations on the repeated reproduction of narratives and Halbwachs’ ideas on the collective memory of the family are presented and discussed as early versions of a sociocultural approach in psychology.
History & Memory 12.2 (2001) 92-121
For a long time, too long perhaps, the central question in Vergangenheitsbewältigung studies -- that is, studies exploring the ways in which Germans have attempted since 1945 to master their Nazi past -- has been whether Germans came to terms with the past or not. This is an important question, underlined by its moral urgency. But, as a historical question, it has severe limitations. Recently, it has slowly been replaced by more comprehensive questions: what did Germans remember of the Nazi past, how was it remembered and who remembered what? Building on these new research questions, this essay is conceived as a critical reflection on Vergangenheitsbewältigung studies. My focus is on postwar West German society between 1945 and 1960. It is an attempt to explore how the topic of mastering the past can further an understanding of postwar German society and culture. The first part of the essay discusses critically problems of method in old and new interpretations. In the second part, I use the social and symbolic practice of tourism as a methodological vehicle to illuminate postwar values and beliefs concerning National Socialism. My aim is to be suggestive, not comprehensive. I do not state this to preempt criticism. Rather, I view this essay, as well as the test case of tourism, as an attempt to think through a useful way in which to conceive of mastering Germany's past. For there is no one "correct" way of conceiving of this topic. Some trips, to use a metaphor from the world of traveling, actually have a final stop. Historical understanding, a trip of unexpected consequences if ever I knew one, is not one of them.
How did West Germans remember the Nazi past in the period after 1945? The common view, shared by scholars, journalists and laypersons, has been for a long time that, as one historian argued, "National Socialism was treated for a whole generation with collective silence and wide-spread amnesia." This interpretation, full of moral concern, was first formulated in Germany in the 1960s, when the sons and daughters rebelled against the war generation of their parents. The argument, as well as the atmosphere of the period, has been successfully captured by novels from and about the period. Thus, Bernhard Schlink describes in The Reader the sentiments of the hero, Michael Berg, who attends a war-crimes trial during his law studies:
A foundational text of this interpretation and its vocabulary was the 1967 study by Alexander and Margarete Mitscherlich, The Inability to Mourn, which analyzed postwar West German society in Freudian terms. While Germans' moral duty after the war was "working through" their crimes and guilt, they chose instead to repress the traumatic Nazi past and to channel their energy to the material construction of West Germany. In different renditions and various degrees of sophistication this view dominated the historiography: the argument was that most Germans repressed the Nazi past; the mode of proceeding was to look for traces of memory in the records of cultural artifacts, war-crimes trials and political acts (such as the restitution for Holocaust survivors); the basic assumption was that a trauma like the Third Reich must and should be overcome for Germany to lead a normal life. The body of work produced by this approach has significantly illuminated how Germans attempted to master their past and how most of them refused to own to it.
In principle, the argument that (some) Germans repressed (some aspects) of the Nazi years is unassailable. But the question is what are the theoretical consequences of using the repression approach as a dominant explanatory device. As much as the repression thesis described a poignant historical condition, it also possessed several methodological pitfalls. It appeared at times to be an exemplary case of the dangers of imposing a laudable moral cause on the vicissitudes and...
The article considers the interrelations among psychoanalysis, fundamentalism and terrorism, drawing principally on the writings of Melanie Klein and W. R. Bion on relations between the inner and outer worlds. Particular attention is paid to the role of projective identification in the process of becoming socialized into fundamentalist beliefs.
This paper considers transformations in the concept of national identity post‐unification. In particular, it is interested in examining the changed status of the NS past in contemporary formulations of national identity. Whilst during the Historikerstreit conservative thinkers predicated the plea for conventional patriotism upon a ‘normalisation’ or ‘reladvisation’ of the NS past, left‐liberal discourse based the case for a post‐national Verfassungspatriotismus upon the critical engagement with the NS period. The collapse of the Cold War political framework has profoundly altered the polarised discourse over the German past and during the 1990s the critical consciousness of National Socialism became a central tenet of contemporary formulations of national identity. The paper attempts to place the contemporary discourse on national identity within a broader historical context and to consider reasons for recent transformations in perceptions of the German national past.
This volume concerns the psychological need to have both enemies and allies and the impact of that inherent need on ethnicity, nationality, and global politics. Volkan brings a deeply sensitive psychology perspective based on current discoveries gained from depth psychology and child development. . . . He presents the psychological factors thought to be impediments to conflict resolution.
Volkan's formulations on group psychology focus not only on the relationship of the individual to the large group but on the relationship of large groups to one another.
There is no question that clinicians, diplomats, political scientists, historians, and laypersons alike will be stimulated by Volkan's challenging views of the psychological determinants of group and political behavior. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
The present study tests stages in the ability of some children of perpetrators of the Holocaust in Germany to work through emotional and moral issues regarding their fathers' perpetrating role during the Third Reich. The following questions are raised: Did they try to distance themselves by playing down the Holocaust and the moral meaning of their fathers' involvement in it? Did any children try to work through issues relating to their fathers' impaired morality? Did any children successfully reach the stage of integration? Fifty-seven persons were contacted by the author between September 1985 and June 1987, of whom 9 refused to be interviewed. Thirty interviewees were children whose fathers had taken an active part in the implementation of the euthanasia program, in the Einsatzgruppen, in the extermination camps or in related activities. The fathers of the remaining 18 interviewees were affiliated with SS units at times and in places where the atrocities took place, but what they actually did or did not do was not proven. In general, there was an almost total silencing of accounts of the extermination process in homes and schools. Acknowledgment, if any, of the atrocities appeared through accounts of trials and friends and in newspapers or, only recently, through the children's active searching. When children who learned what their father-perpetrator had done during the war also came to understand the moral implications, they usually experienced severe emotional conflict, which they had to confront on their own. Only a few succeeded in walking across a very narrow bridge to a working through of the related issues and emotions. The implications of the present analysis for future research on the prevention and outcomes of genocide are discussed.
The post-war question of German guilt resonates in contemporary world politics, framing the way actors and observers conceptualize collective responsibility for past wrongs in diverse polities. This article examines the responses of Hannah Arendt and Karl Jaspers to the ‘German question’: in what sense are ordinary citizens collectively accountable for state crimes and how should they respond to the legacy of past wrongs? Arendt and Jaspers agree on conceiving collective responsibility in terms of a liability predicated on political association that does not impute blame. However, they disagree on the value of the sentiment of guilt in politics. For Jaspers, a spreading consciousness of guilt through public communication leads to purification of the polity. But Arendt rejects guilt in politics, where publicity distorts it into a sentimentality that dulls citizens' responsiveness to the world. These contrasting responses are employed to consider how members of a ‘perpetrating community’ might be drawn into a politics of reconciliation. I suggest that Arendt's conception of political responsibility, conceived in terms of an ethic of worldliness, opens the way for understanding how ‘ordinary citizens’ might assume political responsibility for past wrongs while resisting their identification as guilty subjects by a discourse of restorative reconciliation.
A comment: The End of the Postwar Era and the Reemergence of the Past
- Moishe Symptomatic
- Postone
Symptomatic is Moishe Postone, “A comment: The End of the Postwar Era and the Reemergence of the Past,” in Y. Michael Bodemann, ed., Jews, Germans, Memory: Reconstructions of Jewish Life in Germany (Ann Arbor, 1996), 274.
Children of Nazi Families, trans. Jean Stein-berg (londonThe Shadows of the Past notes that patients saw themselves as the “Jews” of their parent’s generation
- Peter Sichrovksy
- Born
Peter Sichrovksy, Born Guilty: Children of Nazi Families, trans. Jean Stein-berg (london, 1987), 11; Gertrud Hardtmann, “The Shadows of the Past,” in Martin S. Bergmann and Milton E. Jucovy, eds., Generations of the Holocaust (new York, 1982), notes that patients saw themselves as the “Jews” of their parent’s generation (230).
Stranded Objects, 41; cf. Rosenthal, " national Socialism and Antisemitism
- Santner
Santner, Stranded Objects, 41; cf. Rosenthal, " national Socialism and
Antisemitism, " 244–45.
Ein neues deutsches Gefühl Spiegel Online
- Matthias Matussek
Matthias Matussek, " Ein neues deutsches Gefühl, " Spiegel Online, 1 June
2006, http://www.spiegel.de/kultur/gesellschaft/0,1518,419214,00.html
(accessed 27 May 2007).
The Need to Have Enemies and Allies: From Clinical Practice to International Relationships (northvale, nJ Wer ist Martin Hohmann? " (see n. 36 above). 138. lübbe, Aufklärung anlaßhalber, 241. 139. See A. dirk Moses The Forty-Fivers: A Generation Between Fascism and democracy
- Sigrid Weigel
- Bilder Des Kulturellen Gedächtnisses
Sigrid Weigel, Bilder des kulturellen Gedächtnisses: Beiträge zur Gegenwartsliteratur
(dülmen-Hiddingsel, 1994), 199.
136. vamik d. volkan, The Need to Have Enemies and Allies: From Clinical
Practice to International Relationships (northvale, nJ, 1994), 170–71.
137. " Wer ist Martin Hohmann? " (see n. 36 above).
138. lübbe, Aufklärung anlaßhalber, 241.
139. See A. dirk Moses, " The Forty-Fivers: A Generation Between Fascism and
democracy, " German Politics and Society 17, no. 1 (1999): 95–127
- Aufklärung Hermann Lübbe
- Anlaßhalber
Hermann lübbe, Aufklärung anlaßhalber: Philosophische Essays zu Politik,
Religion und Moral (Gräfelfing, 2001), 241–44.
162, 170. 125 Agnes Heller, The Power of Shame: A Rational Perspective (londonemphasis in the original). 126. Ricoeur, The Symbolism of Evil, 102. 127. Jaspers, The Question of German Guilt
- William Mark Hohengartencambridge
William Mark Hohengarten (cambridge, MA, 1992), 162, 170.
125. Agnes Heller, The Power of Shame: A Rational Perspective (london, 1985),
27–28 (emphasis in the original).
126. Ricoeur, The Symbolism of Evil, 102.
127. Jaspers, The Question of German Guilt, 41, 33.
128. Ibid., 76. Mark W. clark, " A Prophet without Honour: Karl Jaspers in
Germany, 1945–48, " Journal of Contemporary History 37, no. 2 (2002): 208;
1148; Seligman Genug bemitleidet 132Moral verjährt nicht': Ignatz Bubis über der Auschwitz-debatte und seine Auseinandersetzung mit Martin Walser und Klaus von dohnanyi
- Micha Brumlik
- Gedenken Gewissen
- Solidariät
Micha Brumlik, " Gewissen, Gedenken und anamnetische Solidariät, "
Universitas 53, no. 12 (1998): 1148; Seligman, " Genug bemitleidet. "
132. " 'Moral verjährt nicht': Ignatz Bubis über der Auschwitz-debatte und
seine Auseinandersetzung mit Martin Walser und Klaus von dohnanyi, " Der
Spiegel, 30 nov. 1998, 51.
133. Eva Hoffman, After Such Knowledge: Memory, History and the Legacy of
the Holocaust (new York, 2004), notes that " The gulf—moral, political, affective—between the victim and the perpetrator is almost absolute " (111).
Gewissen, Gedenken und anamnetische Solidariät
- Brumlik
Brumlik, " Gewissen, Gedenken und anamnetische Solidariät, " 1145.
Gericht und Gewissen
- Eugen Kogon
Eugen Kogon, " Gericht und Gewissen, " Frankfurter Hefte 1, no. 1 (April
1946): 25–37.
Nationaler Mythos oder historische Trauer? Der Streit um ein zentrales " Holocaust-Mahnmal " für die Berliner Republik (cologne
- Jan-Holger Kirsch
Jan-Holger Kirsch, Nationaler Mythos oder historische Trauer? Der Streit
um ein zentrales " Holocaust-Mahnmal " für die Berliner Republik (cologne, 2003);
Berliner Zeitung Jürgen Habermas Brief an Peter Eisenman Der Denkmalstreit, 1185. 122. Habermas, " der Zeigefinger 123. Adam Krzeminski, interview with Jürgen Habermas Europa ist heute in einem miserablen Zustand Habermas also wrote of " Sündenbewusstsein
- Arno Widdmann Mahnmal-Reflexe
Arno Widdmann, " Berliner Mahnmal-Reflexe, " Berliner Zeitung, 3 Aug.
1999.
121. Jürgen Habermas, " Brief an Peter Eisenman, " in Heimrod, Schlüsche and
Seferens, eds., Der Denkmalstreit, 1185.
122. Habermas, " der Zeigefinger. "
123. Adam Krzeminski, interview with Jürgen Habermas, " Europa ist heute in
einem miserablen Zustand, " Die Welt, 4 May 2005. Habermas also wrote of " Sündenbewusstsein, " in his Die nachholende Revolution (Frankfurt, 1990), 156.
124. Jürgen Habermas, Postmetaphysical Thinking: Philosophical Essays, trans.
New German Critique, no. 65 (spring–summer 1995): 126. 142. Arno Widmann The Berlin Republic: An Attempt by a Member of the old German Federal Republic to come to Terms with the country He lives in
- Jan Assmann
Jan Assmann, " collective Memory and cultural Identity, " New German
Critique, no. 65 (spring–summer 1995): 126.
142. Arno Widmann, " The Berlin Republic: An Attempt by a Member of the
old German Federal Republic to come to Terms with the country He lives
in, " Berliner Zeitung, 28 May 2005; translation at http://www.signandsight.
com/features/190.html (accessed 22 April 2007).
The Holocaust in Three Generations: Families of Victims and Perpetrators of the Nazi Regime (london, 1998), 240; Frederike Eigler Writing in the new Germany: cultural Memory and Family narratives
- Gabrielle Rosenthal
Gabrielle Rosenthal, " national Socialism and Antisemitism in Intergenerational dialogue, " in idem, ed., The Holocaust in Three Generations: Families
of Victims and Perpetrators of the Nazi Regime (london, 1998), 240; Frederike
Eigler, " Writing in the new Germany: cultural Memory and Family narratives, "
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- Ed Lynn Rapaport
Hans Erler, ed., Erinnern und Verstehen: Der
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For the Anti-Germans, " see the new journal, Promodo: Zeitschrift in eigener Sache 1 (oct. 2005), which carried an announcement for an " antideutsche Konferenz Kritik und Parteilichkeit Aufruf zur antideutschen Konferenz am 18. und 19 A critique by a former anti-German is Robert Kurz
- Eike Geisel Asche Ist Der Stoff Für Das Gute Gewissen
Eike Geisel, " die Asche ist der Stoff für das gute Gewissen, " Der Tagesspiegel, 6 Jan. 1995. For the " Anti-Germans, " see the new journal, Promodo:
Zeitschrift in eigener Sache 1 (oct. 2005), which carried an announcement for an
" antideutsche Konferenz " : " Kritik und Parteilichkeit Aufruf zur antideutschen
Konferenz am 18. und 19. november 2005 in Berlin " (46). A critique by a former
anti-German is Robert Kurz, Die Antideutsche Ideologie: Vom Antifaschismus zum
Krisenimperialismus (Münster, 2003).
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- Henri Hubert
Marcel Mauss and Henri Hubert, Sacrifice: Its Nature and Function (chicago, 1964). For skepticism on the notion of a unitary concept of sacrifice, see
Marcel detienne, " culinary Practices and the Spirit of Sacrifice, " in idem and
Jean-Pierre vernant, eds., The Cuisine of Sacrifice among the Ancient Greeks, ed.
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Judith S. Kestenberg, " Introduction, " in Martin S. Bergmann and Milton
E. Jucovy, eds., Generations of the Holocaust (new York, 1982), 165.
61. olick, In the House of the Hangman; Wolfgang Benz, " Postwar Society
and national Socialism: Remembrance, Amnesia, Rejection, " Tel Aviver Jahrbuch
für deutsche Geschichte 19 (2000): 1–12; Alon confino, " Traveling as a culture
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Vertuschte Vergangenheit: Der Fall Schwerte und die NS-Vergangenheit der deutschen Hochschulen
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- Wolfgang Kuhlmann
- Klaus Schwabe
Helmut König, Wolfgang Kuhlmann and Klaus Schwabe, Vertuschte Vergangenheit:
Der Fall Schwerte und die NS-Vergangenheit der deutschen Hochschulen (Munich,
Berlin über den Streit um die Erinnerung an Auschwitz
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Joffe und Igor Gulko aus Berlin über den Streit um die Erinnerung an Auschwitz, "
Der Spiegel, 7 dec. 1998, 236–39.
one by one: descendants of the Third Reich and the Holocaust in dialogue Daily Hampshire Gazette, 4 nov
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Bar-on, The Legacy of Silence: Encounters with Children of the Third Reich
(cambridge, MA, 1989), 280.
30. Sichrovksy, Born Guilty, 56.
31. cited by Steve Pfarrar, " one by one: descendants of the Third Reich and
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32. Peck, Being Jewish in the New Germany, 135.
Fathers and Sons, Retrospectively: The damaged Relationship between Two Generations New German Critique (emphasis added). 20. nicola Frowein
- Michael Schneider
Michael Schneider, " Fathers and Sons, Retrospectively: The damaged
Relationship between Two Generations, " New German Critique, no. 31 (winter
1984): 13 (emphasis added).
20. nicola Frowein, " Wenig Platz für Trauer, " ZDF Heute.de Magazin, 10
The Past as Future, trans. Max Pensky (lincoln, nE, and london, 1994), 28. 53. Jürgen Habermas, " der Zeigefinger: die deutschen und ihr denkmal
- Jürgen Habermas
Jürgen Habermas, The Past as Future, trans. Max Pensky (lincoln, nE,
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53. Jürgen Habermas, " der Zeigefinger: die deutschen und ihr denkmal, "
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For commentary, see norbert Frei Gefühlte Geschichte Die Zeit, 21 oct Habermas, The Past as Future, 28. Following Habermas here is lars Rensmann Baustein der Erinnerungspolitik: der Politische Textur der Bundestagsdebatte über ein zentrale 'Holocaust-Mahnmal
- Steinfeld
June 2005.
118. " verlogenes Steinfeld, " interview with Peter Reichel by Gunnar Krüger,
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" Gefühlte Geschichte, " Die Zeit, 21 oct. 2004. Habermas, The Past as Future, 28.
Following Habermas here is lars Rensmann, " Baustein der Erinnerungspolitik:
der Politische Textur der Bundestagsdebatte über ein zentrale 'Holocaust-Mahnmal,' " in Micha Brumlik, Hajo Funke and lars Rensmann, Umkämpftes Vergessen:
Also doch Erbsünde?' " Der Spiegel, 28 dec
- Kathi-Gesa Klafke
Kathi-Gesa Klafke, " 'Also doch Erbsünde?' " Der Spiegel, 28 dec. 1998,
148–49.
Der Spiegel, 24 dec Reinecke, " don't touch my Holocaust 90. Winkler, " lesarten der Sühne Reducing the Holocaust to 200,000 Square Feet of cement
- Heinrich August Winkler Der Sühne
Heinrich August Winkler, " lesarten der Sühne, " Der Spiegel, 24 dec.
1998: 180–81.
89. Reinecke, " don't touch my Holocaust. "
90. Winkler, " lesarten der Sühne, " 181.
91. Mohr, " die Wirklichkeit ausgepfiffen. "
92. Katharina vester, " Reducing the Holocaust to 200,000 Square Feet of
cement, " Jewish Bulletin of Northern California, 21 oct. 2005.
Against Paranoid Nationalism
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Hage, Against Paranoid Nationalism, 99.