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Remembering Apartheid

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Diacritics 32.3-4 (2002) 60-80 What was apartheid? How is it being remembered? Two questions. The first of them, almost at once, encourages a third: what is apartheid? An answer to the first question will be an answer to the third. Knowing what apartheid was, it is implied, we will know what apartheid is. We will know what it is in essence. But if the answer supplied to the first question is the same as that to the second, the question has been begged. This answer and begged question affect not only what we understand apartheid to have been. The essence of what apartheid is has been derived from an activity of remembering that is historically contingent. Is there a way out of this circle? A path to a place where essence will in no way be trammeled by any historical excrescence—where apartheid, stamped with -heid, the Afrikaans suffix for -ness, stands forth intact, unique—where, in a final victory, apartheid's phantasy of separateness will have perfected itself in truth? Supposing that responsibility involves the unstable articulation of essence and contingency, and consequent decision in the "night of non-knowledge," would it be responsible to seek such a way out? Is it possible, on the other hand, not to embark upon, or want to embark upon, such a search? The title "Remembering Apartheid" is to be understood as shorthand for this aporia of certain knowing. It refers in the first place to ways of remembering bound up, in South Africa, with the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. These have involved not only the collection of facts anchored in recollection, a classically forensic project, but also the admission of acts of grieving and the invitation for others to participate in these acts—a participation to which I will refer, employing the word in the general sense of a mourning-with, as condolence. The word remembrance (echoing the German Gedächtnis, with its folding in of Denken) might more closely approach the inextricable interlinking, before the Commission, of epistemic and mournful practice. Yet, in traversing the aporia provisionally without eliminating it, the title of my essay lays claim to knowledge. It announces: this is apartheid, for this is what apartheid was. It thereby also seeks to acknowledge that, just as forensic evidence assembled by the Commission may be bound up with the grieving of witnesses, no claim about the nature of apartheid can be untouched by the affective demands of those who bear the burden of remembering. The legacy of apartheid of which they speak is of undiscovered bodies, of bodies denied a proper burial. They seek the help of the Commission in rectifying this state of affairs. What we hear when we listen to those witnesses is this: apartheid was a proscription on mourning, specifically of the other. Can we then not say: apartheid is, at least for those who remember the worst deeds committed under it, and who attach to them a particular affect, a proscription on mourning the other? Viewed from a purely forensic point of view, it is far from clear that we possess evidence to impeach this testimony. Apartheid was/is, in the most general terms, an interdict against the development of a social formation. Although Afrikaner-nationalist politicians and intellectuals sometimes frightened the volk with images of being swamped by the vast black African mass or of being ploughed under as a people [see Louw 1: 505], the nature of that social formation was never outlined in precise terms. Versions of racial degeneration and bastardy were proffered by apartheid theorists, but what the ideology of race purity and the power that hid behind it really entailed was a foreclosure of the other, and thus of any historical possibility of another social formation—of what Breyten Breytenbach, alluding in Dog Heart [69] to the novelist Jan Rabie, calls "other-making" (andersmaak). In Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego (1921), Sigmund Freud offers an account of the social formation that, although standing on the shoulders of conservative nineteenth-century writers such as Gustave le Bon, does not depend upon racial, cultural, linguistic, or other characteristics that, singularly or together, formed the...

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An introductory essay for a special issue of Social Dynamics: Journal of African Studies on "Apartheid and the Unconscious." There are 50 free downloads available here: https://www.tandfonline.com/eprint/8WXQNIPUPNG9GTXTBH8I/full?target=10.1080/02533952.2023.2184142
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This paper takes J.M. Coetzee’s “The Mind of Apartheid” as a point of departure in thinking about audits in universities. Using the psychoanalytic framing of apartheid that Coetzee puts in place, audit is likened here to a form of obsessional neurosis. If this is indeed a plausible diagnosis of audits – and this should remain a question for deliberation – then a set of questions emerges for post-apartheid universities, which the paper seeks to develop. By what scenes from the past are audits haunted? What memory traces do audits reactivate? What phantoms do audits seek to exorcise? Can we speak of the demons by which auditing is possessed? And what sort of working through the past would this call for? Download here: https://www.tandfonline.com/eprint/D7CK42QDA9ECWAZSSBD5/full?target=10.1080/02533952.2023.2167422
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Diacritics 29.3 (1999) 3-20 Thomas Keenan. Fables of Responsibility: Aberrations and Predicamentsin Ethics and Politics. Stanford: Stanford UP, 1997. Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report. 5 vols. Cape Town: Truth and Reconciliation Commission, 1998. Truth and Reconciliation Commission Website. CD-ROM. http://www.truth.org.za. In response to a questioner, a witness speaks. The witness's words are translated for the questioner, as were those of the questioner for the witness. Carried out by interpreters in soundproof booths beside the separate tables at which witness and questioner sit, the translation, which the parties receive over earphones, is simultaneous. Many of the hearings of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, a statutory body charged with establishing the truth about abuses in apartheid South Africa, assumed the form of mediated question and response: of a witness responding to questions; of a responsiveness, in questioning and translation, to the witness and to the mother tongue of the witness. The goal of the human rights violation hearings was to let victims speak, to grant them a hearing, to hear them, in their own languages [Truth 1: 110, 112-13, 146-47; 5: 4-5, 7-8]. A scene of question and response and of responsiveness, the hearing is a serviceable example, or allegory, of responsibility. The Commission was mandated the task of establishing "as complete a picture as possible of the nature, causes and extent of gross violations of human rights" of apartheid and the struggle against it. Such violations included murder, torture, abduction, and severe ill-treatment. The Commission drew its data from official and unofficial documents and from the testimony of those it termed "perpetrators" and "victims." To take statements from victims, the Commission devised a practical formula designed to render testimony suitable for processing and capture in its database of human rights violations and, eventually, in the narrative of violations presented in its final report [Truth 1: 140 ff.]. As part of its accompanying mandate to "restor[e] the human and civil dignity of such victims by granting them an opportunity to relate their own accounts of the violations of which they are the victims," some victims were asked to testify at public hearings. Pursuant of these twin goals, at these hearings the questioner would adopt a dual approach, first asking witnesses to give a short account of their life, and then soliciting data on violations of their rights [Krog 217]. At another level, the hearings were a concrete enactment and realization of a founding concept of the 1993 interim constitution, the basis of the Act providing for a truth commission, which, as part of its outline for national reconciliation, identified "a need for ubuntu but not for victimization." Variously determined as a theological, moral, political, and juridico-legal concept, ubuntu also informs the thinking of those who promoted the idea of a truth commission, particularly Archbishop Desmond Tutu, who chaired the Truth and Reconciliation Commission [Truth 1: 125-28; cf. Krog 110, 263]. Ubuntu can be understood as a notion of reciprocity: a human being is a human being through other human beings. One is, it follows, responsible for the other in a way that, according to constitutional jurists, regulates and limits the rights of the individual in favor of the collective [Langa ¶224]. The public hearings, held most weekdays for two years, represent ubuntu as responsibility and reciprocity, as a scene of hearing, of "reading" in a general sense; though, as I will argue, it does so in a more radical way than the jurists who deploy it in their day-to-day decisions. Even before a witness departs from the questioner's script to make unanticipated claims -- for the exhumation of a body, for instance -- its staging sets to work ubuntu as hearing in a way that, so to speak, removes the parties from themselves. In the scene with which I began, witness and questioner alike are heard in a tongue not their own. Response, responsiveness, responsibility -- all appear, paradoxically, to require this apparatus of removal or displacement from self. The Commission's recent report does not assume the task of...
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Geoffrey Cronjé was an influential figure in radical Afrikaner Nationalist circles in the 1940s, and a seminal contributor to the theory of apartheid. His published writings of the 1940s display a concern with “race‐mixing” that can properly be called obsessive. Where do obsessions such as Cronjé's come from, and how do they spread themselves through the social body? Is a serious and productive analysis of the madness of apartheid possible, or is “madness” in a socio‐historical context merely a metaphor? In what ways may historiography have to extend the terms of its discourse in order to take account of irrational forces in social life?
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Two questions: how should we place Freud's remarkable paper Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego (1921) in the history of the representation of crowds, masses and mobs? And how might this work be brought to bear upon nationalism and national identity in particular, politics in general? For whilst uneven and in some ways tantalisingly cursory, Freud's foray into group psychology, I will argue, cannot simply be consigned to the methodological past or explained away as just another example in the eccentric and odiously anti-democratic canon of early crowd 'science'. It poses problems not only of an historical but also of a political and psychological nature. In short its concern with the unconscious in collective experience and with the identity of the group and the individual merit attention and reappraisal. Whilst we may endeavour to situate the work in its formative contexts, we may also need to recognise its power to displace us from our own.