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Palynology supports ‘Old Norse’ introductions to the flora of Greenland
Journal of Biogeography
Abstract
Aim
This paper integrates pollen‐analytical data from sites across southern G reenland to revisit the debate regarding which plants may have been introduced during the N orse colonization or landnám c . ad 985.
Location
Palynological data are drawn from 14 sites (lakes and mires) located within the former E astern S ettlement of N orse G reenland ( c . 60.9° N, 45.5° W).
Methods
Maps are presented displaying palynological data for three taxa ( R umex acetosella , P olygonum aviculare and A chillea millefolium ), which earlier scholars have argued are ‘Old Norse’ anthropochores. The maps display pollen frequencies at regular ( c . 100‐year) intervals across a period ( ad 800–1500) encompassing N orse settlement.
Results
Maps for c . ad 800 and 900 (prior to N orse arrival) display the taxa as locally absent, with the appearance and expansion of their pollen at multiple sites from c . ad 1000 ( landnám ) providing support for the assumption that each taxon arrived with the first settlers. A general and widespread decline in pollen frequencies for these ‘Old Norse’ elements on the c. ad 1500 map (following N orse abandonment) demonstrates a close connection between these plants and a cultural landscape that was shaped and maintained predominantly via animal husbandry.
Main conclusions
Patterns emerging from this exercise may initiate wider debates related to the pattern and character of the N orse colonization of G reenland. It is suggested that differences in the function or role of farm sites could have led to the creation of greater areas of favourable habitat for ‘ O ld N orse’ flora in some locations relative to others, and that uneven patterns of colonization and the spread of ‘ O ld N orse’ plants might be explained if their introduction – presumably from Iceland – first occurred at only a few locations.
... A widely repeated 'footprint' for Norse settlement can be seen in the suite of microfossils (primarily pollen, spores, and charcoal) preserved in sedimentary records from peat bogs and lakes across that region (e.g. Fredskild 1988;Mauquoy 2008, 2011;Gauthier et al. 2010;Schofield et al. 2013;Edwards, Erlendsson and Schofield 2014). Whilst similar lines of evidence are also apparent in some Western Settlement pollen records (e.g. ...
... Shrub pollen values are heavily reduced relative to AUS-1, and a wider variety of herbaceous pollen types are recorded leading to an increase in species richness (rarefaction rises to ∼20 taxa per sample). The herbs include a range of plants regarded as apophytic and often encountered as components of a settlement 'footprint' around Norse farms in Greenland (Fredskild 1988;Edwards, Erlendsson, and Schofield 2011;Schofield et al. 2013). Examples include Artemisia-type (approaching 5% in some samples), Caryophyllaceae (pinks; ∼2-5%), Rumex acetosella (sheep's sorrel; rising to 2%), and Lactuceae (dandelion tribe; exceeding 10% in one case). ...
... Rumex acetosella pollen occurs in most samples in BAu-2b. The appearance and increase of this pollen type in Eastern Settlement pollen diagrams is regarded as a biostratigraphic marker for Norse landnám (Schofield et al. 2013), but Western Settlement records for this plant need to be treated more cautiously. R. acetosella is native to the Western Settlement, appearing as early as ∼7400 cal BP (∼5500 cal BC) in some pollen diagrams from the region (Fredskild 1983), and pollen from this plant appears at trace levels (<1%) in two pre-landnám (BAu-2a) assemblages from Austmannadalen. ...
This paper presents two high-resolution pollen records dating to ∼AD 1000–1400 that reveal the impacts of Norse colonists on vegetation and landscape around a remote farmstead in the Western Settlement of Greenland. The study is centred upon a ‘centralised farm’ (ruin group V53d) in Austmannadalen, near the margin of the Greenland Ice Sheet (64°13′N, 49°49′W). The climate is low arctic and considered marginal in terms of its suitability for the type of pastoral agriculture that the Norse settlers introduced. The data reveal that at a short distance (∼500 m) from the farm buildings, the palynological ‘footprint’ for settlement becomes extremely indistinct, the only clear palaeoenvironmental evidence for a human presence being elevated levels of microscopic charcoal. This contrasts with the Eastern Settlement, where a strong palynological signature for Norse landnám is evident, from the local (individual farm) through to the regional (landscape) scale. The palynological data from Austmannadalen, and the Western Settlement more generally, imply that farming occurred at very low intensity. This aligns with ideas that promote the importance of hunting, and trade in valuable Arctic commodities (e.g. walrus ivory), ahead of a search for new pasture as the dominant motivation driving the Norse settlement of this region.
... Existing Arctic palynological ice studies are restricted to estimations of pollen source areas as well as assessments of wind directions and generally do not fully exploit the potential to reconstruct large-scale ecological and environmental dynamics (Bourgeois et al., 2000;Hicks and Isaksson, 2006;McAndrews, 1984;Short and Holdsworth, 1985). On the other hand, palynological studies on mire and lake deposits focus primarily on the local impact on vegetation of Old Norse settlements (AD 985-1500) or formerly pristine Greenland environments (Barlow et al., 1997;Bryan, 1954;Gauthier et al., 2010;Schofield and Edwards, 2011;Schofield et al., 2013;Wagner et al., 2008). Consequently, little is known about the large-scale impact of recent global change in these remote Arctic environments. ...
... Sedimentary paleoecological sites from A: Eastern Norse settlement around Lake Igaliku (e.g. Schofield et al., 2013), B: Western Norse settlement (e.g. Barlow et al., 1997), and C: Nunatak lake (Rose, 2015). ...
... Pollen from plants introduced, for example, during the Old Norse settlement phase in these Arctic environments (e.g. Ranunculus acris-type, Rumex; Schofield et al., 2013) indicate large-scale persistence of these taxa until modern times. Two Cerealia-type pollen grains and one Zea mays grain may originate from long-distance transport (e.g. ...
Arctic environments may respond very sensitively to ongoing global change, as observed during the past decades for Arctic vegetation. Only little is known
about the broad-scale impacts of early and mid 20th-century industrialization and climate change on remote Arctic environments. Palynological analyses
of Greenland ice cores may provide invaluable insights into the long-term vegetation, fire, and pollution dynamics in the Arctic region. We present the
first palynological record from a Central Greenland ice core (Summit Eurocore ’89, 72°35'N, 37°38'W; the location of Greenland Ice Core Project GRIP)
that provides novel high-resolution microfossil data on Arctic environments spanning AD 1730–1989. Our data suggest an expansion of birch woodlands
after AD 1850 that was abruptly interrupted at the onset of the 20th century despite favorable climatic conditions. We therefore attribute this Betula
woodland decline during the 20th century to anthropogenic activities such as sheep herding and wood collection in the sub-Arctic. First signs of coal
burning activities around AD 1900 coincide with the onset of Arctic coal mining. The use of coal and fire activity increased steadily until AD 1989 resulting
in microscopic-size pollution of the ice sheet. We conclude that human impact during the 20th century strongly affected (sub)-Arctic environments.
Moreover, ecosystems have changed through the spread of adventive plant species (e.g. Ranunculus acris, Rumex) and the destruction of sparse native
woodlands. We show for the first time that optical palynology allows paleoecological reconstructions in extremely remote sites >500 km from potential
sources, if adequate methods are used.
... The results presented here are based on an evaluation of literature (e.g. ROSENVINGE 1896, OSTENFELD 1926, PORSILD 1932, BÖCHER et al. 1959, BÖCHER et al. 1978, PEDERSEN 1972, FEILBERG 1984, FREDSKILD 1988, 1996, BAY 1992, ELVEN 2007, RUNE 2011, SCHOFIELD et al. 2012, DANIËLS et al. 2013) and own 40-years field experience. The compilation of the data presented in Tab Native plants include all plant species known to occur before c. 1.750 in the Arctic thus also possibly earlier introductions still persisting today. ...
... However these changes are not detectable since the pollen of indicator species of increased grazing activities such as Nardus stricta and Kobresia myosuroides cannot be separated from those of other grasses and graminoids. Some of the conclusions of FREDSKILD (1988) were recently confirmed by SCHOFIELD et al. (2012). They conclude from their detailed palynological studies in the Eastern Settlement that Alchillea millefolium, Polygonum aviculare and Rumex acetosella demonstrate a close connection with a cultural landscape that was shaped and maintained by the Norse settlers predominantly via animal husbandry. ...
... After their disappearance from S and SW Greenland in the course of the 15 th century flora and vegetation likely recovered during a four centuries of less human impact (cf. KROGH 1967, FREDSKILD 1988, FREDSKILD & HUMLE 1991, FEILBERG & HØEGH 2008, SCHOFIELD et al. 2012. ...
... Both areas were largely dependent on pastoral farming, with the incorporation of fodder production for winter animal feed. In Iceland this was supplemented with some intermittent and localised cereal cultivation (Karlsson, 2000) in contrast there is little evidence for any successful cereal cultivation in Greenland (Schofield et al., 2013). In Greenland there was varying (but generally increasing) degrees of dependence on wild marine resources such as seals, and a community based network was key to subsistence and survival (Arneborg et al., 2012b, McGovern, 1985Ogilvie et al., 2009;Dugmore et al., 2005;Dugmore et al., 2012;Jackson et al., 2018b). ...
... CE 1300 (Madsen, 2014). Ø78 is surrounded by smaller (tenant) farms, of which one (Ø78a) has seen both archaeological and paeloenvironmental investigations suggesting it was abandoned just before the time of Ø78 ′ s contraction (Ledger et al., 2014a;Schofield et al., 2013;Vebaek, 1943;Ledger et al., 2014b;Madsen, 2014). The overall signs of 13th century decline of Norse settlement and farming in the area of Ø78 correspond well with the areas sub-arctic middle fjord environmental setting. ...
Medieval settlements in Iceland and Greenland were vulnerable to changes in spring (April-June) snow cover duration and depth. These would have adversely affected the viability of their pastoral farming systems, but the impact would have been spatially variable. We use a physical-based model of snow distribution and melt to model spring snow cover and depth at a scale relevant to human activities across four sites: southern and northern Iceland, and inner and middle fjord sites in South Greenland, using both present day and simulated climate data from the HadCM3 GCM-model. Our climate scenarios cover the period CE 1000–1500, encompassing a climate shift to cooler conditions. We find that under average present climate conditions the inner fjord site in Greenland has similar spring snow conditions to sites in Iceland, but that the middle fjord site has notably greater snow cover, and as climate cools spring snow cover at this site becomes extensive (>60 days). The largest increase in snow cover duration between current average climate conditions and the coolest climate scenarios (47 days increase) is experienced at our Iceland sites. Inner and middle fjord sites in Greenland diverge in terms of snow cover under all scenarios, a potential driver of the growing importance of marine wild resources and the end of the Norse Greenland settlement.
... Diamond 2005). However, more recent studies indicate that the scale of the Norse environmental impacts may not have been so severe (Gauthier et al. 2010;Ledger 2013;Ledger, Edwards, and Schofield 2014a;Schofield, Edwards, and Christensen 2008;Schofield and Edward 2011;Schofield et al. 2013Schofield et al. , 2019. This paper examines wood assemblages from Norse Greenlandic sites in order to explore how this native raw material was utilised in a socioeconomic and environmental context. ...
... More recent studies of the palaeo-vegetational history of Norse Greenland support the finding of Massa et al. There certainly were environmental changes, with woodland making way for grassland, but the effects of landnám in Greenland appear to have been far more subtle than, for example, in Iceland (Buckland et al. 2008;2009;Dugmore et al. 2005;Golding et al. 2011;Ledger, Edwards, and Schofield 2014b;Massa et al. 2012;Schofield and Edward 2011;Schofield et al. 2013Schofield et al. , 2019. Suggested evidence for the initial burning of woodland during the settlement period has also been questioned. ...
Wood was a key raw material for past societies and no less so in the Arctic region where woodland is sparse. When Norse settlers came to Greenland in the late tenth century AD, the pristine environment had not been affected by other humans for centuries. It has been assumed that the Norse had a negative effect on the environment, with drastic woodland clearance resulting in a more or less treeless landscape, contributing to the eventual demise of the Norse Greenlandic society. Recent palynological studies indicate that the environmental impact was in fact more complex. Wood taxonomic analyses on artefacts and samples from five Norse Greenlandic sites (1000–1400 AD) show that 36% of the combined assemblages (total of 8552 pieces) derive from native woodland. Mostly, it was used to make small-sized objects, but it was also an important source of nutrients, fuel, fodder and insulation. The proportion of native woodland was significantly higher on medium-sized farms than at the one high-status farm studied, indicating that socioeconomic factors impacted wood acquisition. Although local woodlands could not sustain all the timber needs of the Norse Greenlanders, it made up a substantial component of their wood procurement strategies.
... Of those species that can be confidently identified, Rumex acetosella (sheep's sorrel) and Polygonum aviculare (knotgrass) are the most frequently recorded in Icelandic pollen diagrams (Erlendsson 2007;Edwards et al. 2011a) and were almost certainly introduced after landnám (cf. Schofield et al. 2013). Also of interest in this context is Achillea-type (Anthemis-type of Moore et al. 1991), which for Iceland consists of four possible anthropochores (cf. ...
... In particular, landnám appears to have favoured the expansion of the Polygonaceae, some of which almost certainly arrived with the first Norse settlers and subsequently became naturalized (e.g. Rumex acetosella in the Eastern Settlement of Greenland; Schofield et al. 2013). There is no evidence for any extirpations from the floras, but a number of grazing sensitive herbs (e.g. ...
This chapter presents the available evidence for the impact of people on vegetation around the time of the ‘Scandinavian’ settlement of the North Atlantic islands. A common phenomenon around the time of landnám is the expansion in the pollen of Poaceae and/or Cyperaceae. These ubiquitous taxa have frequent fluctuations and declines throughout the Holocene spectra and cannot, alone, be designated as providing anthropogenic ‘footprints’. The Norse settlement of Iceland offered fresh opportunities for plants to migrate westwards with the wave of Norse colonists, resulting in the addition of a number of new species to the Icelandic flora. Reconstructions of the pre-settlement vegetation of Iceland contrast markedly with the currently open and exposed character of the landscape. A notable change to the flora of Greenland around the time of Norse settlement is the appearance and increase in Rumex acetosella.
... Chronologies for Norse occupation sites in Greenland have been based totally on radiocarbon, biostratigraphic and artefactual dating (Gulløv et al., 2004;Edwards et al., 2011a;Schofield et al., 2013). Pollen-analytical and other palaeoenvironmental approaches have been providing unprecedentedly detailed evidence for the nature and course of Norse settlement, particularly from organic deposits lying within or in close proximity to archaeological sites (cf. ...
... At Hvalsey (HVA) the high Poaceae frequencies (c. 80%) in HVA-1, when combined with significant amounts of Rumex acetosella pollen (a Norse introduction; Schofield et al., 2013) ...
The Norse/Viking occupation of Greenland is part of a dispersal of communities across the
North Atlantic coincident with the supposed Medieval Warm Period of the late 1st
millennium AD. The abandonment of the Greenland settlements has been linked to climatic
deterioration in the Little Ice Age as well as other possible explanations. There are significant
dating uncertainties over the time of European abandonment of Greenland and the potential
influence of climatic deterioration. Dating issues largely revolve around radiocarbon
chronologies for Norse settlements and associated mire sequences close to settlement sites.
Here we show the potential for moving this situation forward by a combination of
palynological, radiocarbon and cryptotephra analyses of environmental records close to three
‘iconic’ Norse sites in the former Eastern Settlement of Greenland – Herjolfsnes, Hvalsey and Garðar (the modern Igaliku). While much work remains to be undertaken, our results show
that palynological evidence can provide a useful marker for both the onset and end of Norse
occupation in the region, while the radiocarbon chronologies for these sequences remain
difficult. Significantly, we here demonstrate the potential for cryptotephra to become a useful
tool in resolving the chronology of Norse occupation, when coupled with palynology. For the
first time, we show that cryptotephra are present within palaeoenvironmental sequences
located within or close to Norse settlement ruin-groups, with tephra horizons detected at all
three sites. While shard concentrations were small at Herjolfsnes, concentrations sufficient
for geochemical analyses were detected at Igaliku and Hvalsey. WDS-EPMA analyses of
these tephra indicate that, unlike the predominantly Icelandic tephra sources reported in the
Greenland ice core records, the tephra associated with the Norse sites correlate more closely
with volcanic centres in the Aleutians and Cascades. Recent investigations of cryptotephra
dispersal from North American centres, along with our new findings, point to the potential for
cryptotephra to facilitate hypothesis testing, providing a key chronological tool for refining
the timing of Norse activities in Greenland (e.g. abandonment) and of environmental contexts
and drivers (e.g. climate forcing).
... The opening was achieved by coppicing and grazing (Fredskild, 1978;Ledger et al., 2017b) and probably, to some extent, by fire, as suggested by the high charcoal values of different size classes Fredskild, 1992b). The aim of this landscape manipulation was to create wide pastoral lands and/or areas for haymaking (Dugmore et al., 2005;Edwards et al., 2008;Fredskild, 1978;Schofield et al., 2013). ...
Pastoral farming formed a key element of Norse subsistence strategies in South Greenland but with climatic changes of the Little Ice Age they may have reached their limit. Most recently, studies into hydrological changes across the Norse period (10th–15th century AD) revealed a severe drying trend that was coincident with the Norse demise during the early to mid-15th century AD. This study examines lake sediments from a central area of the Norse Eastern Settlement in Greenland. By means of palynology this study investigates whether climatic changes were responsible for decreasing hay yields and a consequent lack of winter fodder. The results suggest that droughts were likely only minor drivers of vegetation change. In fact, we demonstrate a complex entanglement of cooling trends, substrate impoverishment in the catchment of the sampled lake and human adaptation processes. The latter is manifested in a shift in usage of the farm towards a shieling/ dairy production. We conclude that the high amount of labour required to maintain hay yields while counterbalancing the lack of soil nutrients and the shortening of the growing season could be among the many driving forces in the process of Norse farming reorganization in South Greenland. Furthermore, the results allow for the discussion of a potential first palynological evidence of Norse water management in South Greenland.
... Furthermore, we identified the palynological onset of introduced anthropochorous species such as Rumex acetosa-type pollen or Ranunculus acris-type pollen (Massa et al., 2012b;Schofield et al., 2013), and coprophilous fungal spores (Gauthier et al., 2010) to constrain the age-depth model with the historically documented landnám of the Norse (985CE; observed at 49.5-50.5 cm in core 578-01-19). At 52 cm depth, a comparison between a macrofossil and a plant-derived micro-charcoal inferred age revealed an offset of approximately 400 years (Table 2). ...
Global warming particularly impacts terrestrial and aquatic ecosystems in the Arctic. To constrain the sensitivity of Arctic lakes and make meaningful predictions about future change under global warming, we need to examine their response to previous warm phases. Lake sediments from Greenland's deglaciated area offer valuable archives to investigate past climate variability and associated lake changes. Here, we applied hyperspectral imaging and lipid biomarker thermometry to a Holocene-length sediment record from Lake 578 in the Eastern Settlement of the Norse (61.08 • N, 45.62 • W;~155 m a.s.l) to investigate local temperature, productivity, and anoxia histories. We calibrated branched glycerol dialkyl glycerol tet-raethers (brGDGTs) with summer mean water temperatures (SMWT) using a previously published site-specific calibration and analyzed pigment fluxes based on hyperspectral imaging. Notably, the anoxia reconstructions were corroborated with two independent proxies (GDGT-0/Crenarchaeol and bacterio pheophytins). We investigated the lake's environmental history and identified periods of significant change by employing generalized additive models (GAMs). Our results reveal significant transitions in Lake 578 driven both by natural climate shifts and anthropogenic impacts. During the early Holocene, low SMWT and productivity coupled with high anoxia suggest strong sea-sonality and prolonged inverted thermal stratification, possibly enhanced by extended ice cover. The mid-Holocene showed higher SMWT and productivity along with low anoxia, indicating a dimictic lake system. The early Holocene temperature rise lagged that of to the Northern Hemisphere, but closely followed the Atlantic-Fennoscandian stack. The Holocene Thermal Maximum (7.5-4.5 cal ka BP) aligns with other regional reconstructions. After 3 cal ka BP, we observed a Neoglacial cooling characterized by increased anoxia and reduced temperatures due to enhanced stratification. At around 1.0 cal ka BP, Lake 578 saw a surge in productivity and anoxia, which we attribute to land use and lake damming by the Norse. Despite a post-Norse decline in productivity and disappearance of anoxia, the lake never reverted to its pre-Norse state, with modern sheep farming further intensifying productivity in recent decades. While early Holocene anoxia resulted from natural cold temperature stratification, anoxia during the Norse period was anthropogenically induced. This research underscores the value of integrating lipid biomarkers with hyperspectral imaging for detailed reconstructions of changes within Arctic lakes. It provides crucial insights for anticipating the ecologic and climatic resilience of Arctic lakes to ongoing global warming and anthropogenic influence.
... Furthermore, we identified the palynological onset of introduced anthropochorous species such as Rumex acetosa-type pollen or Ranunculus acris-type pollen (Massa et al., 2012b;Schofield et al., 2013), and coprophilous fungal spores (Gauthier et al., 2010) to constrain the age-depth model with the historically documented landnám of the Norse (985CE; observed at 49.5-50.5 cm in core 578-01-19). At 52 cm depth, a comparison between a macrofossil and a plant-derived micro-charcoal inferred age revealed an offset of approximately 400 years (Table 2). ...
Global warming particularly impacts terrestrial and aquatic ecosystems in the Arctic. To constrain the sensitivity of Arctic lakes and make meaningful predictions about future change under global warming, we need to examine their response to previous warm phases. Lake sediments from Greenland's deglaciated area offer valuable archives to investigate past climate variability and associated lake changes. Here, we applied hyperspectral imaging and lipid biomarker thermometry to a Holocene-length sediment record from Lake 578 in the Eastern Settlement of the Norse (61.08 • N, 45.62 • W;~155 m a.s.l) to investigate local temperature, productivity, and anoxia histories. We calibrated branched glycerol dialkyl glycerol tet-raethers (brGDGTs) with summer mean water temperatures (SMWT) using a previously published site-specific calibration and analyzed pigment fluxes based on hyperspectral imaging. Notably, the anoxia reconstructions were corroborated with two independent proxies (GDGT-0/Crenarchaeol and bacterio pheophytins). We investigated the lake's environmental history and identified periods of significant change by employing generalized additive models (GAMs). Our results reveal significant transitions in Lake 578 driven both by natural climate shifts and anthropogenic impacts. During the early Holocene, low SMWT and productivity coupled with high anoxia suggest strong seasonality and prolonged inverted thermal stratification, possibly enhanced by extended ice cover. The mid-Holocene showed higher SMWT and productivity along with low anoxia, indicating a dimictic lake system. The early Holocene temperature rise lagged that of to the Northern Hemisphere, but closely followed the Atlantic-Fennoscandian stack. The Holocene Thermal Maximum (7.5-4.5 cal ka BP) aligns with other regional reconstructions. After 3 cal ka BP, we observed a Neoglacial cooling characterized by increased anoxia and reduced temperatures due to enhanced stratification. At around 1.0 cal ka BP, Lake 578 saw a surge in productivity and anoxia, which we attribute to land use and lake damming by the Norse. Despite a post-Norse decline in productivity and disappearance of anoxia, the lake never reverted to its pre-Norse state, with modern sheep farming further intensifying productivity in recent decades. While early Holocene anoxia resulted from natural cold temperature stratification, anoxia during the Norse period was anthropogenically induced. This research underscores the value of integrating lipid biomarkers with hyperspectral imaging for detailed reconstructions of changes within Arctic lakes. It provides crucial insights for anticipating the ecologic and climatic resilience of Arctic lakes to ongoing global warming and anthropogenic influence.
... Introductions of domestic animals and plants, plus invertebrates and weed species (Dugmore, 2005;Schofield et al., 2013). Creation of wetlands, and the maintenance of wetlands through the control of inflows of both water and sediment. ...
Analyzing the spatial and temporal properties of information flow with a multi-century perspective could illuminate the sustainability of human resource-use strategies. This paper uses historical and archaeological datasets to assess how spatial, temporal, cognitive, and cultural limitations impact the generation and flow of information about ecosystems within past societies, and thus lead to tradeoffs in sustainable practices. While it is well understood that conflicting priorities can inhibit successful outcomes, case studies from Eastern Polynesia, the North Atlantic, and the American Southwest suggest that imperfect information can also be a major impediment to sustainability. We formally develop a conceptual model of Environmental Information Flow and Perception (EnIFPe) to examine the scale of information flow to a society and the quality of the information needed to promote sustainable coupled natural-human systems. In our case studies, we assess key aspects of information flow by focusing on food web relationships and nutrient flows in socio-ecological systems, as well as the life cycles, population dynamics, and seasonal rhythms of organisms, the patterns and timing of species’ migration, and the trajectories of human-induced environmental change. We argue that the spatial and temporal dimensions of human environments shape society’s ability to wield information, while acknowledging that varied cultural factors also focus a society’s ability to act on such information. Our analyses demonstrate the analytical importance of completed experiments from the past, and their utility for contemporary debates concerning managing imperfect information and addressing conflicting priorities in modern environmental management and resource use.
... A reduction in the coverage of woodland and scrub, and accelerated rates of soil erosion, are just two of a suite of features that have been identified as characteristic of the palaeoenvironmental 'footprint' for Norse settlement in Greenland Fredskild, 1988). The introduction of pastoral farming favoured certain native herbaceous taxa such as Montia fontana (blinks) and Stellaria media (chickweed), whilst other 'Old Norse' plants were accidentally introduced by the settlers; the spread of Rumex acetosella (sheep's sorrel) in the Eastern Settlement being the most striking example (Schofield, Edwards, Erlendsson, & Ledger, 2013). The burning of vegetation and/or the setting of fires in domestic contexts is also evident as increased concentrations of microscopic charcoal in peat and lake profiles, while greater numbers of grazing (domesticated) herbivores are indicated by elevated frequencies of coprophilous fungal spores such as Sporormiella-type and members of the Sordariales. ...
Palaeoecological research in the Department of Geography and Environment at the University of Aberdeen can be traced back to pollen-analytical (palynological) and geomorphological collaborations in the early 1970s. The research has generally been nested within Quaternary science and it features strong interdisciplinary links with archaeology, chronostratigraphy, climate change and ecology more generally. The pollen-based emphasis has been augmented by multi-proxy approaches including plant macro- and microfossils, geochemistry and pedology. There has always been techniques- and methodologically-orientated output and the chronological focus has spanned especially the period from the Lateglacial through to the present. With an emphasis upon research since the year 2000, the account is structured around such themes as environmental change in Scotland and the rest of the British Isles, human-environment interactions in the North Atlantic region, Patagonia and Tierra del Fuego, atmospheric pollution and metals in prehistory, and carbon sequestration and chronologies. A final section looks briefly and selectively at future research.
... Behre, 1981). In addition, the patterns recorded from the beginning of NUN-2a to the end of NUN-2b are strikingly similar to those observed to be associated with the arrival of humans in pollen diagrams from sub-Arctic locations such as Greenland and Iceland (Schofield et al., 2013). Particularly noteworthy is the expansion in Montia fontana. ...
Identifying evidence for hunter-gatherers in the palaeoenvironmental record is far from simple. Despite decades of research, few studies have
demonstrated unambiguous palynological evidence of hunter-gatherers. This paper presents the results of high-resolution palaeoecological analyses of a
peat sequence located within the vicinity of the pre-historic Yup’ik village of Nunalleq in southwestern Alaska. The aim of this research was to examine
whether there are any discernible palaeoenvironmental impacts associated with the 15th–17th century occupation of the site. Presuming an ephemeral
character to any palaeoecological signal, this study selected a sampling location approximately 30 m east of the limit of archaeological remains. Pollen,
non-pollen palynomorphs and microscopic charcoal analysis were then used to generate a highly resolved (contiguous 1 cm) environmental history for
the site. The results are striking and indicate that the activities of prehistoric Yup’ik hunter-gatherers at Nunalleq did leave a clear material trace in
the palaeoenvironmental record. Through the application of high-resolution Pb210 and C14 dating and Bayesian modelling, these impacts were found to
be concurrent with the occupation of the archaeological site. These findings suggest that not only can circumpolar hunter-gatherers leave a material
palaeoenvironmental trace but that these traces may be used to accurately date such site activity in lieu of excavation.
... The spread of wild plants, especially inadvertent weeds and other species, extends well beyond the Pacific and Caribbean islands and can be seen as something that accompanied horticulturalists wherever they traveled. In the North Atlantic, herbaceous plants and weeds accompanied the wheat, barley, and other domesticates that were introduced to the Faroes, Iceland, and Greenland (Dugmore et al. 2005(Dugmore et al. , 2012McGovern et al. 2007;Schofield et al. 2013). Dugmore et al. (2005, p. 30) noted that the Norse introduced so many taxa to Iceland that they actually increased floristic diversity but probably also reduced the average number of species in a given area. ...
Biological invasions are one of the great threats to Earth’s ecosystems and biodiversity in the Anthropocene. However, species introductions and invasions extend deep into the human past, with the translocation of both wild and domestic species around the world. Here, we review the human translocation of wild plants and animals to the world’s islands. We focus on establishing criteria used to differentiate natural from human-assisted dispersals and the differences between non-native and invasive species. Our study demonstrates that, along with a suite of domesticates, ancient people transported numerous wild plants and animals to islands and helped shape ecosystems in ways that have important ramifications for modern conservation, restoration, and management.
... Thus, these plants were probably introduced (either deliberately or not) by Norse farmers during the settlement and then favored by agropastoral activities, allowing their establishment in the landscape. Schofield et al. (2013) have recently proved that R. acetosella was absent before the Norse settlement in 14 sites and quickly appeared after a hundred years of settlement. Here, lupanone to Rumex sp. ...
Paleoenvironmental studies previously performed on Lake Igaliku revealed two agropastoral phases in south Greenland: the Norse settlement from AD 986 to ca. AD 1450 and the recent installation of sheep farmers, since the 1920s. To improve the knowledge of the timing and magnitude of the Greenlandic agropastoral activities, a lipid inventory was realized and compared with biological and geochemical data. During the 12th century, a major increase in deoxycholic acid (DOC) and coprophilous fungal spores revealed a maximum of herbivores. Synchronously, a minimum of the n-C29/n-C31 alkane ratio and tree and shrub pollen and a maximum of triterpenyl acetates showed a reduction in the tree and shrub cover, because of grazing activities. Lupanone, produced by angiosperms, appeared simultaneously in the molecular content, probably revealing an introduction of plant species by the Norse, as it has been the case for Rumex spp. No major erosion was recorded by trimethyl-tetrahydrocrysenes (TTHCs) and titanium (Ti) fluxes. No massive algal production, identified by the n-C17/total n-alkane ratio and mesotrophic diatoms, was either revealed. After the Norse abandon (around AD 1450), a return of the vegetation to quasi-pristine conditions was observed in the molecular content. Finally, a re-introduction of sheep in the 1920s provoked major impacts between the 1970s and the 1990s. A major decrease in the n-C29/n-C31 alkane ratio and tree and shrub pollen associated with maxima of triterpenyl acetates, TTHCs, Ti fluxes, and mesotrophic diatoms highlighted a reduction in the tree and shrub cover, a strong soil mobilization, and algal blooms, probably linking to the recent mechanized creation of hay fields and the massive use of fertilizers. In this study, molecular biomarkers revealed two periods of major impacts: the 12th century and between the 1970s and the 1990s, separated by centuries without agropastoral practices, allowing a quasi-resilience of the vegetation.
... 2-4%). Microscopic charcoal is registered from the base of the profile, as is Rumex acetosella, a probable Norse introduction (Fredskild, 1973;Schofield et al., 2013). ...
Peat sequences in close proximity to former Norse farmsteads in southern Greenland are valuable palaeoecological archives for exploring the impacts of the 10th century Norse colonisation. Unfortunately they are far from widespread and many would be considered suboptimal for palaeoecological analysis owing to the taphonomic complexities perceived to be associated with their depositional environments. This paper explores the value of one such archive from the Vatnahverfi region of southern Greenland. On the basis of field observations, a problematic depositional context was anticipated and this is borne out in the contradictory palynological results which demonstrate evidence for agriculture and abandonment in contemporary horizons and radiocarbon age-depth reversals. Multiple working hypotheses are developed to explicitly demonstrate the equally plausible, but starkly different, interpretations that are possible from these data. To refine our interpretations we apply pollen preservation analysis and multivariate statistical analysis of this dataset with a large well dated fossil dataset from the same region. In so doing, this paper highlights the value of ordination as a chronological tool and the importance of pollen preservation analysis in interpreting taphonomically-complex depositional environments.
... The annual plants were dominated by common chickweed, annual meadow-grass (Poa annua), knotgrass and shepherd's purse. These are all taxa which were brought to Greenland by the Norse settlers in, for example, animal fodder or seeds (Fredskild 1988;Schofield et al. 2013). Blinks dominate the wetland plant taxa and was abundant on all the analysed middens, showing how lush the vegetation was around the middens, where there was ample moisture and a high nutrient level. ...
... Plus récemment, Kevin Edwards et l'équipe d'Aberdeen ont réalisé des analyses polliniques prélevées dans des dépôts tourbeux du Vatnahverfi (entre les fjords de Tunulliarfik et d'Alluitsup), dans la vallée de Qorlortoq, à Qinngua, à Tasiusaq (au nord du fjord de Tunulliarfik) et à Sandhavn (sud de la colonie orientale) (fig. 1B) (Schofield et al. 2007Schofield et al. , 2013 July insolation 65°NPerren et al. 2012). Accumulation sédimentaire : taux d'accumulation de matière minérale (gris) et organique (noir) (Massa et al. 2012). ...
Palaeoenvironmentalists from the Chrono-environment laboratory in Besançon have been working in Greenland since 2006. The Study area is located in southern Greenland, within the Norse Eastern settlement occupied from 986 to 1450 cal. BC. The study aims at characterizing the impact of this first colonization on a pristine environment. The lacustrine sequence was studied with the help of different proxies (palynology, Non Pollen Palynomorph, Diatoms, sedimentology, geochemical and isotope analyses) and, in some site, the Norse settlement was integrated in the Holocene context. About 20 sediment cores were collected during 5 fieldtrips from 2006 to 2013. The Holocene sequence from Igaliku, the medieval Garðar, starts at 8000 cal. AD and the record of pollen rain start at about 6100 cal. AD ; it is one of the best radiocarbon dated sequence of this area. From 6100 to 2500 cal. AD, pollen diagram from Lake Igaliku shows that vegetation is dominated by juniper and willow. Starting in 2500 cal. AD, with the beginning of the neoglacial period, Juniper pollen decreases while dwarf birch and white birch become the dominant tree taxa. Decrease in birch and juniper and the rise in coprophilous fungi are the first evidences of the Norse settlement. The presence of settlers and livestock is clearly recorded: increasing soil erosion frequencies Norse apophytes (sheep sorrel, dandelion, buttercup) and coprophilous fungi. This colonization phase is followed by a period of decreasing human impact at the beginning of the 14th century, with a decrease in coprophilous fungi suggesting a reduced grazing pressure. The regrowth of willow and birch and the disappearance of anthropogenic indicators except sheep sorrel type between the 15th and 18th century demonstrate the abandonment of the settlement, until the development of contemporary agriculture in the 20th century. Impact of modern agriculture on vegetation is comparable to the Norse impact. However, mechanization and fertilization have heavily increased soil erosion and transformed the lake ecosystem.
... Plus récemment, Kevin Edwards et l'équipe d'Aberdeen ont réalisé des analyses polliniques prélevées dans des dépôts tourbeux du Vatnahverfi (entre les fjords de Tunulliarfik et d'Alluitsup), dans la vallée de Qorlortoq, à Qinngua, à Tasiusaq (au nord du fjord de Tunulliarfik) et à Sandhavn (sud de la colonie orientale) (fig. 1B) (Schofield et al. 2007Schofield et al. , 2013 July insolation 65°NPerren et al. 2012). Accumulation sédimentaire : taux d'accumulation de matière minérale (gris) et organique (noir) (Massa et al. 2012). ...
... For example, pollen and macrofossil records have helped to resolve uncertainty around the native/alien status of numerous taxa on islands (e.g. van Leeuwen et al. 2005Leeuwen et al. , 2008Connor et al. 2012;Schofield et al. 2013). ...
Alien plants are a pervasive environmental problem, particularly on islands where they can rapidly transform unique indigenous ecosystems. However, often it is difficult to confidently determine if a species is native or alien, especially if establishment occurred before historical records. This can present a management challenge: for example, should such taxa be eradicated or left alone until their region of origin and status is clarified? Here we show how combining palaeoecological and historical records can help resolve such dilemmas, using the tree daisy Olearia lyallii on the remote New Zealand subantarctic Auckland Islands as a case study. The status of this tree as native or introduced has remained uncertain for the 175 years since it was first discovered on the islands, and its appropriate management is debated. Elsewhere, O. lyallii has a highly restricted distribution on small sea bird-rich islands within a 2° latitudinal band south of mainland New Zealand. Analysis of palaeoecological and historical records from the islands suggest that O. lyallii established there c. 1807 when the islands were first exploited by European sealers. Establishment was facilitated by anthropogenic burning and clearing and its subsequent spread has been slow, limited in distribution, and probably human-assisted. O. lyallii has succeeded mostly in highly-disturbed sites which are also nutrient enriched from nesting sea birds, seals and sea spray. This marine subsidy has fuelled the rapid growth of O. lyallii and allowed this tree to be competitive against the maritime communities it has replaced. Although endemic to the New Zealand region, our evidence suggests that O. lyallii is alien to the Auckland Islands. Although such 'native' aliens can pose unique management challenges on islands, in this instance we suggest that ongoing monitoring with no control is an appropriate management action, as O. lyallii appears to pose minimal risk to ecological integrity.
... Since then human land use practices, introduced first by the Norse, have altered the invertebrate environment, leading to some local extinctions and introductions. A substantial amount of research now exists on human impact on the landscape which followed the arrival of the first European settlers in Greenland (Panagiotakopulu, 2014;Schofield et al., 2013). This paper presents new insect data from invertebrate sampling at Tasiusaq and Qorlortup Itinnera in the Qassiarsuk district, from the area surrounding two modern sheep farms and the Norse ruin sites Ø2 and Ø34. ...
This study uses new data on insect biodiversity from a modern sheep farm environment in southern Greenland, and compares the results with fossil assemblages from the same region and other relevant sites in Greenland. The study was conducted on sheep farms at Tasiusaq and Qorlortup Itinnera in southern Greenland (61°N, 45°W). Data have also been drawn from 17 Quaternary and archaeological sites from Greenland with an emphasis on Norse insect assemblages from the same area. Species diversity and abundance of Coleoptera from the modern samples were relatively low, while Hemiptera were dominant in all habitats sampled around the hayfields. The first local extinctions in the natural beetle fauna appear with the initiation of Norse settlement. The diversity of Coleoptera in the modern samples is lower compared with the Norse faunas, and this could partly be a result of mechanised agriculture. The Hemiptera demonstrate the exact opposite pattern. The modern samples include a similar range of Hemiptera species to their Norse equivalent, although the intensification in grass production is evident in the modern faunas. The increase of diversity in Hemiptera coincides with Landnám, with four additional species recorded from the Norse assemblages; the hemipterous faunas provide a signal for haymaking in the fossil record of Greenland.
... No Kalaallisut name is provided for Achillea millefolium in Foersom et al. (1997), although one consultant gave the Kalaallisut inneruulaq (Taraxacum). The lack of a common name is arguably due to the introduction of the plant by the Norse about 1000 years ago (Schofield et al., 2012), although this is more than ample time for a term to develop in the spoken language. TABLE 3. From the 54 plant images shown, only the 12 plants listed below were identified by all six detailed interviews. ...
While the native language of west Greenland, Kalaallisut, is robust with over 50,000 speakers, traditional knowledge of plant uses has been lost due to extensive Danish contact. We take an interdisciplinary approach to reconstructing this lost knowledge: the biologist provides botanical identification, plant uses, methods of collection, preparation, and storage, while the linguist provides access to the linguistic identification of the plants, both in Greenland and in a pan-Inuit context, and access to the historical documentation. This collaborative effort allows us to document the revitalization of knowledge, reconstructed via exchange with other Inuit plant users (in Alaska and Canada) as well as other Arctic users (such as the Sami). Here we discuss our work collecting the knowledge (linguistic, scientific and local) about plants in Greenland. We supplement archived sources such as Nunaata Naasui (Greenland’s Flora), a bilingual (Kalaallisut-Danish) field guide with over 150 plants which lacks information on plant uses, with fieldwork and interviews. From a linguistic standpoint we consider the meaning and etymologies of Kalaallisut plant names, how they correspond to or differ with other Inuit terminology. Our findings indicate that local knowledge of plant uses is greater than believed. Certain medicinal plants appear to be known across the population, and differ in preparation across Arctic peoples. We have yet to find extensive knowledge of plants comparable to some individuals in Inuit cultures, but we are hopeful that our second trip in summer 2011 will contribute new data to this work is ongoing.
... No Kalaallisut name is provided for Achillea millefolium in Foersom et al. (1997), although one consultant gave the Kalaallisut inneruulaq (Taraxacum). The lack of a common name is arguably due to the introduction of the plant by the Norse about 1000 years ago (Schofield et al., 2012), although this is more than ample time for a term to develop in the spoken language. Another reason to think the plant was possibly introduced by Danes is its important role in European folk medicine (the generic name refers to its use by Achilles on the battlefield). ...
Local Greenlanders assume that traditional knowledge of plant uses in Greenland has been lost due to extensive Danish contact and modernization. We used an interdisciplinary approach to reconstruct this lost knowledge: the biologist provided botanical identification, plant uses, methods of collection, preparation, and storage, while the linguist provided access to the linguistic identification of the plants, both in Greenland and in a pan-Inuit context, and access to the historical documentation. We conducted open-ended and semi-structured interviews at two sites in South Greenland to document plant names and uses. Our findings indicate that local knowledge of is greater than believed. We documented over 170 uses of plants, mosses, fungi, and seaweeds. Here we consider the meaning and etymologies of Kalaallisut plant names, how they correspond or differ to other Inuit terminology, and compare traditional uses with those from other Arctic peoples to identify traditional Inuit knowledge versus that influenced by Danish contact. Certain medicinal plants appear to be known across the Arctic but differ in preparation between peoples. Some uses are clearly derived from Danish culinary practices. From a linguistic standpoint plant names appear to be derived from the Inuit language family. These data demonstrate the fusion of traditional and colonialist knowledge.
... In a series of pollen profiles from the Qassiarsuk area ( Fig. 1), Fredskild (1973Fredskild ( , 1978Fredskild ( , 1988 identified the key features of settlement as being the clearance of scrub and woodland and their replacement with improved grasslands along with the accidental introduction of selected plants such as Rumex acetosella (sheep's sorrel). In recent years, high-resolution palaeoecological data have confirmed and developed such findings (Edwards et al. , 2011aSchofield et al. 2008Schofield et al. , 2013. Typically, although not exclusively (cf. ...
Anthrosols (cf. plaggen soils) are commonly found across the homefields of Norse farms, yet the extent to which these taphonomically complex and heterogeneous deposits provide reliable archives of environmental change and vegetation history has rarely been investigated. This paper compares the palynological signature contained within an anthrosol located beside Norse farm ruins in the Eastern Settlement of Greenland, with that from a mire situated ∼400 m from the nearest archaeological remains. The investigation covers a period of ∼1000 years leading into, through, and beyond the Greenlandic landnám of AD 985. The results demonstrate that, as anticipated, the anthrosol contains a strong signal for human impact associated with settlement and occupation, although changes in both pollen percentages and accumulation rates (influx) through the profile appear smooth, not erratic, and radiocarbon dates are conformable. Thus the palynological signature contained in the anthrosol is broadly comparable to the patterns characteristic of stratified natural contexts (e.g. mires) with small pollen source areas that are located in close proximity to former Norse structures. Nevertheless, it is also demonstrated that secondary microfossils are a major component of the pollen assemblages within the anthrosol, and pollen influx is notably an order of magnitude higher when compared against the peat core taken from the mire. It is suggested that this may result from the addition of pollen contained in animal dung, augmenting that accumulating through the natural accretion of pollen derived from the surrounding vegetation and landing on the surface of the anthrosol. Although this complicates any palynological interpretation, by adopting a cautious approach we argue that anthrosols can be used to extract useful information about vegetation history at a local scale, as well as providing indirect evidence of landscape impacts and resource use around farmsteads.
... In a series of pollen profiles from the Qassiarsuk area ( Fig. 1), Fredskild (1973Fredskild ( , 1978Fredskild ( , 1988 identified the key features of settlement as being the clearance of scrub and woodland and their replacement with improved grasslands along with the accidental introduction of selected plants such as Rumex acetosella (sheep's sorrel). In recent years, high-resolution palaeoecological data have confirmed and developed such findings (Edwards et al. , 2011aSchofield et al. 2008Schofield et al. , 2013. Typically, although not exclusively (cf. ...
Anthrosols (cf. plaggen soils) are commonly found across the homefields of Norse farms, yet the extent to which these taphonomically complex and heterogeneous deposits provide reliable archives of environmental change and vegetation history has rarely been investigated. This paper compares the palynological signature contained within an anthrosol located beside Norse farm ruins in the Eastern Settlement of Greenland, with that from a mire situated ∼400 m from the nearest archaeological remains. The investigation covers a period of ∼1000 years leading into, through, and beyond the Greenlandic landnám of AD 985. The results demonstrate that, as anticipated, the anthrosol contains a strong signal for human impact associated with settlement and occupation, although changes in both pollen percentages and accumulation rates (influx) through the profile appear smooth, not erratic, and radiocarbon dates are conformable. Thus the palynological signature contained in the anthrosol is broadly comparable to the patterns characteristic of stratified natural contexts (e.g. mires) with small pollen source areas that are located in close proximity to former Norse structures. Nevertheless, it is also demonstrated that secondary microfossils are a major component of the pollen assemblages within the anthrosol, and pollen influx is notably an order of magnitude higher when compared against the peat core taken from the mire. It is suggested that this may result from the addition of pollen contained in animal dung, augmenting that accumulating through the natural accretion of pollen derived from the surrounding vegetation and landing on the surface of the anthrosol. Although this complicates any palynological interpretation, by adopting a cautious approach we argue that anthrosols can be used to extract useful information about vegetation history at a local scale, as well as providing indirect evidence of landscape impacts and resource use around farmsteads.
... Charcoal concentrations are low relative to the values recorded in the two subsequent LPAZs (and as such can probably be attributed to inputs from long distance transport), while pollen from Norse apophytes and introductions such as R. acetosella (cf. Schofield et al., 2013) is absent. There is no evidence of cultural activity and the wetland (mire surface) vegetation appears to be dominated by Cyperaceae, with B. glandulosa-Salix scrub and B. pubescens woodland dominating the dryland flora. ...
Palynological research is increasingly revealing the landscape impacts of Norse colonisation in southern Greenland. Typically, although not exclusively, these studies are from depositional environments with highly localised pollen source areas close to fjord-side centres of medieval power. In contrast, this paper presents data from Vatnahverfi, an inland district of the Eastern Settlement, and explores the emergence of a cultural landscape through three pollen sequences at variable distances from Norse farms. Two are from mires with small pollen source areas close to (< 100 m) and distant from (≥ 1500 m) probable farming activities. The other provides a more regional signal of vegetation change, albeit one located close to a Norse settlement. Landnám is marked primarily through an increase in microscopic charcoal and the appearance of pollen from Rumex acetosella, although significant differences between profiles are noted. Close to Norse ruins, pollen productivity from grassland communities increases and woodland and scrub representation declines. Further from archaeological remains, palynologically inferred human activity is primarily characterised by decreased productivity, notably declining influx from woodland and scrub species, reflecting grazing herbivores or coppicing. Abandonment of Vatnahverfi is indicated from the late 14th to early 15th century AD.
... Much of this work has been connected with two multidisciplinary projects funded by the Leverhulme Trust (Edwards et al. 2004) that have sought to understand how the Norse impacted on their environment. To date, this effort has yielded six new high-resolution local pollen records from organic contexts located adjacent to Norse ruin groups (Buckland et al. 2009;Edwards et al. 2008Edwards et al. , 2011bGolding et al. 2011;Ledger et al., in press;Schofield and Edwards 2011;Schofield et al. 2008Schofield et al. , 2013. In addition, a multiple-proxy study from Lake Igaliku provides information on regional vegetation change (Gauthier et al. 2010), soil erosion (Massa et al. 2012a), and the biological impact of Norse landnám on the lake (Perren et al. 2012). ...
Accounts describing the Vatnahverfi region of Greenland are almost always effusive in their praise for the rich and bountiful nature of the landscape. Whether it was the dense scrub and woodlands, or the freshwater lakes and fertile green pastures, this landscape – contrary to elsewhere in the Eastern Settlement – is frequently assumed to have been an excellent location for Norse pastoral farming. Nevertheless, these observations are merely anecdotal in nature and based on the perceptions of archaeologists, or others who have visited the region. This paper asks whether Vatnahverfi was really the green and pleasant land that the literature would suggest, whilst exploring the rationale behind settlement in this region. Pollen-analytical data and associated proxies are deployed here in an attempt to assess whether the pre-landnám landscape was an attractive location for settlement, and to investigate vegetation and land-use changes consequent upon settlement. Pollen analysis allows an assessment of the natural capital of the pre-landnám (initial settlement) environment, which suggests that the central valley of north-west Vatnahverfi supported substantial Betula-Salix scrub or low woodland prior to landnám. The presence of woodland at landnám indicates the availability of a key resource (for fuel, building materials, or as fodder for livestock), and a cluster of early landnám era dates have been returned on pollen sequences from farms in the centre of Vatnahverfi. Data from pollen influx and coprophilous fungal spores associated with grazing animals also point towards this landscape having been particularly suitable for pastoralism. Poaceae (grass) pollen influx values, for instance, are often double those of farms in the Qassiarsuk region, suggesting higher hay yields with the potential to support larger numbers of domesticates. Radiocarbon age-depth modelling of pollen sequences suggests that abandonment of farms in the region may have begun from the mid-13th century AD, culminating in 14th century.
... 5%) signals the continued presence of grazing herbivores and a sustained decline in LOI (41% to 35%) may indicate an intensification of grazing-related erosion. Rumex acetosella (sheep's sorrel), a Norse introduction (Edwards et al., 2011a;Fredskild, 1973;Schofield et al., 2013), is recorded at the base of the zone as is a slight increase in microscopic charcoal, both of which are consistent with landnám elsewhere in Greenland (Edwards et al., , 2011a). Yet, the intensity of these changes is somewhat muted, a pattern similar to that observed by Schofield and Edwards (2011) at Qinngua. ...
Transhumance agriculture formed a key component of subsistence strategies in the Norse economies of the North Atlantic, with evidence of shielings or
sæters found in Norway, Scotland, the Faroe Islands and Iceland. It is frequently assumed to have played a role in Norse Greenland, yet little enquiry has
been made into such activity. This paper seeks to address this deficit, presenting the first palaeoenvironmental study of a suspected Greenlandic shieling
site in the uplands of the former Norse Eastern Settlement. Pollen analysis, 14C and associated proxies are used to date and assess the environmental and
landscape impact of shieling activity. Evidence for vegetation disturbance associated with Norse settlement is indicated from c. ad 985, but the shieling itself
is interpreted as having been established somewhat later (cal. ad 1050–1150). Initially the site appears to have been used exclusively for grazing of livestock
and there is tentative evidence for the use of burning to stimulate the spread of pastures. Pollen influx figures suggest the intensification, or initiation, of
hay production c. cal. 1225–1325 reflecting either the spread of settlement from the lowland valleys, or evolution of the site into a full farm in response
to population pressure. A reduction of human impact cal. ad 1300–1390 suggests a reversion to shieling activity, indicating similarities to transhumance in
northern Iceland. Abandonment of the site dates to cal. ad 1325–1415 and is in agreement with previous evidence from Norse Greenland.
In the late 10th century, the Norse established settlements in Greenland that lasted until the mid-15th century, driven by more than just climatic factors. These settlers introduced agropastoral practices and engaged in long-distance trade, especially in the highly prized walrus ivory. The Eastern Settlement (Eystribyggd), at 60 • N, proved to be the largest and best studied settlement, in contrast to the smaller Western Settlement (Vestribyggd) at 64 • N, particularly in the Kapisillit area. The Western Settlement was likely abandoned earlier than the Eastern Settlement, although the exact timing remains debated. The harsher climatic conditions may have pushed the western settlers towards a subsistence strategy focused, in addition to farming activities, on hunting and fishing. High-resolution multi-proxy analyses of lake sediments from Lake Itinera and Lake Pingu at Kapisillit, only 2 km away from the nearest Norse ruins, reveal subtle environmental changes and fire activity between 1000 and 1200 CE. These changes are characterised by a slight clearing of scrubland, including willows and alders, and an increased spread of herbaceous vegetation. Although the presence of coprophilous fungal spores suggests some herbivore activity, the data do not indicate significant grazing pressure. Instead, the declining values of these spores may reflect a decline in domesticated animals or increased hunting of wild herbivores, such as caribou, towards the end of the settlement period. After the mid-13th century, our results suggest a decrease in human influence, coinciding with the onset of the Little Ice Age. However, the reasons for the eventual abandonment of the Western Settlement remain unclear. This study provides evidence from pollen data and records of fire activity and contributes to our understanding of the complex interactions between societies and the environment, highlighting grazing and hunting pressure as key factors in vegetation change at the Western Settlement. The results highlight the complexity of interpreting environmental data, particularly in distinguishing between anthropogenic impacts and natural variability during the Norse period.
Strontium (Sr) isotope analyses were performed on a number of individual charred grains of barley recovered
from two selected Norse middens (Ø35; Ø49) in southwestern Greenland. The two middens were chosen because
remnants of barley had been found in them in a previous project. Here we investigate whether barley was grown
locally by the Norse or whether it was imported from Europe. While the Sr isotope signatures in each of the
middens are in themselves homogenous through their depth profiles, they are distinctly different in each of their
location (site Ø35 with an average 87Sr/86Sr = 0.70728 +/- 0.00058 (n = 5; 2σ).; site Ø49 with an average
87Sr/86Sr = 0.70978 +/- 0.00018 (n = 5; 2σ)). These compositions likely represent the homogenized signatures
impacted by foodstuffs, mainly bones of domestic animals, fish, whales and seals as major dietary constituents.
There is an additional contribution of local bioavailable strontium from the immediate surroundings, as
emphasized by the strontium isotope signatures of soil extracts, plants and surface waters that are different from
seawater strontium. Strong hydrochloric acid leaching of the barley grains, despite removal of > 90 % of the
labile strontium, only led to insignificant isotopic changes in the first residuals attacked by aqua regia. A second
aqua regia attack however was successful in recovering systematically more radiogenic 87Sr/86Sr signatures in
both sites (87Sr/86Sr = 0.711 to 0.718) than those characterizing the respective midden signatures. At Ø49 these
are compatible with the environmental soil extracts and plants, while at Ø35 the barley signatures resemble those
recovered from site Ø49 and most likely imply local cultivation of barley in the nearby elevated terrains around
the sites which are dominated by granitoid basement rocks of the Paleoproterozoic Ketilidian Province. Import of
barley from Norway can however not be excluded as bioavailable strontium from some areas along the western
coast and inner fjords has the same signature. Our results imply an effective adsorption of strontium from the
midden onto the charred grains, making it difficult to fully extract the original strontium isotope biosignature of
the barley.
The 14C dating of the middens show that they had been extensively disturbed and reworked during their
period of use, making it impossible to establish a reliable chronological stratigraphy. However, overall, the dates
indicate that Ø35 was established in the early 1000 s and operated for at least a couple of centuries. The midden
at Ø49 was likely established in the mid-1000 s and operated at least until the mid-1200 s.
Rapid warming and human exploitation threaten boreal forests. Understanding links among vegetation, climate, and people in this vast biome requires highly resolved long‐term records that integrate regional inputs. We developed an 850‐year pollen‐based record of supraregional vegetation change using a southern Greenland ice core and atmospheric modeling that identified the boreal and mixed‐conifer forests of eastern Canada as the dominant pollen source regions. Conifer pollen increased ∼1400 CE at the onset of the cooler and drier Little Ice Age. A subsequent decline began ∼1650 CE and a statistically significant pollen change after 1760 CE suggests ecological consequences of the Little Ice Age cooling and initial human exploitation that persisted until recent decades. These supraregional changes are broadly consistent with local records and demonstrate intensification of human impacts on northern forests, suggesting a shift from a climate‐modulated to an increasingly human‐controlled system during recent centuries.
Dans le cadre du changement climatique global, mieux comprendre les interactions Hommes/Climat au sud-ouest du Groenland est un enjeu actuel majeur pour développer des stratégies d’adaptation tout en préservant au mieux les écosystèmes. Pour cela, une approche rétrospective a été réalisée sur trois séquences lacustres retraçant l’histoire paléo-environnementale durant la seconde moitié de l’Holocène.
Le lac d’Igaliku (N61°00’22’’, O45°26’28’’) montre une sédimentation influencée par les activités agropastorales. Il s’agit donc d’un site d’étude idéal pour tracer de manière univoque ces dynamiques passées et leurs impacts sur les écosystèmes, à partir d’une approche moléculaire. Les biomarqueurs fécaux ont notamment permis de mettre en évidence la première phase agropastorale correspondant à l’installation et à l’exploitation de fermes Vikings, entre ca. 1000 et ca. 1400 après J.-C., pratiquant un élevage prédominant d’ovins. L’association de données moléculaires, palynologiques et sédimentaires a montré que ces activités agropastorales avaient engendré une réduction du couvert arbustif ainsi qu’une légère augmentation du taux d’érosion des sols. Dès l’abandon de ces territoires par les Vikings vers 1450 après J.-C., ces marqueurs environnementaux reviennent à des taux proches des conditions anté-colonisation, soulignant une résilience partielle des écosystèmes. Ce n’est qu’au XXème siècle, à la faveur du réchauffement climatique actuel, que de nouveaux élevages d’ovins s’installent au sud-ouest du Groenland. Cette nouvelle exploitation du milieu, associée à une création de parcelles de fourrage par labour mécanisé et fertilisation intensive, est, entre autres, responsable d’une réduction du couvert arbustif mais également d’une érosion majeure des sols associée à une altération de l’état trophique du lac d’Igaliku.
Les lacs de Qallimiut (N60°43’27’’, O45°23’12’’) et de Little Kangerluluup (N60°38’32’’, O45°38’11’’), sont situés en contexte faiblement anthropisé et sont alimentés par des tributaires à forte variabilité hydrologique. Ils correspondent à des systèmes sédimentaires dominés par des apports clastiques sous contrôle climatique dominant. Afin d’améliorer la résolution spatiale et temporelle des changements climatiques holocènes dans cette région, une étude sédimentaire multi-paramètre a été réalisée sur ces deux sites. Des analyses pétrophysiques, granulométriques, minéralogiques et géochimiques ont mis en évidence des niveaux de crues fréquents au cours des épisodes froids et humides comme la transition Milieu/Fin de l’Holocène (ca. 2500 avant J.-C.), la transition Sub-boréal/Sub-atlantique (ca. 700 avant J.-C.) et le Petit Âge Glaciaire (PAG ; entre ca. 1300 après J.-C. et ca. 1900 après J.-C.), de manière synchrone à des périodes de minimas solaires. Ces épisodes de détériorations climatiques ont particulièrement influencé les sociétés humaines successives installées dès ca. 2500 avant J.-C. au Groenland. Un maximum de fréquence de crues et une baisse drastique des températures sont notamment enregistrés pendant le PAG, indiquant qu’il s’agit de l’épisode le plus froid enregistré au sud du Groenland au cours de la seconde moitié de l’Holocène, responsable en grande partie de l’abandon de ces terres par les agriculteurs Vikings au XVème siècle.
The Viking Diaspora presents the early medieval migrations of people, language and culture from mainland Scandinavia to new homes in the British Isles, the North Atlantic, the Baltic and the East as a form of 'diaspora'. It discusses the ways in which migrants from Russia in the east to Greenland in the west were conscious of being connected not only to the people and traditions of their homelands, but also to other migrants of Scandinavian origin in many other locations. Rather than the movements of armies, this book concentrates on the movements of people and the shared heritage and culture that connected them. This on-going contact throughout half a millennium can be traced in the laws, literatures, material culture and even environment of the various regions of the Viking diaspora. Judith Jesch considers all of these connections, and highlights in detail significant forms of cultural contact including gender, beliefs and identities. Beginning with an overview of Vikings and the Viking Age, the nature of the evidence available, and a full exploration of the concept of 'diaspora', the book then provides a detailed demonstration of the appropriateness of the term to the world peopled by Scandinavians. This book is the first to explain Scandinavian expansion using this model, and presents the Viking Age in a new and exciting way for students of Vikings and medieval history.
For the greater part of the last century, anthropogenic palynology has made a sustained contribution to archaeology and to Quaternary science in general, and pollen-analytical papers have appeared in Journal of Archaeological Science since its inception. The present paper focuses selectively upon three areas of anthropogenic palynology, enabling some assessment as to whether the field is advancing: land-use studies, archaeological site study, and modelling. The Discussion also highlights related areas including palynomorph identification and associated proxies. There is little doubt that anthropogenic palynology has contributed to the vitality of pollen analysis in general, and although published research can be replicative or incremental, site- and landscape-based studies offer fresh data for further analysis and modelling. The latter allows the testing of both palynological concepts and inferences and can inform archaeological discovery and imagination. Archaeological site studies are often difficult, but palynology can still offer much to the understanding of occupation sites and the discernment of human behaviour patterns within sites.
Norse landnám (initial settlement) in Greenland is dated to AD 985 and witnessed the introduction of pastoral farming to a landscape where people using settled agricultural systems had hitherto been absent. The Norse colony was centred on two locations: the Western (c. 64°N) and Eastern Settlements (c. 61°N), which historical, palaeoecological and archaeological data suggest were abandoned by the mid-14th and 15th centuries respectively. Vatnahverfi is an inland district of the Eastern Settlement that has been described as a rich, bountiful landscape and an excellent location for farming. This thesis presents an enquiry into the nature and impact of Norse land use in this inland region, and examines how it compares to patterns from more typical coastal farms. High-resolution pollen analysis, associated proxies and radiocarbon dating have produced eight detailed vegetation reconstructions of the pre-settlement landscape, vegetation and land-use changes consequent upon settlement, and the period following abandonment.
Prior to landnám, the inland valleys of Vatnahverfi supported Betula-Salix scrub and areas of Betula pubescens woodland. This vegetation cover thinned towards the coasts where open grasslands were more common. The presence of woodland in the interior indicates the availability of a key resource and late 10th to early 11th century dates for landnám point to the region having been a desirable settlement location. Data from pollen influx and coprophilous fungal spores associated with grazing animals, suggest a rich and productive cultural landscape. Poaceae pollen influx values, for instance, are often double those of farms elsewhere in the Eastern Settlement, implying higher hay yields that may have supported larger numbers of domesticates. Radiocarbon age-depth modelling of pollen sequences indicates that abandonment of farms in the region may have begun from the mid-13th century AD. This process likely culminated in the late 14th century when all the farms studied had fallen into disuse.
Palaeoenvironmental data are presented from the site of Garðar (modern Igaliku), the location of the cathedral and the bishop's farm in the Norse Eastern Settlement of Greenland. The latter was founded from c. AD 985 and abandoned some time during the fifteenth century. Inspection of drainage ditches located in close proximity to the settlement ruins revealed inter alia an organic-rich unit containing cultural debris (worked wood, animal bone, stone and charcoal) dated by AMS radiocarbon dates on seeds to the period c. AD 1110—1370. Fossil insect and pollen assemblages contained within the deposit appear representative of natural environments (primarily wet eutrophic meadows) but are mixed with high frequencies of a range of synanthropic insects, including human and animal ectoparasites that could only derive from indoor habitats. This is strongly indicative of the manuring of fields with waste from houses and byres in order to increase yields of hay. Large amounts of hay would have been necessary to provide winter fodder for the bishop's herd of cattle — the largest known in Norse Greenland — and dung from these animals seems likely to have been a significant component of the material used to fertilize the fields. The process of spreading the manure at Garðar was probably integrated with the careful manipulation of water resources across the site, indicated by the presence of a network of irrigation channels and dams in the archaeological record, and comparisons are drawn with similar systems elsewhere in Mediaeval Europe.
Multiproxy pollen, sediment, plant macrofossil and subfossil insect analyses are used to explore environmental change at Stóra-Mörk in southern Iceland between ad 500 and 1500. Previous palaeoecological studies in Iceland have indicated that vegetation and landscape change rapidly succeeded the initial settlement of the island around ad 871, with strong environmental consequences. However, recent high-resolution studies in western and northern Iceland suggest that the timing and amplitude of these changes may be less uniform than previously assumed. The palaeoecological evidence from Stóra-Mörk shows an initially muted anthropogenic signal. Before the early tenth century, the area was characterized by damp birch and willow woodland. Large-scale human impact did not begin until after ad 920 when a change in land use to grazing and crop production is observed in the pollen, insect and plant macrofossil records. Shifts in vegetation and insect taxa and in aeolian deposition indicate that this activity resulted in woodland reduction, increased soil instability, eutrophication and land surface drying. The relatively late appearance of large-scale human impact at Stóra-Mörk is consistent with the tenth-century farm establishment suggested by the historical record, and the delay in settlement at the location may relate to an initial avoidance of labour-intensive woodland clearance and/or management of woodland resources. This paper adds to the emerging body of evidence that suggests that the scale and timing of the initial effect of the human presence on Icelandic environments was influenced by complex and varied climatic, landscape, vegetational and cultural factors.
In the light of data from the Greenland ice sheet concerning the ice-age climate, and palaeoecological studies of interglacial and Early Holocene deposits, the concept that a large proportion of Greenland's plants and animals may have survived during the ice ages is evaluated. While ice-free areas (refugias) were present, it is concluded that only hardy, cold-adapted species could have survived, which also explains why so few clearly endemic species are present in Greenland. Most members of the present biota are considered to be postglacial immigrants. Some species came to Greenland by walking or flying, but most arrived by passive, long-distance, chance dispersal, carried by wind, sea currents, and, in particular, birds. Transport by birds may explain why so many species arrived from Europe, because vast numbers of geese in particular migrate from northwest Europe to Greenland.
Radiocarbon dating, pollen and non-pollen palynomorph analyses from a lake core were used to establish the timing and effects
of farming activities around Lake Igaliku, Eastern Settlement, Greenland. The absence of agro-pastoral impact before the medieval
colonization by Europeans provides an opportunity to understand the development of farming activity in a pristine landscape.
The results show that the first phase of clearance and grazing pressure, without the expansion of the Norse apophyte (native
plant, in habitats created by humans) Rumex acetosa type, could have occurred in the 9–10th century a.d. The presence of Norse settlers and livestock is clearly recorded from the 11–12th century a.d. with increasing frequencies of the Norse apophytes Rumex acetosa type and Ranunculus acris type, and coprophilous fungi. This colonization phase is followed by a period of decreasing human impact at the beginning
of the 14th century, with a decrease in weeds, apophytes and coprophilous fungi suggesting a reduced grazing pressure. The
regrowth of Salix and Betula and the disappearance of anthropogenic indicators except Rumex acetosa type between the 15th and 18th century demonstrate the abandonment of the settlement, until the development of contemporary
agriculture in the 20th century.
KeywordsNon-pollen palynomorphs-Palynology-Grazing pressure-Greenland
The Norse colonisation or landnám of the North Atlantic islands of the Faroes, Iceland and Greenland, from the ninth century AD onwards, provides opportunities to examine human environmental impacts on ‘pristine’ landscapes of an environmental gradient from warmer more maritime conditions in the east to colder more continental conditions in the west. In this paper we consider key environmental contrasts across the Atlantic and initial settlement impacts on the biota and landscape. The modes of origin of the biota, which resulted in boreo-temperate affinities, a lack of endemic species, limited diversity and no grazing mammals on the Faroes or Iceland, are crucial in determining environmental sensitivity to human impact and in particular the impact of introduced domestic animals. Gathering new data, understanding their geographical patterns and changes through time is seen as crucial when tackling fundamental questions about human interactions with environment that are relevant to both understanding the past and planning for the future.
South Greenland, extending from 59° 45' to 62° 20' N., is considered a botanical province ranking with those of West, North and East Greenland. The province is divided into six vegetational zones, based on the distribution of selected taxa. A phytogeographical analysis grouped the 346 taxa into eleven distribution types, each with two to seven subtypes. Each taxon is characterized further by a map of its distribution in South Greenland, by its holarctic distribution type (HOT) and climatic distribution type (CDT), and by a chorological index value (CI). The flora of South Greenland is compared with that of adjacent areas in Greenland, and its affinities to the floras of Europe and North America shows a slight predominance of the American elements. The following new combinations are proposed: Elymus violaceus (Hornem.) J. Feilberg, Lychnis alpina L. ssp. americana (Fern.) J. Feilberg and Vaccinium oxycoccos L. ssp. microphyllum (Lange) J. Feilberg.
Holocene pollen and macrofossil diagrams from four low arctic lakes at Godthåbsfjord are presented. Each core has been divided into radiocarbon-dated palaeovegetation zones, based on the remnants of terrestric plants. The PY zones are physiognomically similar, but differences as to the composition and frequency of species can be seen between the two lakes in the interior and the two lakes from the outer coast area. The vegetation which invaded the deglaciated soil was open but rich in species, and 64 species or genera have been determined from the pioneer stage (c. 9400 - 8000 B.P.). Open soil plants were dominating, but dwarf-shrubs entered the vegetation, with species from snow-patches and snow-covered heaths dominating in the beginning. By 8000 B.P. Salix glauca and S. herbacea immigrated, and gradually the pioneer plants and chionophilous dwarf-shrubs were decimated. This Salix-Cyperaceae stage lasted until c. 6300 B.P., when Betula nana spread all over the area within a few centuries. A Betula nana-Juniperus stage lasted until c. 3500 B.P. In the subcontinental interior this was followed by an Alnus crispa-Berula nana stage, which in turn was replaced by a Beutla nana-Ericales stage around 1800 B.P. Alnus has never been able to grow at the maritime outer coast, where Betula, Cyperaceae, Empetrum and other Ericales dominated after c. 3500 B.P. Later on, Empetrum, Cypcraceae and snowbed plants gradually spread at the expence of Betula nana. After the deglaciation the temperature increased, reaching today's values between 8000 and 7500 B.P. At which time during the coming millennia the temperature curve peaked is not known, but it may have been fairly late, presumably during the Benita nana-Juniperus stage. Major climatic changes are registered in the interior at 3900-3600 and 1800 B.P., and at the outer coast at c. 3600 and 2500-2000 B.P. From around 8000 B.P. the development of the lakes is fairly independent of the physical conditions of the surroundings, being dependent mainly on the trophic stages of the lakes. These pass through a succession: highly productive, eutrophic – less productive, mesotrophic - very poor, oligotrophic. As well as in the flora and fauna, these stages are reflected in the sediment, which at the beginning was a clay gyttja followed by a jelly-like gyttja and, finally, by a loose, watery gyttja consisting mainly of precipitated humus. Chemical analyses of one of the cores confirm the oligotrophication. The pollen influx in the pioneer stage is less than 100 grains per cm2 per year, increasing during the Hypsithermal to c. 300 in three of the lakes and c. 1000 in the richest one, but since then the influx decreases somewhat upwards. A survey of the immigration or first appearance of some species palynologically important to South and West Greenland shows big time lags in the spreading of some species, e.g. Thalictrum and Angelica, whereas others, like Empetrum and Juniperus, have a more effective dispersal capacity.
Pollen- and macrofossil diagrams have been worked out from transects in four peat-covered depressions between Norse ruins at Qagssiarssuk. Willow scrub, rich in ferns and herbs, covered the area at the time of the landnam. After a clearance, grass-sedge communities rich in weeds, especially annuals, covered the area. Towards the end of the Norse period some of the transects indicate moister local conditions. Later on willow scrub spread again in the area. The history of some "Norse plants" is discussed, and finally the influence of the first agriculture on the vegetation in S. Greenland is compared with similar events in Scandinavia, Faroe Islands and Iceland.
Phytogeographically and climatically West Greenland includes parts of the low arctic and high arctic areas. The present vegetation and a summary of its history since the last glaciation based on pollen- and macrofossil analyses are briefly described. The determination of more than 55,000 herbarium sheets of native phanerogams has been checked. Before preparing the dot maps it was necessary to decide at which level taxonomically difficult genera, e.g. Antennaria, Draba, Poa, Puccinellia, and Stellaria would be treated. For all of these the criteria used are given. Dot maps have been prepared for 379 taxa. These maps have been grouped into 11 West Greenland distribution types, which clearly correlate with T. W. Böcher's biological distribution types (Böcher 1963). The collecting intensity in the large area is rather uneven. This is illustrated by a map giving the number of collections at the 305 localities from which 50 or more collections are at hand. Another map giving the number of taxa at 29 well-investigated localities illustrates the species diversity in the region. Most low arctic localities have more than 130 taxa, with 215 at the richest locality (Godhavn/Qeqertarsuaq on Disko), while the number at no high arctic locality exceeds 150. Reference to the corresponding numbers in other parts of Greenland is given. Based on the dot maps a new delimitation of West Greenland in floristic provinces and districts is presented. It differs somewhat from that in Grønlands Flora/The Flora of Greenland (Böcher & al. 1957, and later editions). The major alteration is that the boundary between the low and high arctic phytogeographic provinces is now placed through north Disko - Nuussuaq. As a consequence of this the southernmost district in the high arctic is divided into an outer (NWso) and an inner province (NWsi). Minor alterations are suggested in the southern part of West Greenland.
Ruins representing both medieval Norse and Inuit (Thule culture) settlements can be found together on the coast at Sandhavn (59°59′ N, 44°46′ W), Greenland. The site presents a rare opportunity to investigate the character of past contact and interaction between these two peoples. Soils-based, radiocarbon, and palynological analyses demonstrate the creation of hortic anthrosols within Norse home-fields used between the mid-11th and late 14th centuries A.D. Irrigation channels have been identified within the home-fields, while rising grass pollen influx reveals intensification in hay production over the period ca. A.D. 1260–1350 despite climatic deterioration setting in around this time. Floor deposits and wall packing from an Inuit winter house returned dates of cal. A.D. 1220–1290 (2σ), yet no direct landscape-based evidence for Inuit activity could be determined. Although the exact nature of the relationship between Norse and Thule at Sandhavn remains unclear, the role of this site as a harbor and possible trading area may have attracted Inuit settlers keen to participate in European trade networks. © 2011 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.
Pollen- and related proxy-based studies of human–environment interactions during the Norse and later periods within Greenland have primarily involved the investigation of peat, lake and soil deposits, all of which have taphonomic and sampling problems. Many small ponds exist, but they seem to have been relatively ignored in investigations of palaeoecologically based environmental history. To evaluate their usefulness for studies of ecologically related cultural history, especially where sites are in intimate association with the archaeology, a pond in the Norse Eastern Settlement has been examined to investigate three principal questions: (i) Does such a site contain a useful record of environmental history? (ii) Does it offer a record of sufficient resolution and sensitivity for the study of anthropogenic landscape impacts? (iii) Are there any apparent drawbacks to these sequences? Using data obtained from palynological, diatom, sedimentological and radiocarbon analyses, it is concluded that environmental data for each proxy – aside from 14C dating – are clearly capable of being explained in a reasonably straightforward and compatible manner and fulfil the hopes for the sampling medium. Copyright © 2011 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
The family Polygonaceae consists of some 40
genera with ca. 800 species. Its distribution is
cosmopolitan, but chiefly in the northern
temperate regions. The Polygonaceae
are of special interest as some of its
members are grown as crops (e.g. Fagopyrum
esculentum, Rheum officinale), while others are
well-known weeds (e.g. Polygonum aviculare,
Rumex acetosella). According to Nowicke and
Skvarla (1977) the Polygonaceae is one of the
most eurypalynous families among the dicotyledons.
The location of Eric the Red's farmstead of Brattahlið in Greenland's Eastern Settlement has long been debated. Following investigations in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, it was later concluded that it lay in the modern settlement of Qassiarsuk. A contrary view has been propounded by Ole Guldager who has suggested that a Norse ruin group at Qinngua, at the top of Eiríksfjörðr (Tunulliarfik fjord), is a more likely location. This paper presents new palaeoenviron-mental evidence involving pollen analysis and landscape history, together with a consideration of settlement structure culminating in the excavation of a putative church site, and suggests that wherever Eric's farm was located, it was probably not at Qinngua.
Colonisation by plants and animals and subsequent biotic development in west Greenland was studied by analyses of macrofossils in four Holocene lake sequences. One of the lake basins, located near the outer coast, was deglaciated shortly after the transition from the last glacial stage to the Holocene, and a basal date of 12,100–11,300 cal. years BP was obtained. Two of the lake basins located near the margin of the Greenland ice sheet were deglaciated several millennia later. The oldest sediments contain low-diversity floras and faunas. Some of the first immigrants were Chironomidae and Daphnia pulex, soon followed by other insects, crustaceans and other invertebrates. Water mosses, Ranunculus confervoides, Hippuris vulgaris and Potamogeton filiformis were among the first plants that colonised the lakes. The earliest Holocene terrestrial flora in west Greenland was probably entirely herbaceous, with Salix herbacea and Empetrum nigrum being some of the first woody plants to arrive. A number of invertebrates are new to the fossil fauna of Greenland, and the ostracod Ilyocypris bradyi that was found in one sequence, from 7000 to 6500 cal. years BP, has not been recorded from Greenland before.
The movement of the Norse across the North Atlantic has left a legacy which may be investigated in many ways, including floristically. Palynology – the science of pollen and spore analysis – is a key method for nvestigating the presence and scale of vegetation-based impacts of human communities upon landscapes. We explore the concept of a pollen ‘footprint’ for Norse age records covering a variety of plant types and communities. There appear to be no specific indicators in the Faroese or Icelandic pollen data, but suites of taxa do respond to the Norse presence. This also applies partly to Greenland. Although spatially differentiated, Rumex acetosella (sheep’s sorrel) would seem to either indicate a Norse presence in the Eastern Settlement, or to expand upon Norse arrival in the Western Settlement. Microscopic charcoal and
fungal spores are considered to be useful non-pollen indicators.
Quantitative reconstruction of the area cleared of forest in the past is essential to assess the possible indirect anthropogenic impacts on the past environment of Europe, including past climate. We apply a simul ation model of pollen dispersal and deposition (1) to re-examine the relationship between pollen and landscape openness, often uncritically inferred from non-arboreal pollen (NAP) percentages alone, and (2) to predict the relevant source area of pollen, the smallest spatial scale of vegetation that can be reconstructed from pollen records. The simulations use landscapes simplified from the modern open agricultural and semi-open forested regions in southern Sweden where traditional cultural landscapes still remain. The model is appropriate, because the simulated pollen assemblages resemble the pollen assemblages observed in each of the two landscape types, and because the simulated relationships between NAP percentages and percentage cover of open land within 1000 m agree with the empirical relationships. The simulated relevant source area of pollen is the area within 800–1000 m from both small hollows and 3-ha ponds. NAP percentages give only a rough first approximation of the percentage cover of open land. More comprehensive methods will be required to obtain quantitative estimates of open land from fossil pollen.
Using the HUMPOL simulation computer model we explored the effects of various factors characteristic of mosaic cultural landscapes on the Relevant Source Area of Pollen (RSAP sensu Sugita) of small lakes (50 m radius), and the representation of NAP and human-impact pollen indicators in small lakes. The following aspects were tested: 1) effect of variations in the spatial distribution of taxa/patches and species diversity on RSAP, 2) effect of changes in the proportion of landscape openness and size of openings on the RSAP and the pollen signal, and 3) the value of low-abundance anthropogenic indicator species to detect openness in the landscape. Moreover, we examined a methodological aspect of the MOSAIC computer program, i.e. the variability in RSAP due to inherent variations between replicates of random landscape simulation scripts using the program MOSAIC. We found differences in the RSAP estimates between runs using replicates of the same landscape created in the program MOSAIC. Such differences need to be taken into account when interpreting results involving the use of MOSAIC replicates. The simulations suggest that, if the model assumptions are valid, the RSAP is sensitive to vegetation structure in terms of patch size, and taxa/patch diversity and spatial distribution, whatever the properties of the taxa modelled. The longer the distance from each sampling site to get a sufficient cover of all taxa within the landscape, the larger the RSAP. If the spatial distribution of patches is very uneven and/or some taxa/patches are characterised by low frequencies in the randomized landscape, this distance will become longer. Further analysis of the results and new modelling experiments are necessary to provide better means for testing the presented hypothesis on the effect of spatial vegetation/landscape evenness on RSAP. The simulations indicate that, in hypothetical mosaic tree/herb landscapes including common NW European taxa of traditional cultural landscapes, RSAP estimates are relatively robust, i.e. will seldom be smaller than 1000 m and larger than 2500 m in radius in the case of 50 m radius lakes. NAP percentage is not a reliable “measure” of landscape openness. A NAP percentage value may represent a large range of openness percentage cover depending on the size and spatial distribution of the openness patches. Common pollen indicators of human impact and landscape openness will be represented in a pollen assemblage from small lakes when the landscape is relatively open (≥30%) and a minimum of 300–1000 grains is counted. Findings of pollen indicators of human impact may not be as reliable indicators of land use within the RSAP as has sometimes been assumed, especially when human activity is small scale. Moreover, it is important to realize that a small number of grains may indicate relatively large overall openness cover in the landscape, especially if the open areas consist of few large clearings rather than many small clearings.
Jordbundsundersøgelser i nordboernes Østerbygden i Sydgrønland viser, at der i perioder er foregået omfattende jorderosion. Erosionen har især ramt de tæt bebyggede dele at nordbosamfundet, i indlandet. Detaljerede jordprofilstudier og C‐dateringer af større trækulfragmenter fra forskellige lag i jorden er foretagede, ligesom jordenes erosionsresistens er undersøgt. Undersøgelserne viser, at de meget let eroderbare jorde har været stabile gennem Holocæn frem til det tidspunkt, hvor nordboerne gjorde landnam i området. I nordboperioden (c. 1000–1450) og igen i det 20. århundrede, hvor den moderne fåreavl startede, foregik omfattende og katastrofal jorderosion i større områder. Det stærkt erosive klima i samspil med de let eroderbare jorde udløser jorderosion i befæerdede områder lang tid før områdets generelle frodighed overbelastes. En manglede analyse af økosystemets egentlige achilleshaæl og en fokusering på en skønnet samlet græsningskapacitet gør det vanskeligt at undgå en fremtidig degradering af landskabet.
Pollen and macrofossils have been determined in samples from the Norse midden and from a peat section one km away, covering the periods A.D. 1000–1200 and the past two millennia, resp. The midden samples, reflecting all aspects of daily life, includes Flax (Linum usitatissimum) and Corn Spurrey (Spergula arvensis). The vegetation that formed the peat in the fen profile reflects a dry period to the landnam, indicated by a charcoal stripe, and a more humid period after the extinction of the Norsemen.
High-resolution paleoenvironmental data from a peat profile with a small pollen source area are used to reconstruct the impacts of landnám on vegetation and soils at a Norse farm complex (∅2 at Tasiusaq) comprising two farms in the Eastern Settlement of Greenland. Analyses include the AMS 14C dating of plant macrofossil samples and the use of Bayesian radiocarbon calibration to construct improved age–depth models for Norse cultural horizons. The onset of a regional landnám may be indicated by the clearance of Betula pubescens woodland immediately prior to local settlement. The latter is dated to AD 950–1020 (2σ) and is characterised by possible burning of Betula glandulosa scrub to provide grassland pasture for domestic stock. Clearance and grazing resulted in accelerated levels of soil erosion at a westerly farm. This was followed by an easterly migration of settlement and agriculture. Site constraints prevent an assessment of the demise of the easterly farm, but pressures of overgrazing and land degradation may have been the major factors responsible for the abandonment of the earlier farm.
Aim The objective of this paper is to explore the relationships that exist between vegetation and modern pollen rain in the open, largely treeless landscape of subarctic Greenland. The implications of these results for the interpretation of fossil pollen assemblages from the time of the Norse landnám are then examined.
Location The study area is the sheep farming district of Qassiarsuk in the subarctic, subcontinental vegetational and climatic zone of southern Greenland (61° N, 45° W). Between c. ad 1000–1500 this region was contained within the Norse Eastern Settlement.
Methods Detrended Correspondence Analysis (DCA) of harmonized plant–pollen data sets is used to compare plant cover in 64 vegetation quadrats with pollen assemblages obtained from moss polsters at matching locations. Presence/absence data are also used to calculate indices of association, over‐ and under‐representation for pollen types.
Results Good correspondence between paired vegetation–pollen samples occurs in many cases, particularly in locations where Salix glauca – Betula glandulosa dwarf shrub heath is dominant, and across herbaceous field boundaries and meadows. Pollen samples are found to be poor at reflecting actual ground cover where ericales or Juniperus communis are the locally dominant shrubs. Dominant or ubiquitous taxa within this landscape ( Betula , Salix and Poaceae) are found to be over‐represented in pollen assemblages, as are several of the ‘weeds’ generally accepted as introduced by the Norse settlers.
Main conclusions Due to their over‐representation in the pollen rain, many of the Norse apophytes and introductions (e.g. Rumex acetosa and R. acetosella ) traditionally used to infer human activity in Greenland should be particularly sensitive indicators for landnám , allowing early detection of Norse activity in fossil assemblages. Pteridophyte spores are found to be disassociated with the ground cover of ferns and clubmosses, but are over‐represented in pollen assemblages, indicating extra‐local or regional sources and long residence times in soil/sediment profiles for these microfossils. A pollen record for Hordeum ‐type registered in close proximity to a field containing barley suggests that summer temperatures under the current climatic regime are, at least on occasion, sufficient to allow flowering.
This paper focuses on the impact of Norse settlement on vegetation and landscape around the head of Tunulliarfik (Eriksfjord) in southern Greenland. Pollen, radiocarbon, microscopic charcoal and fungal spore data are presented from a peat monolith
which was collected close to the ruins of a large Norse farm complex (group Ø39 at Qinngua in the former Eastern Settlement).
Landnám is identified at ca. cal. a.d. 1020 by a small decrease in pollen from Betula, a slight increase in Poaceae, and the appearance of pollen from Norse apophytes (native plants favoured and spread by human
activity) and anthropochores (not native and unintentionally introduced by people). Increases in microscopic charcoal and
palynological richness are also apparent. This pattern is broadly consistent with that seen in other pollen diagrams from
this region. The sequence is unusual for Greenland, however, in that relatively high Betula pollen percentages (average 20% TLP) are recorded throughout the period of settlement, up to the end of the 14th century
a.d. before the profile becomes truncated. If these data are primarily representative of the dry land vegetation, then they suggest
that birch woodland and scrub may well have persisted close to the farm throughout the Norse period. Given the potential resource
value of woodland to the settlers, this may imply that birch was being managed sustainably, as was the case in Iceland during
the medieval period. Coprophilous fungal spores typically found on animal dung are abundant during the early phase of settlement,
yet subsequently decline in abundance. This may indicate a likely decrease in grazing intensity or livestock numbers over
time, possibly in response to climatic deterioration and/or soil erosion that is expected to have placed increased stress
on the pastoral farming system.
KeywordsGreenland–Norse–Pollen analysis–
Betula
–Woodland management–Coprophilous fungal spores
Tephra-dated, high-resolution pollen profiles from Ketilsstaðir, southern Iceland, indicate a largely unwooded pre-settlement environment, a probable consequence of the exposed coastal location. The degree of change associated with the Norse landnám is more limited than in many Icelandic pollen diagrams. There are three main periods of change in the post-settlement vegetational development of the area. Firstly, Norse settlement affected the hydrology of the bog, resulting in the near-disappearance of Sphagnum and agricultural activity led to a reduction of some species (e.g. Angelica spp. and, Salix). Secondly, the establishment of probable permanent settlement in the mid-11th century AD initiated expansion of such apophytic taxa as Plantago spp. Lactuceae, Ranunculus spp. and Pteridophytes. Thirdly, the ≥ 10 cm thick Katla tephra, deposited in AD 1357, enhanced drainage of the bog surface, favouring dryland taxa (e.g. Poaceae, Galium and Lactuceae). The tephra deposit and the associated drainage probably caused or contributed to the local extinction of the wetland beetle Hydraena britteni. The study has enabled a series of natural and humanly-related issues to be addressed including tephra-vegetation relationships, the anthropogenic reduction in plant diversity, and comparisons between historical and environmental settlement records.
The parent materials of all Icelandic soils are volcanic in origin, and most of the soils are classified as Andosols. Iceland has the largest area of Andosols in Europe, and may have >5% of all Andosols in the world. A new classification scheme based on the World Reference Base (World Reference Base for Soil Resources. World Soil Resources Reports 84, FAO, Rome) is used to provide an overview of Icelandic volcanic soils. The data were acquired as part of a recently initiated effort to build a database for Icelandic soils, but are also partly based on data from the EU COST-622 action, a literature review and unpublished Icelandic research. The main soil types in Iceland are Histosols, Histic Andosols, Gleyic Andosols, Brown Andosols, Vitrisols and Leptosols. In the Icelandic language, a single term is used to refer to each soil type. This system reflects the dominant influence of eolian deposition and drainage conditions on the formation of Histosols and Andosols. The parent materials of Icelandic soils are mixtures of tephra layers and eolian sediments consisting mostly of volcanic glass. The steady flux of eolian sediments from unstable sandy deserts constantly recharges the surface with basaltic tephra materials. The Histosols (>20% C) have appreciable amounts of andic materials because of the eolian deposition. The Andosols (Histic, Gleyic and Brown Andosols) show characteristic properties of soils dominated by andic materials with allophane contents of up to 30%. Ferrihydrite commonly accounts for 5–15% of the soil. The contents of both allophane and ferrihydrite generally decrease with increasing organic C content of soil horizons, as organic matter inhibits allophane formation and iron tends to become reduced and lost in poorly drained locations. The Vitrisols are soils of desert surfaces with low organic content, but they usually meet criteria for andic materials with >30% glass and (Al+1/2Fe)o>0.4%. Cryoturbation is intense in Iceland, resulting in a range of geomorphic surface features. The cryoturbation is related to both climatic factors and the andic soil properties including high water retention and rapid hydraulic conductivity.
In this paper, we estimate the Relevant Source Area of Pollen (RSAP) in past hypothetical landscapes of the Middle and Late Holocene in southern Sweden, in order to explore the possible effects of past changes in vegetation composition, openness and structure in terms of patch size and spatial distribution. The RSAP of small basins (bogs or lakes) in the past has to be estimated if quantitative reconstruction of past vegetation at the local spatial scale is to be achieved using Sugita's Landscape Reconstruction Algorithm (LRA). In this study we apply a forward modelling approach to estimate past RSAP using the computer simulation model HUMPOL. The landscape designs are based on past landscape maps produced using a combination of palaeobotanical, archaeological and historical data, and the area's geology and soil characteristics. Four time windows characterised by different landscape/land-use were selected, i.e. Early Neolithic, Late Bronze Age, Viking Age, and Middle Ages. We found that RSAP estimates for hypothetical past landscapes in Skåne differ by ca. 600 m to 1200 m between the selected time periods, whatever the size of the basin (lake or bog, 25–250 m radius). The most probable explanation for the differences in RSAP between time slices is variable patch size and spatial distribution of patches in the landscape. The RSAPs vary between ca. 1200 and 2300 m for small basins (25 m and 70 m radius), and between ca. 2000 and 3000 m for larger basins (250 m radius). These values are within the range of earlier estimates of modern and past RSAPs for southern Scandinavia obtained using simulated or empirical data. These results suggest that, given the type of setting of that region in terms of taxa composition and traditional land-use, the RSAP for small-size lakes (25–250 m radius) will generally be in the range ca. 1200–3000 m. The forward modelling approach is found to be useful to assess the possible effects on RSAP of changes in vegetation/landscape characteristics between different periods of the past. Moreover, comparison of RSAP estimates obtained using both the forward and backward modelling approaches will be important to identify the most credible RSAP estimates for the past.
Palynology, radiocarbon dating, and open-section stratigraphies from archaeological trenches are used to examine the impact of human activity around the time of Norse landnám on vegetation and landscape associated with a small farm (Ø34) in the Qorlortoq valley, Eastern Settlement, Greenland (61° N 45° W). Peat deposits from a mire abutting the Norse ruins revealed a discontinuous palaeoenvironmental record containing a possible hiatus from ca. AD 410–1020. Palaeovegetational data were recovered either side of this period. Pollen assemblages suggest that open Salix scrub dominated the landscape during the pre-settlement phase. The later phases of landnám resulted in the creation of hay fields and heavily-grazed grassy heath. Site abandonment is reflected by a re-expansion of Salix. This occurs shortly before the onset of deposition of a Sphagnum peat, dated to cal AD 1420–1630 (2σ) and reflecting an increase in mire surface wetness, probably in response to a deteriorating climate. Radiocarbon dates were obtained on peat and plant macrofossils sampled from either side of the proposed hiatus at two different but closely-spaced (<20 m) locations across the mire. These produced significantly different dates for the cessation of peat formation in the pre-landnám period (cal BC 2130–1770 and cal AD 240–410 respectively), but near-synchronous dates for the recommencement of peat growth (cal AD 890–1150 for peat and a probably more reliable interval of cal AD 1020–1190 based on plant macrofossils). It is suggested that this hiatus may represent the first direct evidence for peat cutting in Norse Greenland.
Four previously known ash layers (Ash Zones I and II, Saksunarvatn and the Settlement layer) all originating in Iceland, have been identified in the Central Greenland ice core GRIP. This correlation of the ash between the different environments is achieved by comparison of the chemical composition of glass shards from the ash. This establishes and confirms detailed correlations between the different types of depositional records and the absolute dating of the younger part of the ice core by counting annual layers dates the eruptions accurately. A precise connection with dates obtained by14C beyond the range of dendrochronology is established which provides an excellent confirmation of230Th-234U dates from corals. Four additional Icelandic ash layers have also been identified in the core but not yet correlated with known ash deposits.
Norse Greenland has been seen as a classic case of maladaptation by an inflexible temperate zone society extending into the arctic and collapse driven by climate change. This paper, however, recognizes the successful arctic adaptation achieved in Norse Greenland and argues that, although climate change had impacts, the end of Norse settlement can only be truly understood as a complex socioenvironmental system that includes local and interregional interactions operating at different geographic and temporal scales and recognizes the cultural limits to adaptation of traditional ecological knowledge. This paper is not focused on a single discovery and its implications, an approach that can encourage monocausal and environmentally deterministic emphasis to explanation, but it is the product of sustained international interdisciplinary investigations in Greenland and the rest of the North Atlantic. It is based on data acquisitions, reinterpretation of established knowledge, and a somewhat different philosophical approach to the question of collapse. We argue that the Norse Greenlanders created a flexible and successful subsistence system that responded effectively to major environmental challenges but probably fell victim to a combination of conjunctures of large-scale historic processes and vulnerabilities created by their successful prior response to climate change. Their failure was an inability to anticipate an unknowable future, an inability to broaden their traditional ecological knowledge base, and a case of being too specialized, too small, and too isolated to be able to capitalize on and compete in the new protoworld system extending into the North Atlantic in the early 15th century.
Changing economies and patterns of trade, rather than climatic deterioration, could have critically marginalized the Norse Greenland settlements and effectively sealed their fate. Counter-intuitively, the end of Norse Greenland might not be symptomatic of a failure to adapt to environmental change, but a consequence of successful wider economic developments of Norse communities across North Atlantic. Data from Greenland, the Faroe Islands, and medieval Iceland is used to explore the interplay of Norse society with climate, environment, settlement, and other circumstances. Long term increases in vulnerability caused by economic change and cumulative climate changes sparked a cascading collapse of integrated interdependent settlement systems, bringing the end of Norse Greenland.
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Invasion by plants and animals occurs everywhere, and has profoundly influenced the shape of the world's biota over geological time. From the very early stages of agriculture, humans have also intentionally transported crops and animals to other regions of the world, thus greatly advancing the material culture of different societies1; the introduction of many more organisms was not so welcome. Today, the scale of species introduction by humans is vastly increased. Vitousek et al., in a paper in the New Zealand Journal of Ecology2, argue that species introductions should be recognized as an important component of human-induced global change and as a serious threat to biodiversity.
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