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Collaborative Recall Reduces the Effect of a Misleading Post Event Narrative

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Witnesses are susceptible to misinformation from various sources but collaborative recall can reduce the effects of self-generated misinformation (e.g. Ross, Spencer, Blatz, & Restorick, 2008). We investigated whether collaborative recall could reduce misinformation effects produced by a narrative description of the witnessed event. 175 college students viewed a video of a car accident before reading a narrative recap and completing a recall task individually or collaboratively. A 2 × 2 factorial ANOVA for independent groups revealed a misinformation effect, greater recall accuracy for collaborative pairs than individuals, and a reduction in the misinformation effect for collaborative pairs. Results are consistent with past research on the positive effect of collaborative recall and lead to additional questions about the persistence of this effect.
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Author info: Correspondence should be sent to: Dr. Mark Rivardo, Psychology
Dept., St. Vincent College, 300 Fraser Purchase Road, Latrobe, PA 15650.
North American Journal of Psychology, 2009, Vol. 11, No. 1, 17-28.
NAJP
Collaborative Recall Reduces the Effect of a
Misleading Post Event Narrative
Tara E. Karns, Sara J. Irvin, Samantha L. Suranic, and
Mark G. Rivardo
Saint Vincent College
Witnesses are susceptible to misinformation from various sources but
collaborative recall can reduce the effects of self-generated
misinformation (e.g. Ross, Spencer, Blatz, & Restorick, 2008). We
investigated whether collaborative recall could reduce misinformation
effects produced by a narrative description of the witnessed event. 175
college students viewed a video of a car accident before reading a
narrative recap and completing a recall task individually or
collaboratively. A 2 x 2 factorial ANOVA for independent groups
revealed a misinformation effect, greater recall accuracy for collaborative
pairs than individuals, and a reduction in the misinformation effect for
collaborative pairs. Results are consistent with past research on the
positive effect of collaborative recall and lead to additional questions
about the persistence of this effect.
An extensive body of research on the fallibility of eyewitness
evidence and the exoneration of those wrongly convicted through DNA
analysis ultimately led attorney general Janet Reno to call for national
standards for interacting with witnesses (Wells et al., 2000). Yet there is
much to learn about eyewitness memory and how it can become
distorted. Post event information in the form of leading questions,
exposure to narrative accounts of the event and conversations with fellow
witnesses can lead to significant and practically important distortions. In
this experiment we further explored the effects of collaborative recall,
which may occur when two witnesses are casually questioned by another
individual who arrives late on the scene, such as a rescue worker,
reporter, or just a curious onlooker.
Leading questions (e.g. Loftus, 1975; Loftus & Palmer, 1974) and
narrative accounts (e.g. Loftus, Burns & Miller, 1978) can change
episodic memories and thereby affect the responses witnesses give
immediately and during subsequent sessions. These effects have been
replicated numerous times and many factors can contribute to them.
Gudjonsson has explored suggestibility differences based on numerous
individual differences and the techniques of interviewers. For example,
18 NORTH AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PSYCHOLOGY
suggestibility is negatively correlated with intelligence and memory
capacity, and positively correlated with field dependence (Singh &
Gudjonsson, 1992). Witnesses suffering from alcohol withdrawal
(Gudjonsson, Hannesdottir, Petursson & Bjornsson, 2002) or sleep
deprivation (Blagrove, 1996) are more likely to accept suggestions.
Interviewers who are firm rather than friendly are more likely to elicit the
effect in witnesses (Baxter, Boon & Marley, 2006). Furthermore,
repeated questioning about the event can lead to greater misinformation
effects (Roediger, Jacoby, & McDermott, 1996). Though younger
children are more susceptible to misinformation than older children (Ceci
& Bruck, 1993) and older adults show stronger effects than younger
adults (Karpel, Hoyer, & Toglia, 1993), people of all ages are affected by
post-event misinformation (Loftus, 2005).
Co-witnesses of a crime or traffic accident may also be sources of
misinformation when they spontaneously discuss what they have seen.
Gabbert, Memon, Allan, and Wright (2004) found that misinformation
effects are stronger with a face to face co-witness discussion than with a
post-event narrative. Likewise, Paterson and Kemp (2006) found
misleading post event information presented through a co-witness
discussion produced misinformation errors more consistently than did
leading questions, a newspaper report on the witnessed event, or a video
showing a discussion between two other co-witnesses.
In a procedure typical of those used in the co-witness literature,
Gabbert, Memon, and Allan (2003) had pairs of participants view videos
of the same incident, but from different perspectives. One witness was
able to see the girl in the video steal a small amount of money, but the
action was not visible from the other witness’s perspective. Participants
were asked to discuss the witnessed event before answering questions
independently. Over a third of the participants who had discussed the
event with another witness included in their statements information that
had been learned through the discussion. Furthermore, 60% of these
participants indicated that the girl was guilty even though they had not
actually seen her take the money. In a similar study, 60% of children
reported a detail that could not have been observed in the version of the
video that they viewed (Candel, Memon, & Al-Harazi, 2007).
Social factors of the co-witness interaction can affect misinformation
effects. Information from post event discussions was more likely to be
incorporated into reports of the event if the co-witness was a friend or
romantic partner (Hope, Ost, Gabbert, Healey, & Lenton, 2008) and
misinformation effects can be greater when misinformation is presented
in one-on-one discussion than in a group discussion (Dalton & Daneman,
2006).
Karns, Irvin, Suranic & Rivardo COLLABORATIVE RECALL 19
Co-witnesses might also participate in collaborative recall. In studies
mentioned previously, participants discussed the witnessed event but
then answered questions or freely recalled the event independently. In
other studies, participants have been questioned simultaneously.
Performance of collaborators is often compared to that of individuals or
of nominal groups, which are pairs of participants who recall
independently but have their non-redundant recollections pooled. In
general, collaborative recall tends to reduce performance compared to
nominal groups, but still be better than individual recall (e.g. Basden,
Basden, Bryner & Thomas, 1997; Weldon & Bellinger, 1997). However,
collaborative recall can reduce the frequency of false memories as well.
Ross, Spencer, Blatz and Restorick (2008) found that collaborative recall
reduced both self-generated and other-generated false memories.
Takahashi (2007) found collaborative recall reduced false memories in
the Deese-Roediger-McDermott (DRM) task (Roediger & McDermott,
1995), and Yaron-Antar and Nachson (2006) found fewer correct and
incorrect details were reported in collaborative recall than nominal
groups and individual recall.
The literature on group brainstorming shows similar patterns. Group
members are less productive than nominal groups but better than
individuals due to reduced motivation and increased self-attention (see
Mullen, Johnson & Salas, 1991 for meta-analysis). When working in a
group, task responsibility can be diffused, so individuals may feel less
motivated to contribute. Participants may also be more concerned with
meeting social expectations and therefore may withhold risky ideas.
When engaging in collaborative recall, witnesses might also withhold
details that they are less confident about to avoid the embarrassment of
mentioning something other witnesses might scoff at.
In summary, the many sources of potential misinformation, different
ways of measuring eyewitness accuracy, and different situational and
social factors make it difficult to predict whether a witness will give
accurate, credible testimony. Leading questions alone can affect
testimony (e.g. Loftus, 1975; Loftus & Palmer, 1974), but co-witness
interactions appear to be more influential (Paterson & Kemp, 2006). Co-
witness interactions prior to questioning can increase the amount of
details reported, though witnesses report details they did not observe
themselves (e.g. Paterson & Kemp). Structured collaborative recall of co-
witnesses can reduce self-generated false memories relative to individual
recall and nominal groups (Ross et al., 2008). Furthermore, collaborative
recall has been found to increase subsequent individual recall for word
lists (Basden, Basden, & Henry, 2000) and emotional events (Yaron-
Antar & Nachson, 2006). However, whether collaborative recall can
diminish the effects of narrative accounts remains to be seen.
20 NORTH AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PSYCHOLOGY
In the present study, participants viewed a brief video of a car
accident. After completing a filler task, participants were given a
narrative account of the accident, which was either accurate or contained
misinformation. Participants then answered questions individually or
with a partner. We expected the participants who received the accurate
narrative to have greater recall accuracy than those that received the
misinformation (e.g. Loftus, Burns & Miller, 1978). We also expected
accuracy to be greater for collaborative groups than for individuals (e.g.
Basden, Basden, Bryner, & Thomas, 1997; Weldon & Bellinger, 1997).
Finally, we expected collaboration to reduce the misinformation effect
because Ross et al. (2008) found a similar effect on self-generated
misinformation.
METHOD
Participants
One hundred seventy-five students ages 18 to 50 (M = 20.33, SD =
1.81) volunteered for this study. All participants were recruited from
undergraduate classes at St. Vincent College; a small liberal arts,
Catholic school in PA. Participants were randomly assigned to both a
description and a group condition. There were 109 women and 66 men
from an array of classes at the college. Almost all of the students were
offered extra credit for their participation in this study.
Materials and Procedure
After granting their informed consent, participants watched a 15 sec
video clip depicting a car accident (Moo-seung & Yon-hawa, 2006). The
video clip showed a woman talking to herself in her rearview mirror, not
paying attention to the road. She rear-ended a stationary vehicle driven
by a man at a stop light. Typically 15-20 students viewed the clip in a
standard 42-seat classroom. The room was filled to near capacity for only
2 of 10 sessions. The video was projected from a computer onto a wall-
mounted screen located at the front of the classroom. After viewing the
video clip, participants worked independently on a word search
(Livewire, 2007) as a filler activity for 2 min. Without the participants’
knowledge, we randomly assigned them to complete the recall test
independently or to collaborate with another participant. Participants
were separated by condition and taken to different rooms for the
remainder of the session. Once separated, the participants in the
collaboration condition were told that they would be working with a
partner and partners were seated together. Every participant completed a
demographic questionnaire and answered questions about their previous
familiarity with the clip. Participants in the collaboration condition were
also asked questions about their familiarity with their partner. Each
participant in the individual condition and each pair in the collaborative
Karns, Irvin, Suranic & Rivardo COLLABORATIVE RECALL 21
condition received one packet. The packet contained one narrative
description of the video clip (see appendix A), which was either accurate
or inaccurate. The inaccurate description described the car accident that
was viewed in the video clip, but contained some details that were
changed. After reading the narrative participants were asked to answer
questions about the video based upon their memory of the event.
Participants in the collaboration condition were told to discuss the
questions about the video clip and answer collaboratively. The
questionnaire required participants to give specific details from the video
clip. It contained 12 questions, 7 of which addressed critical details that
were changed in the inaccurate description (see appendix B). These
critical questions are considered to be crucial in identifying the cause of
and responsibility for the accident. After returning the packet to the
experimenters, the participants received a written debriefing and were
dismissed.
RESULTS
A 2(description: inaccurate or accurate) x 2(recall type: individual or
collaborative) univariate independent subjects analysis of variance
(ANOVA) was performed on the proportion of total questions correct.
Data analysis revealed significant main effects of description and recall
type and also a significant interaction between the two variables.
Participants who received accurate descriptions performed better (M =
0.86, SD = 0.11) than participants who received inaccurate descriptions
(M = 0.68, SD = 0.19), F(3, 112) = 19.73, p < .001, η
2
= .97.
Collaborative pairs (M = 0.82, SD = 0.14) performed better than
individuals (M = 0.71, SD = 0.20), F(1, 112) = 15.16, p < .001, η
2
= .12.
As shown in Figure 1, there was also a significant interaction
demonstrating that the misinformation effect was greater for individuals
than for collaborative pairs, F(2, 112) = 22.25, p < .001, η
2
= 0.28.
A 2(description: inaccurate or accurate) x 2(recall type: individual or
collaborative) univariate independent subjects ANOVA was also
performed on the proportion of critical questions correct, those questions
that were discussed in the description. Like the previous analysis, this
ANOVA revealed significant main effects of description and recall type.
Participants who received accurate descriptions (M = 0.91, SD = 0.14)
correctly answered more of the questions addressed in the description
than participants who received the inaccurate description (M = 0.65, SD
= 0.29), F(1, 112) = 42.85, p < .001, η
2
= .28. Collaborative pairs (M =
0.85, SD = 0.21) answered more of the critical questions correctly than
did individuals (M = 0.70, SD = 0.29), F(1, 112) = 14.24, p < .001, η
2
=
.11. The interaction between description and recall type for the critical
questions failed to reach significance, F(1, 112) = 3.05, p = .084. (See
Figure 2).
22 NORTH AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PSYCHOLOGY
A Mann-Whitney Test was performed to determine whether
individuals or collaborative pairs accepted at least one piece of inaccurate
information more often. Of those presented with the inaccurate
description, 25 of 30 individuals, and 20 of 30 collaborative pairs
accepted at least one piece of misinformation. This difference in
misinformation acceptance between collaborative pairs and individuals
did not differ, U = 375, p = 0.14.
FIGURE 1 Mean Proportion Question Correct for Individuals and
Collaborative Pairs Receiving Accurate and Inaccurate Descriptions.
Errors Bars Represent 95% Confidence Intervals of the Means.
DISCUSSION
Our results supported several of our hypotheses. As predicted, those
participants who read accurate descriptions had higher recall accuracy
Group Size
2.001.00
Mean Total Correct
1.00
0.80
0.60
0.40
0.20
0.00
Accurate
Inaccurate
Description
Mean Proportion Correct: All Questions
n = 30 n = 29 n = 30 n = 27
Individual Collaborative Pair
Recall Type
Karns, Irvin, Suranic & Rivardo COLLABORATIVE RECALL 23
for all of the questions asked and for the subset of critical questions.
Collaborative pairs also had more accurate recall than individuals.
However, collaborative recall did not reduce the effects of the misleading
narrative nor did collaborative groups have better recall than individuals
for the critical questions.
FIGURE 2 Mean Proportion of Critical Questions Correct for
Individuals and Collaborative Pairs Receiving Accurate and Inaccurate
Descriptions. Error Bars Represent 95% Confidence intervals of Means.
That we found the misinformation effect, greater accuracy for those
who read the accurate description, is not surprising. When answering
questions, participants may have relied on their memory for the video or
for the narrative. In some cases the participants may have misattributed
the source of the information such that they came to believe they had
2.00
1.00
Mean Important Correct
1.00
0.80
0.60
0.40
0.20
0.00
Accurate
Inaccurate
Description
Mean Proportion Correct: Critical Questions
Recall Type
n = 30 n = 29 n = 30 n = 27
Individual Collaborative Pair
24 NORTH AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PSYCHOLOGY
seen a particular detail in the video (Zaragoza & Lane, 1994), or they
may have accepted information from the narrative (Loftus, 1991). The
performance of participants who read the accurate description would not
have been hindered by source misattribution or information acceptance,
but the performance of participants who read the inaccurate description
could have been negatively affected by either of these effects. Moreover,
those that read accurate descriptions may have had their initial memory
reinforced by the narrative.
As expected, collaborative pairs had higher overall recall accuracy
and higher recall accuracy for the critical questions than did participants
who worked individually. The pairs had two sets of memories to draw
upon, so when one participant could not provide an answer the other one
often could. When collaborating, pairs may elect to defer to the person
deemed to have better memory for the information sought by the
question (Weldon & Bellinger, 1997; Yaron-Antar & Nachson, 2006) or
is most confident in their memory (Wright, Self, & Justice, 2000).
The focus of the present study was on whether collaborative recall
could weaken the misinformation effect. Our results showed a significant
interaction between description and group size on overall recall accuracy.
Collaborative pairs showed a smaller misinformation effect than
individuals. It appears that collaborative recall may allow witnesses to
dismiss misinformation generated by an inaccurate narrative. Ross et al.
(2008) found that when misinformation was brought up during
discussion and the partner expressed reservation about the item, the
incorrect information was usually excluded from the pair’s final answer.
However, it should be noted that the misinformation effect was smaller
for collaborative pairs than for individuals only when all questions were
evaluated. When just the critical questions were examined the interaction
failed to reach significance. This result could have been due to the
smaller range of scores associated with fewer questions.
Of the participants who received inaccurate descriptions, two-thirds
of both individuals and collaborative pairs accepted at least one piece of
misinformation. Even though participants may have accepted only one
piece of misinformation, that detail could contain crucial information of
the witnessed event. For instance, one of our critical questions asked
what, if any, damage was done to the cars. Some participants who
answered the question incorrectly still provided detailed, but inaccurate
answers. Testimony as to whether damage was actually caused by the
accident could be the difference between negligence on the part of the
accused and insurance fraud on the part of the accuser. Also, inaccurate
testimony about the physical appearance of a suspect can lead to the
prosecution of an innocent person.
Karns, Irvin, Suranic & Rivardo COLLABORATIVE RECALL 25
The proportion of witnesses who reported misinformation is a matter
of concern given the brief delays between the witnessed event, narrative,
and collaborative recall test. Discrepancy detection is easiest when time
between the event and the misinformation is brief because the memory
for the original event is still strong (Loftus, 2005). Likewise, if the delay
between the narrative and testing is brief then the memory for the
narrative is still strong, thereby increasing the chance of discrepancy
detection. In the present study both delays were brief. Participants
completed only a 2 min. filler task between the video and the narrative,
and they completed the questions immediately after reading the narrative
and turning the page. With such brief delays, it is surprising that so many
participants demonstrated the misinformation effect.
After witnessing a crime or accident there may be opportunities for
witnesses to interact and share information. Late arriving bystanders or
members of the media may ask witnesses to recall the event before law
enforcement or legal representatives have the opportunity to interview
them. Our study simulates the case where two witnesses might first hear
the event retold by a third witness before being asked to provide their
own, collaborative account. Our results suggest that collaborative recall
may decrease the effects of misinformation provided by an inaccurate
narrative, which could lead to a more accurate composite account of the
event. However, others have shown that subsequent testimonials may
contain information that was not initially witnessed (e.g. Candel et al.,
2007; Gabbert et al., 2003). So although the pair’s responses may be
more accurate because of the collaboration, their later, individual
responses may contain more fabrications.
This research can be extended in several ways to further build upon
the existing literature. Using free recall in addition to the specific
questions would allow for the performance of individuals and
collaborative pairs to be compared with nominal groups. Yet to be
determined is whether the effect of collaborative recall on the misleading
narrative effect will persist under later, individual recall. By adding both
free recall and a second recall session more comparisons to the results of
Basden et al. (2000), Weldon and Bellinger (1997), and Yaron-Antar and
Nachson (2006) could be made.
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28 NORTH AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PSYCHOLOGY
APPENDIX A
Descriptive Accounts of the Accident
Accurate
At approximately 12:30 in the afternoon on Friday, a young woman named
Katherine Ching hit the backend of a silver sedan stopped at an intersection. The
sedan was driven by Ben Yip. Witnesses say they saw Ching looking at herself in
the rearview mirror immediately before the accident occurred. There was no
damage to Yip’s car but, the front bumper of Ching’s red compact car was
damaged. There are no other details to report at this time.
Inaccurate
At approximately 12:30 in the afternoon on Friday, a young woman named
Katherine Ching hit the back end of a black sedan in motion. The sedan was
driven by Ben Yip. Witnesses say they saw Ching talking on her cell phone
immediately before the accident occurred. Yip’s sedan and Ching’s blue compact
car were not damaged. There are no other details to report at this time.
APPENDIX B
Post Event Questions
1. *What color was the car responsible for the accident?
2. *Were any cars damaged? If yes, describe the car and the damage done
to the car.
3. *What was the driver of the car responsible for the accident doing
before the accident occurred?
4. *Was the car that was hit in motion or stationary?
5. What color was the license plate of the car that was hit?
6. Was the woman’s hair long or short?
7. How many people were in the car that caused the accident?
8. *Were there any pedestrians hit?
9. What color was the woman’s steering wheel?
10. Was the man wearing a watch?
* indicates a critical question. Item number 2 was divided into three items for
scoring: (a) were any cars damaged, (b) describe the car that was damaged, (c)
describe the damage done to the car.
... Likewise, the observed results have been mixed. For example, Karns et al. (2009) showed participants a video about a car accident and then asked them to read a narrative with or without misinformation (between-subjects manipulation). Then, participants answered a questionnaire about the video, individually or in dyads (using the free-for-all method). ...
... (2020) and Saraiva et al. (2021) concluded that the freefor-all method could reduce the misinformation effect, supporting the results previously found by Karns et al. (2009). In Rossi-Arnaud et al. (2020), participants watched a bank robbery video followed by an immediate free recall task performed individually or in collaborative pairs. ...
... These processes can be enhanced by false information circulating in the social environment with important individual and social consequences (Maswood & Rajaram, 2019). Nevertheless, the existent studies on the production of false memories in social interaction contexts show mixed results (e.g., Karns et al., 2009;Rivardo et al., 2013;Saraiva et al., 2021;Thorley & Dewhurst, 2007). Previous studies using the DRM paradigm revealed that the production of false memories depends on the collaboration method used (Maswood et al., 2022;Thorley & Dewhurst, 2007). ...
... Further attempts to study false memories in the context of social interaction using the misinformation paradigm (Loftus & Palmer, 1974) have also reported contradictory results. For example, in the study by Karns-Wright, Irvin, Suranic, and Rivardo (2009), participants watched a video of a car accident and then read a narrative introducing correct information or misinformation. Finally, they answered to a set of questions about the video, collaboratively or individually. ...
... However, Rivardo et al. (2013) reached a somewhat different conclusion. In a similar procedure to that used by Karns-Wright et al. (2009), after responding collaboratively or individually to the questionnaire (time 1), participants individually answered the questionnaire again, immediately (time 2) and 1 week later (time 3). As expected, participants who were exposed to the narrative containing inaccurate information were more likely to report misinformation than those who received the accurate narrative (at both time 1 and time 2). ...
... Critically, 1 week later (time 3), participants who collaborated at time 1 reported more misinformation than those who answered individually (Rivardo et al., 2013). Recently, Rossi-Arnaud et al. (2020) reported similar results to those obtained by Karns-Wright et al. (2009). After watching a video, participants performed an individual or collaborative recall task. ...
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The emergence and transmission of false memories is well documented in individual memory tasks. However, the examination of these processes in the context of social interaction still presents mixed findings. The present study further examines the potential of collaboration in minimizing the acceptance and retrieval of misinformation. In Experiment 1 participants watched a video immediately followed by a recall task (collaborative vs. nominal). Then a questionnaire (collaborative vs. individual) containing true information and misinformation about the video was presented. After the questionnaire, participants were given a new recall task (collaborative vs. nominal). We expected that collaboration at encoding and at retrieval would reduce the acceptance and recall of misinformation. Results revealed, as expected, that collaborative groups performed better in answering the questionnaire, accepting more correct information and rejecting more misinformation. Subsequently, they also recalled less misinformation. However, their recall of correct information was also lower. To rule out the potential role of collaborative inhibition in explaining the results observed in the final recall, in Experiment 2 the collaborative manipulation occurred only during the questionnaire and both recall tasks were individual. Again, participants answering the questionnaire collaboratively performed better than those answering individually. Critically, in a subsequent individual recall task, they produced less false memories and more correct information than those answering the questionnaire individually. These results suggest that collaboration during information encoding reduces the acceptance of misinformation and its subsequent recall.
... On the other hand, the results briefly illustrated above indicate that, under specific circumstances, discussion between witnesses can help the pair to reject inaccurate information (Vredeveldt et al., 2016). In agreement with the latter hypothesis, Karns, Irvin, Suranic, and Rivardo (2009) had college students viewing a 15-sec video clip depicting a car accident; they were then required to read a description of the video which contained either accurate or inaccurate details, before responding to a series of questions, some of which addressed the specific details that were changed in the inaccurate description. This last phase could be performed either individually or collaboratively. ...
... The critical result was that the negative effect of misinformation (computed as the number of correct responses for participants who read the accurate description minus the number of correct responses for participants who read the inaccurate description) was significantly lower in collaborative than in individual pairs. Unfortunately, however, Karns et al. (2009) did not follow the standard procedure to compute the nominal performance (Basden et al., 1997;Weldon & Bellinger, 1997): thus, the extent to which their findings reflect a real difference between collaborative and nominal pairs remains unclear. Furthermore, a later study by the same research group (Rivardo et al., 2013) reached a different conclusion, showing no difference in the misinformation effect between individual, nominal and collaborative pairs. ...
... That is, the individual group was assessed following an III design, whereas the procedure for the collaborative group followed an ICC design. Based on the available literature (Karns et al., 2009;Ross et al., 2008;Vredeveldt et al., 2016;Wessel et al., 2015;Yaron-Antar & Nachson, 2006), we predicted that both the Yield and Shift scores should be significantly lower in collaborative than in nominal pairs (reflecting the error pruning effect of collaboration). On the other hand, we also predicted that nominal pair should recall a higher number of correct details in the immediate and delayed free recall task (reflecting the standard inhibitory effect of collaboration). ...
Article
Collaboration during the retrieval phase can have both negative and positive effects (referred to as collaborative inhibition and error pruning, respectively) on emotional and eyewitness memory. To further elucidate these issues, the present experiment used the Gudjonsson Suggestibility Scale to investigate the question of whether collaborative remembering reduced post-event suggestibility. Collaborative and nominal pairs listened to the GSS2, provided immediate and delayed (after 30 min) free recalls, and answered a series of leading questions before or after receiving a negative feedback about their performance. We found no evidence of collaborative inhibition in the immediate and delayed free recall tasks. Importantly, however, collaborative pairs produced less confabulated elements in the free recall tasks, were considerably less prone to give in to leading questions (both before and after receiving the negative feedback), and exhibited lower levels of Total Suggestibility, compared to both nominal and individual dyads. Taken together, these results support the conclusion that collaboration can have a beneficial influence on eyewitnesses’ accuracy, by strengthening their resistance to post-event suggestibility.
... Later studies have tried to increase the likelihood of disagreements in various waysfor example, by presenting participants with incorrect post-event information, by requiring them to answer misleading questions or by using paradigms specifically designed to generate memory errors (like the Deese- Roediger-McDermott paradigm: Takahashi, 2007). Regarding misinformation, Karns, Irvin, Suranic, and Rivardo (2009) employed a three-phase procedure in which participants first observed a video depicting a car accident, then read a description that included accurate or inaccurate details and, finally, answered a series of questions, some of which addressed the false details reported in the inaccurate description. The latter phase was performed either individually or in collaboration with a partner. ...
... In agreement, the analysis of the performance in the yes/no recognition task revealed that the proportions of false assents were consistently lower in collaborative than in nominal dyads, even after a 1-week delay from the encoding phase. Such a reduction aligns well with earlier evidence indicating that collaboration diminished the negative effects of misinformation (Karns et al., 2009) and lowered interrogative suggestibility (Rossi-Arnaud et al., 2019). ...
Article
Previous studies showed that collaborative remembering can reduce false memories through a process of mutual error checking, although conclusions were limited by the nature of the memory tasks (very few errors). The present experiments extend these findings to eyewitness memory by using a paradigm designed to increase the frequency of memory errors. Collaborative and nominal pairs viewed a video-clip illustrating a bank robbery, provided an immediate free recall, were forced to confabulate answers to false-event questions, and, after a short- (1 h: Experiment 1) or a long-term delay (1 week: Experiment 2), were administered a yes/no recognition task in which the misleading statements either matched the questions presented in the confabulation phase (answered questions) or not (control questions). Collaborative pairs recalled fewer correct details in the immediate free recall task, replicating the negative effects of collaborative inhibition. Most importantly, in the final recognition test, collaborative pairs were less likely to provide false assents to misleading statements, regardless of whether they had provided a response to the related false-event questions 1 h or 1 week earlier. Our results suggest that collaboration can increase the eyewitnesses' tendency to check the accuracy of others' responses and reject false memories through discussion.
... Personal or family-related information might also be shared socially between community members, especially in more collectivisticoriented cultures (Hofstede 1980). Collaborative recall is generally found to increase accuracy of shared information (Karns et al. 2009). This may be explained by the fact that more people may remember different aspects of the memories, which will lead into more accurate recall and estimates (Harris et al. 2008;Karns et al. 2009). ...
... Collaborative recall is generally found to increase accuracy of shared information (Karns et al. 2009). This may be explained by the fact that more people may remember different aspects of the memories, which will lead into more accurate recall and estimates (Harris et al. 2008;Karns et al. 2009). ...
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In some survey research settings, it may be not attainable or optimal to interview individual respondents without involving bystanders or third parties in the interview. Due to complex living circumstances or group culture, respondents may be helped by others in answering questions. However, this involvement of third parties raises questions about data quality and poses a challenge to the data collection process. Recognizing this, a natural field experiment was embedded in an urban resettlement study in the Philippines that allowed for spontaneous third-party help during certain parts of the interview. Using an event history calendar, data were gathered on numbers (of household-related transitions), names (of community leaders), and dates (years of public services). Quality of data was assessed and compared for the ‘‘with help’’ and ‘‘without help’’ conditions. The results showed that third-party help did not negatively affect data quality but rather improved it for most issues.
... That is, co-witness discussion can be a source of memory distortion, but it can also fill memory gaps and enhance accuracy if the co-witnesses' individual reports are accurate (e.g., Vredeveldt, Groen, Ampt, & Van Koppen, 2017). This interpretation is consistent with other evidence that discussants sometimes help each other remember more details and can even correct instances of misleading post-event information (Karns, Irvin, Suranic, & Rivardo, 2009;Ross, Spencer, Blatz, & Restorick, 2008). ...
... So far, few such methods have been proposed. They include: warning against misinformation (which was not always effective; see Chambers & Zaragoza, 2001;Greene, Flynn, & Loftus, 1982;Neuschatz, Payne, Lampinen, & Toglia, 2001;Zaragoza & Lane, 1994); using the cognitive interview (also with inconsistent results; Holliday & Albon, 2004;Memon, Meissner, & Fraser, 2010), or collaborative recall (Karns, Irvin, Suranic, & Rivardo, 2009;Ross, Spencer, Blatz, & Restorick, 2008). Given the scarcity of methods available for immunizing witnesses against misinformation and the great importance of the misinformation effect in real forensic situations, research concerning the question of how to make people less vulnerable to misinformation seems very important. ...
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The main aim of the present study was to investigate the influence of reinforced self-affirmation and reinforced failure on the memory misinformation effect. The misinformation effect consists in the witness including some incorrect details into their testimony, stemming from sources other than the original event. In the reinforced self-affirmation procedure, participants first recall their greatest achievements in life and are afterwards given a memory task with positive feedback about their performance on it. In a series of previous experiments, reinforced self-affirmation proved to reduce vulnerability to misinformation. The same result was obtained in the present study. Reinforced failure is a procedure not studied before, consisting in the participants recalling their greatest failures in life, connected with negative feedback about performance on a memory task. It was hypothesized that reinforced failure would increase vulnerability to misinformation. The results pointed to the opposite tendency – participants in the reinforced failure group performed better than those in the misled control group. The reduction in susceptibility to misinformation was greater in the reinforced self affirmation group than in the reinforced failure one. The results are discussed in terms of the possibility of constructing a method of immunizing people to the misinformation effect available in practice for a wide community of professionals dealing with interrogations.
... Many attempts have been made, particularly using the misinformation paradigm, to find a way to prevent or reduce distortion in recollections. This body of research has shown that several factors decrease vulnerability to misinformation, including: warning against misinformation (e.g., Blank, 1998;Chambers & Zaragoza, 2001;Echterhoff, Groll, & Hirst, 2007;Greene, Flynn, & Loftus, 1982;Wright, 1993); cognitive interviewing (Holliday & Albon, 2004;Holliday et al., 2012); collaborative recall (Karns, Irvin, Suranic, & Rivardo, 2009;Ross, Spencer, Blatz, & Restorick, 2008); psychotropic placebos (Clifasefi, Garry, Harper, Sharman, & Sutherland, 2007;S. Parker, Garry, Engle, Harper, & Clifasefi, 2008); arousal (English & Nielson, 2010); focused meditation (Wagstaff et al., 2011); bilateral saccadic eye movements (A. ...
Article
In this study, we aimed to determine whether reinforced self-affirmation (RSA), consisting of positive feedback about one’s memory skills and reflecting on one’s achievements, can reduce vulnerability to interrogative suggestibility. We used the Gudjonsson Suggestibility Scale (GSS) to assess two kinds of suggestibility: the tendency to yield to suggestive questions (Yield) and the tendency to give different answers after negative feedback (Shift). The RSA group was administered the RSA before undergoing the standard GSS2 procedure. The control group did not perform the RSA. The results showed that compared with the control group, the RSA group demonstrated significantly lower scores for all measures of interrogative suggestibility. There were no differences in memory skills and confabulation between the groups. Our results suggest that RSA may constitute the basis of an effective method to counteract the effects of misleading questions and negative feedback in the context of interrogation.
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General Audience Summary Often in criminal cases, multiple witnesses observe the crime. Co-witnesses might remember the details of the event differently, due to differing viewpoints, differences in arousal or attention, or mistakes due to the fallibility of memory. Co-witnesses often talk amongst themselves before being interviewed by police. This raises the possibility that witnesses’ subsequent statements may be distorted by misinformation from other witnesses. To explore this possibility, Kanematsu et al. (1996/2003) and Garry et al. (2008) exposed co-witnesses to subtly different versions of an event by using polarized video projectors. Co-witnesses sat next to each other, viewing the same screen but seeing (unbeknownst to them) slightly different versions of a movie (e.g., one witness saw a man wearing a blue baseball cap, whereas for the other witness the cap was black). After a short delay, co-witness pairs worked together to answer questions about the event, including questions about details that differed between the two movie versions. Finally, participants individually completed a memory test about what they had observed. People sometimes reported seeing details they had heard about from their co-witness. The present study replicated the Garry et al. (2008) experiment using the same procedure and materials and similar instructions in 10 countries: Brazil, Canada, Colombia, India, Japan, Malaysia, Poland, Portugal, Turkey, and the United Kingdom. The effect was observed in every country, demonstrating that this co-witness suggestibility effect is robust and common to many cultures. Participants conformed to their partner mostly when they had not contradicted their partner’s report during the discussion. Further research is needed to reveal the conditions under which discussion among co-witnesses is more versus less likely to lead to false reports and to explore for cultural differences in co-witness dynamics.
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Two experiments compared collaborative and individual recall. In Experiment 1, participants encoded pictures and words with a deep or shallow processing task, then recalled them twice either individually or collaboratively. Collaborative groups recalled more than individuals, but less than nominal groups (pooled individuals), thus exhibiting collaborative inhibition. However, group recall appeared to be more stable over time than individual recall. Groups and individuals both showed a picture-superiority effect, a level-of-processing effect, and hypermnesia. In Experiment 2, participants recalled the story ''War of the Ghosts'' (from F. C. Bartlett, 1932), and again collaborative groups recalled more than individuals, but less than nominal groups. Both the individual and collaborative recalls were highly organized. There was evidence that the collaborative groups tended to rely on the best individual to a greater extent in story than in list recall. Possible social and cognitive mechanisms are considered.
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Two experiments (modeled after J. Deese's 1959 study) revealed remarkable levels of false recall and false recognition in a list learning paradigm. In Experiment 1, subjects studied lists of 12 words (e.g., bed, rest, awake ); each list was composed of associates of 1 nonpresented word (e.g., sleep). On immediate free recall tests, the nonpresented associates were recalled 40% of the time and were later recognized with high confidence. In Experiment 2, a false recall rate of 55% was obtained with an expanded set of lists, and on a later recognition test, subjects produced false alarms to these items at a rate comparable to the hit rate. The act of recall enhanced later remembering of both studied and nonstudied material. The results reveal a powerful illusion of memory: People remember events that never happened.
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M. S. Weldon and K. D. Bellinger (1997) showed that people who collaborate on a recall test (collaborative group) perform much more poorly than the same number of people tested individually (nominal group). Four experiments tested the hypothesis that retrieval-strategy disruption underlies this collaborative inhibition when categorized lists are studied. Collaborative groups performed worse than nominal groups when categories were large (Experiment 1) and when category names were provided at recall (Experiment 2). However, collaborative-and nominal-group recall were equivalent when participants retrieved nonoverlapping parts of the list (Experiment 3) and when participants were forced to organize their recall by category (Experiment 4). Clearly, disorganized retrieval can account for collaborative inhibition with the materials and procedures used here.
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Collaborative inhibition, the poorer memory performance of collaborative groups as compared with nominal (noninteracting) groups was measured in the free recall of categorized lists. In Experiment 1, collaborative inhibition was present in four-person groups, but not in pairs of two-person groups, where each was compared with performance in four-person nominal groups. However, on a final individual free recall test, members of two- and four-person collaborative groups recalled a higher proportion of the list than members of nominal groups. In Experiment 2, recall in three-person collaborative groups was less than in three-person nominal groups but only on the first of three successive study-test trials. On the final individual free recall test, members of collaborative groups recalled more words than members of nominal groups. Despite inhibiting recall and reminiscence, collaboration benefits remembering when collaborators are subsequently tested individually. Copyright © 2000 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
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