Cities For People, Not For Profit: Critical Urban Theory and the Right to the City
... Mayer (2012) posits that urban policies designed to attract tourists and the creative class (Florida, 2002(Florida, , 2005 may inadvertently cultivate conditions that facilitate the emergence and proliferation of alternative radical milieus and creative subcultures. These milieus aim is to actively resist neoliberal restructuring, safeguard liberated areas, promote alternative lifestyles, and establish socio-economy initiatives (Brenner, Marcuse, Mayer 2012), contrasting with displacement of economically disadvantaged residents (Cocola-Gant, Gago, Jover, 2020). Notably, the most radical facets of grassroots social and cultural movements are increasingly opposing overtourism and the commodification of culture within urban settings, as evidenced by the emergence of anti-creative city movements (Hollands, 2023). ...
... As articulated by Leontidou (2010), grassroots mobilizations advocating for the 'right to the city' (Lefebvre, 1968) embody a spectrum of urbanistic imaginaries and conceptions of urban livelihoods. The literature in this field, originating from the concept of Urban Social Movements (Castells, 1983;Meyer, Tarrow, 1998, Pruijt, 2013, has subsequently evolved towards the approach of critical urban theory, as exemplified by Mayer, Marcuse, and Brenner (2012). Castells perceives these movements as agents of change of the urban system and suggests that mobilization can be explained by the intensity of urban problems and the contradictions behind them (Castells 1983). ...
... Numerous scholars have identified the predominance of exchange value in the production of contemporary cities as the fundamental cause of growing urban discontent (Lefebvre 1970, Harvey 2008, Brenner 2012. However, resistance against tourism, a fast-emerging phenomenon in cities across diverse contexts, has not, with several recent exceptions 1 , been paid sufficient analytical attention. ...
... This often manifests in the struggle to reinstate the importance of use value of urban space, over and above its exchange value. Or, as a popular rallying motto has it, in an effort to create "cities for people, not for profit" (Brenner 2012). Moreover, the right to the city represents a radical epistemological project, which entails a profound unlearning of the highly naturalized logic of individualism and teleological progress and which strives to create alternative ways of being together with others. ...
Considering its central role within the international economy and neoliberal urbanism, tourism as an interconnected global phenomenon remains largely undertheorized. This paper seeks to rectify this omission by shifting ethnographic attention to the concrete ways in which urban tourism implicates itself in the global processes of capital accumulation and dispossession, using the example of Prague’s advancement of short-term rentals. In the first part of my discussion, by focusing on the recent boom in Airbnb, I demonstrate how the official discourse of a ‘shared economy’ conceals Airbnb’s instrumentality in creating lucrative opportunities for
investment and speculation on the increasingly financialized housing market. Accordingly, I establish a direct connection between the emergence of short-term rentals (and as such tourism) and the growing gentrification of Prague, contributing to the still pioneering research on urban tourism and residential displacement. Drawing on literature on urban social movements and my own fieldwork, in the latter part, I explore forms of grassroots mobilisation against the increasingly predatory approach to Prague’s urban development and overtourism. Here, my findings challenge some of the conceptual limitations of western critical theory and literature
on postsocialism and situate urban tourism as an emerging subject for cross alliance urban organising.
... Bununla birlikte, kentsel rekabet ve mekânsal yansımaları üzerine yapılan çalışmalar, her şehrin rekabet avantajlarının ve önceliklerinin farklı olabileceğini vurgulamaktadır (Harrison & Hoyler, 2014;Gehl, 2010). Diğer yandan, büyüme ve rekabetteki eğilimin hep ilerlemeci olması, kent mekânı üzerinde baskı da yaratmaktadır (Harrison & Hoyler, 2014;Brenner vd. 2009;Cheshire, 1999). Temelinde rekabete dayalı unsurlar bulunan bu kentsel müdahaleler, bugün kentsel rant olarak nitelendirdiğimiz kent ve büyüme tartışmalarının odağına şehir ve bölge planlama disiplinini yerleştirmektedir (Harrison & Hoyler, 2014;Brenner vd., 2009;Ersoy, 2006;Glaeser vd., 2001;Cheshire, 1999). Dolayısıyla, kentler ekonomi ...
... 2009;Cheshire, 1999). Temelinde rekabete dayalı unsurlar bulunan bu kentsel müdahaleler, bugün kentsel rant olarak nitelendirdiğimiz kent ve büyüme tartışmalarının odağına şehir ve bölge planlama disiplinini yerleştirmektedir (Harrison & Hoyler, 2014;Brenner vd., 2009;Ersoy, 2006;Glaeser vd., 2001;Cheshire, 1999). Dolayısıyla, kentler ekonomik rekabetin bir alt unsuru olarak yer aldığı konumdan, rekabetin öznesi konumuna geçmektedirler. ...
Bu çalışmanın amacı, şehir ve bölge planlama disiplini perspektifinden kentsel rekabet kavramını, ölçme yöntemlerini ve planlama süreci ile ilişkisini incelemektir. TR71 İBBS-II Bölgesi'ndeki Niğde İli örneği üzerinden nitel bir çalışma ile rekabet endeksi ve alt göstergeleri, sosyo-ekonomik gelişmişlik göstergeleri ile birlikte kronolojik olarak değerlendirilmektedir. Niğde'nin yıllar içerisindeki değişimi dikkate alındığında, rekabet endeksinin altında yer alan makroekonomik istikrar endeksi, finansal derinlik endeksi, emek piyasası endeksi, insan sermayesi endeksi, yaratıcı sermaye endeksi, sosyal sermaye endeksi ve fiziki altyapı endeksi başlıkları altında Türkiye sıralamasında gerilediği görülmektedir. Rekabet gücü açısından finansal hizmetlerden yararlanma ve uluslararası pazarlara erişim avantajlı iken, yabancı sermaye varlığı ve iş yapma düzeyi konularında dezavantajlıdır. Sosyo-ekonomik olarak da TR71 Bölgesi'nde bulunan diğer iller olan Kırıkkale, Nevşehir, Kırşehir ve Aksaray içerisinde en az gelişmiş il konumundadır. Dışa açık, dinamik bir öğrenen bölge stratejisi izleyebilmesi için Niğde'nin alternatif gelişme senaryoları ile planlar üretmesi gerektiği ortaya çıkmaktadır. Kent planlama faaliyetlerinin çağın koşullarına uyum sağlayarak, kentin vizyonuna bağlı kalarak ilerlemesi gerektiği saptanmıştır. İş birlikleri ve bölgesel koordinasyonlar, ulusal kalkınma planlarından başlayarak hedeflere ulaşmayı kolaylaştırmaktadır. Kentler arası bilgi ve teknoloji paylaşımı, küresel rekabet ortamında büyüme hedeflerinin gerçekleştirilmesine katkı sağlamaktadır. Şehir ve bölge planlama, bu gelişmelerin odağında yer alarak, yerel potansiyeli keşfetmek ve ekonomik yatırımları yönlendirmek açısından önemlidir. Abstract: After the conditions imposed by the global economy, the delineation of distinct borders between countries has once again become evident. In a world where it is increasingly important to maintain local values while meeting international standards, competitiveness that has economic and social significance has prompted cities to reconsider their growth strategies. The aim of this study is to examine the concept of urban competitiveness, its measurement methods, and its relationship with the planning process from the perspective of urban and regional planning discipline. Through a qualitative study focusing on Niğde Province in the TR71 NUTS Level 2 Region, competitiveness indices and sub-indicators, along with socioeconomic development indicators, are chronologically evaluated from the past to the present. Considering Niğde's evolution over the years, the analyses indicate that under macroeconomic stability index, financial depth index, labor market index, human capital index, creative capital index, social capital index, and physical infrastructure index, Niğde has progressively fallen behind in the national rankings each year. Areas where Niğde has competitive advantages include access to financial services and international markets, but it faces disadvantages in terms of foreign capital presence and level of business activity. Socioeconomically , Niğde is among the least developed provinces in the TR71 Region, which includes other provinces like Kırıkkale, Nevşehir, Kırşehir, and Aksaray, and it has consistently remained among the least developed provinces over the years. Development initiatives such as collaborations and regional coordinations facilitate achieving goals from national development plans down to lower-tiered sub-plans. Exchange of knowledge and technology among cities and regions contributes to achieving growth objectives in the global competitive environment. Urban and regional planning emerges as a discipline at the heart of all these developments. Utilizing regional plans and spatial strategic planning is expected to facilitate the discovery of local potentials and guide economic investments, both domestic and foreign, by monitoring developments in other regions.
... Gleichzeitig werden Praktiken des Teilens von Gütern, Dienstleistungen und Räumen als eine Gegenreaktion auf Prozesse der Kommodifizierung und Privatisierung verstanden (Harvey, 2012;Shareable, 2018). Eine Vielzahl städtischer Initiativen, teils inspiriert von translokalen sozialen Bewegungen wie der Right to the City Alliance in den USA, den Derecho a la Ciudad-Bewegungen in Lateinamerika oder den Recht-auf-Stadt-Initiativen in Deutschland, stellen die Vorstellung der neoliberalen Stadt in ihren verschiedenen Formen in Frage (Brenner & Theodore, 2002;Mayer, 2012). Dabei gewinnen die Konzepte des Teilens und der urbanen Gemeingüter 1 -das heißt gemeinsam genutzter Ressourcen, die von lokalen Kooperationen zum Gemeinwohl verwaltet werden -sowohl als theoretischer Rahmen als auch als praktische Strategien an Bedeutung, um Transformationen hin zu sozialen, ökonomisch gerechten und ökologisch nachhaltigen Städten zu erkunden und zu aktivieren Ferguson, 2014;Koch et al., 2020;Petrescu et al., 2021;Radywyl & Biggs, 2013;Sharp, 2018). ...
... Es entwickelte sich zu einem gemeinsamen Banner für eine Vielzahl von Forderungen mit einem Fokus auf bezahlbaren städtischen Wohnraum sowie Zugang zu Infrastruktur und Dienstleistungen. Ebenso konstitutiv sind die Forderungen nach mehr sozialer Gerechtigkeit und Partizipation an Entscheidungsprozessen (Friendly, 2013;Mayer, 2012;Turok & Scheba, 2019). ...
Praktiken des Teilens stellen Möglichkeiten dar, Stadt alternativ zu gestalten, und sind zugleich komplexe Aushandlungsprozesse. Kann der Schulhof abends von der Nachbarschaft genutzt werden? Oder hat die Hausgemeinschaft Interesse an einem gemeinsamen Garten und Veranstaltungsraum? Offen ist, was solidarische und widerständige Praxen des Teilens begünstigt und welche architektonischen Interventionen die Teilbarkeit von öffentlichem Raum erleichtern. Auf der Grundlage empirischer Studien in drei deutschen Städten und einem Praxislabor werden Praktiken des Teilens, ihre Bedingungen, Potenziale und Grenzen untersucht. Die Autor*innen liefern Denkanstöße für Politik, Verwaltung, Wissenschaft, Initiativen und Wohnungsunternehmen.
... This perspective suggests that there is a single, Western way to design the built environment, often ignoring the diverse ways people live [73,74]. Second, we see the impact of neoliberal ideology and urban entrepreneurialism, which have shaped the dominant narratives in architecture and urban design-those of "livable" and "appealing" environments [23,75,76]. In the Russian Arctic, these ideologies are reflected in (1) the modernist urban settings of the "planned" Soviet cities, which exhibit a materiality aligned with the rational approaches typical of central regions [3][4][5][6], and (2) current urban renovation and master-planning projects, which operate on the belief that implementing successful practices from central areas in "peripheral" regions is vital for their growth and enhancement of comfort [23,76]. ...
The urban landscape of the Russian Arctic, shaped during the Soviet era of extensive urbanization, embeds narratives of colonial appropriation and serves as the foundation for ongoing urban development. In light of climatic, political, and social uncertainties, design disciplines must navigate the balance between environmental sustainability and the varied needs of residents, requiring a systemic approach to design. This study combines theoretical analysis with qualitative field research conducted in two Western Siberian cities (Novyy Urengoy and Tarko-Sale), including interviews, mental mapping, and systematic observation of urban life. Analysis of the collected data revealed significant challenges in current urban design practices, particularly regarding weather protection, seasonal adaptation, and social space creation. The proposed model constitutes a pioneering initiative in domestic Arctic urban research, aiming to conceptualize a context-sensitive approach to urban environmental formation, thereby challenging prevalent universal/mainstream methodologies and establishing a theoretical framework for future applications. Our theoretical model synthesizes representations, perceptions, and materiality, conceptualizing the architectural environment as a context-sensitive “life-support module”. This conceptualization emphasizes that successful Arctic urban design must emerge from specific local contexts rather than universal solutions, as demonstrated by our analysis of residents’ spatial practices and adaptations to extreme conditions. We reference media studies to analyze urban materiality as both an artificial construct that mediates perceptions of the immediate surroundings and as a generative force that actively shapes meanings, practices, and sensations. Our findings indicate that current standardized approaches to Arctic urban development often fail to address local needs and environmental conditions, suggesting the necessity for a fundamental shift in design methodology. Given that the urban realm is a fundamental component in shaping individual and collective perceptions, this conceptual shift has the potential to significantly influence prevailing societal views of the “empty” and “hostile” Arctic.
... The urban social movement, for Castells, must strive to fundamentally transform the capitalist state. These contributions to urban social movements have been useful to understand the dialectic between agency and structure (also see Brenner et al., 2011), but have yet to take on some of the intersecting complexities of race, gender, technology, policing, capital, and legal structures that emerge when focusing specifically on housing crises around the world. One exception is the recent special issue in Antipode (see Fields et al., 2024.). ...
This special issue seeks to unpack key mechanisms and processes at the intersections of mobilizations around homelessness, excessive policing, evictions, public housing, and vacant building occupations. Three questions drive its contributions: (1) How are the rising tide of housing movements—as well as their repression—around the world (re)shaping urban politics today? (2) What insights have social, urban, and housing movement scholars brought to produce a better understanding of housing under racial capitalism? (3) How does the Black Radical Tradition provide a generative framework for expanding our understanding of housing movements around the world? We build on work that views these processes as systemic and spatial, wherein practices of white supremacist capital accumulation and anti-Black and Indigenous dispossession are embedded and reproduced through individual transactions, such as the purchase and sale of real estate, which are then subsumed into a system of racialized spatialization. In the reproduction of urban space through new iterations of racialization, perceptions of individual outcomes become naturalized as consequences of a colorblind and democratic society that allots success and failure based on individual adherence to the system’s core tenets. We therefore urge housing researchers and organizers to look to the Black Radical Tradition, the role of women tenant organizers, the spatial divergence of the encampment, and the deployment of care as a means of resistance. These frameworks are critical to the remaking of urban space against public and private policies, institutions, and agents who continue to deploy violence to maintain the oppressive structures of commodified housing.
... But in order to seize these opportunities we have to confront the forces that create cities as alien environments, that push urbanization in directions alien to our individual and collective purpose. (Harvey, 1973, 313f) The forces that Harvey had in mind were primarily those of a capitalism, whose impacts on urban life were to make cities increasingly fit for generating profits but decreasingly fit for human habitationa point forcefully reiterated 4 decades later in the sloganized title Cities for People, Not for Profit (Brenner et al., 2012). Moreover, even when attempts are made to create cities for people, the result may be cities for some people and not for others. ...
This chapter explores the transition from exclusive to inclusive urban spaces in the smart city. It critiques a top-down approach to smart city development, the financialization of urban areas, and the resulting gentrification, which often benefits a privileged few while marginalizing vulnerable populations. The chapter argues that smart city technologies, while promising, can exacerbate existing inequalities if not designed and implemented inclusively as a pivotal element. The chapter proposes an approach based on the ‘right to the smart city’, emphasizing the need for participatory planning that includes diverse voices, especially those of marginalized groups. The chapter uses the New European Bauhaus project NEB-STAR in Stavanger, which experiments with participatory methods to create more inclusive urban environments. It calls for a shift in planning practices and the role of experts to prioritize the lived experiences of all city inhabitants, leveraging digital technologies, and collaborative approaches to foster social justice and equality in urban development. We further propose that strategic and persistent use of the legitimating power of artists, planners, researchers, and smart city technologies in support of marginalized visions throughout the planning process can lead to more just and inclusive urban development.
... Confronted with threats of displacement, Betonbos residents mobilized through the Rollend Goed protest, joining forces with Groningse Onderstroom to advocate for the preservation of their common space. This not only foregrounded the voices of other marginalized creative communities but also symbolized a widely felt 'cry and demand' (Marcuse 2012) for more non-commercialized spaces in Groningen. The political commoning struggles of Betonbos illustrate how resilient and robust social infrastructures not only withstand market pressures but also empower marginalized communities to reclaim their right to housing to create a more equitable creative city (Cayuela and García-Lamarca 2023;Dadusc 2019;Harvey 2006;Hollands 2023;Novy and Colomb 2013). ...
Accumulation strategies over the urban space increasingly target the emergent creative social strata through place-branding and urban transformation. In this article, we examine the role of squatting and urban commoning in creating resilient alternatives to housing commodification in Groningen, Netherlands. The COVA factory area, a communal space for artists, was targeted for ‘Stad aan het Water’ redevelopment scheme amid a shift towards creative city policies. Concurrently, the area transformed into an urban commons called ‘Betonbos’ squatted by urban artists. Countering the hegemony of neoliberal interests in the housing realm, street art communities turned to squatting and counter-branding to reclaim urban spaces. Through eleven qualitative walking interviews with urban artists, our research reveals how these movements resist commodification and foster an alternative creative city ethos. The Betonbos commons and its ally, Groningen Undercurrent, exemplify how collective action can cultivate empowering social infrastructures. By prioritizing shared governance and use-value, the Betonbos experience demonstrates the potential for a reimagined urban landscape beyond commodification. We foreground how grassroots movements such as Groningen Undercurrent work together to generate alternative social infrastructures grounded in spaces of resistance and struggles for a creative city framework that embraces diversity, inclusion, and the transformative power of collective action.
... O pueden ser parte de una determinada narrativa, trasmitiendo una idea central que trasciende, organiza, da sentido, posibilita y define la interpretación del problema, tema o demanda (Gamson et al., 1992;Lewicki et al., 2003;Arjen et al., 2011), relevando determinados hechos, argumentos y experiencias para su comprensión . Los encuadres pueden estar embebidos en una determinada narrativa o, con el tiempo, devenir en alguna; por ejemplo la narrativa neoliberal hegemónica, que hoy es parte del sentido común con el cual interpretamos, vivimos y entendemos el mundo (Ferguson, 1994;Harvey, 2007;Li, 2007;Ziai, 2016), o la contranarrativa de la teoría urbana critica, que suele enmarcar los modos de producción del espacio como parte de los mecanismos de poder y dominación (Soja, 1980;, Brenner et al., 2012. ...
Nos propusimos develar parte del universo científico-discursivo que, desde el campo de la planificación urbana, órbita alrededor del concepto de “plan maestro”, preguntándonos ¿cuáles son las formas sustanciales de encuadrar estos instrumentos? Nuestra hipótesis plantea que, en la discusión académica, los enmarques que posicionan a los planes maestros como herramientas de participación social y sostenibilidad ambiental –condicionado a mayor regulación– no serían los únicos ni los más relevantes. Para discutir esto, utilizamos la base de datos Scopus, seleccionando artículos cuyos títulos y palabras claves contuviesen el concepto “plan maestro” en inglés (master plan). Con la ayuda del software VOSviewer, sometimos dicho campo a un análisis bibliométrico y de conglomerado, para finalmente complementar con uno de contenidos. Los resultados dieron credibilidad a la hipótesis, develando dos principales tensiones no resueltas. La primera de ellas está entre quienes los enmarcan como instrumentos aportantes a la sostenibilidad ambiental y la participación social y quienes no; y la segunda, entre una posición minoritaria que encuadra dichos fines a mayor regulación y una mayoritaria que duda de dicha relación.
... O pueden ser parte de una determinada narrativa, trasmitiendo una idea central que trasciende, organiza, da sentido, posibilita y define la interpretación del problema, tema o demanda (Gamson et al., 1992;Lewicki et al., 2003;Arjen et al., 2011), relevando determinados hechos, argumentos y experiencias para su comprensión . Los encuadres pueden estar embebidos en una determinada narrativa o, con el tiempo, devenir en alguna; por ejemplo la narrativa neoliberal hegemónica, que hoy es parte del sentido común con el cual interpretamos, vivimos y entendemos el mundo (Ferguson, 1994;Harvey, 2007;Li, 2007;Ziai, 2016), o la contranarrativa de la teoría urbana critica, que suele enmarcar los modos de producción del espacio como parte de los mecanismos de poder y dominación (Soja, 1980;, Brenner et al., 2012. ...
RESUMEN/ Nos propusimos develar parte del universo científico-discursivo que, desde el campo de la planificación urbana, órbita alrededor del concepto de "plan maestro", preguntándonos ¿cuáles son las formas sustanciales de encuadrar estos instrumentos? Nuestra hipótesis plantea que, en la discusión académica, los enmarques que posicionan a los planes maestros como herramientas de participación social y sostenibilidad ambiental-condicionado a mayor regulación-no serían los únicos ni los más relevantes. Para discutir esto, utilizamos la base de datos Scopus, seleccionando artículos cuyos títulos y palabras claves contuviesen el concepto "plan maestro" en inglés (master plan). Con la ayuda del software VOSviewer, sometimos dicho campo a un análisis bibliométrico y de conglomerado, para finalmente complementar con uno de contenidos. Los resultados dieron credibilidad a la hipótesis, develando dos principales tensiones no resueltas. La primera de ellas está entre quienes los enmarcan como instrumentos aportantes a la sostenibilidad ambiental y la participación social y quienes no; y la segunda, entre una posición minoritaria que encuadra dichos fines a mayor regulación y una mayoritaria que duda de dicha relación. ABSTRACT/ We set out to reveal part of the scientific-discursive universe which, from the field of urban planning, orbits around the "master plan" concept, asking ourselves about which are the substantial ways of framing these instruments. According to our hypothesis, the academic frameworks that position master plans as social participation and environmental sustainability tools-conditioned on greater regulation-are not the only ones nor the most relevant. To discuss this, we used the Scopus database selecting articles whose titles and keywords contained the concept "master plan". With the help of VOSviewer, we subjected the field to a bibliometric and cluster analysis and finally complemented it with a content analysis. The results rendered the hypothesis credible, revealing two main unresolved tensions. One between those who frame master plans as instruments that contribute to environmental sustainability and social participation, and those who do not; and the second one between a minority position that frames said purposes to greater regulation and a majority that doubts said relationship. INTRODUCCIÓN El plan maestro es conocido a nivel global como un instrumento de planificación urbana, de orden indicativo y estratégico. Incluye procesos más o menos participativos e institucionalizados que generan imágenes objetivo bajo las cuales se organiza una serie de propuestas para orientar las decisiones de desarrollo urbano (Bell, 2005; Bobylev, 2009; Cabanillas et al., 2013) e incidir en la forma y la localización de sus componentes, por ejemplo, usos de suelo, infraestructuras y edificaciones. Además, los planes maestros son coherentes con documentos de alto nivel y actúan como una suerte de bajada operativa, y se usan para recopilar datos, identificar problemas, desarrollar y calibrar modelos, evaluar proyectos, formular planes y asignar calendarios, presupuestos y organizaciones responsables (Peraphan y Sittha, 2017). Si bien se asocian a una planificación urbana de escala menor a la cuidad, sus estrategias van desde la micro hasta la macro-escala, The Master Plan in the Scientific-Discursive Field of Urban Planning. A Review from Scopus
... 14 This depoliticization of sustainability is also evident in public policy. As Peter Marcuse (2012) notes, urban planning in its current form favors technological and market solutions to environmental problems without concern for the equitable redistribution of resulting benefits. Cities that present themselves as "green" and "sustainable" often maintain or even exacerbate existing inequalities, as these interventions favor middle and upper classes while low-income populations remain excluded from quality urban infrastructure. ...
Objective: Critically analyze the concept of urban sustainability, highlighting how it has been instrumentalized by neoliberal logics that favor social exclusion. The study seeks to expose how sustainability has lost its transformative character and become a tool for marketing and real estate valuation, contributing to gentrification and urban segregation. Theoretical Framework: The research is based on authors such as David Harvey, Erik Swyngedouw, and Sharon Zukin, who discuss the commodification of urban space, green neoliberalism, and the alienation of the right to the city. Theories by Henri Lefebvre on the right to the city and Pierre Bourdieu on the dynamics of power in social space are also explored. Method: A methodological approach based on critical literature review and case analysis was adopted to understand how the discourse of sustainability has been appropriated by economic interests to legitimize urban inequalities. Results and Discussion: The study concludes that urban sustainability, when co-opted by neoliberal practices, reinforces the status quo, legitimizes the privatization of public space, and deepens inequalities. The so-called "green cities" are often showcases to attract investments and tourists, excluding vulnerable populations. To reclaim its critical potential, sustainability must be linked to a social justice agenda and resource redistribution. Research Implications: The findings point to the need to reorient urban sustainability policies to make them inclusive and promote equity. This includes questioning the power structures that generate inequalities and ensuring that the benefits of environmental policies are distributed among all urban inhabitants. Originality/Value: The research provides an original contribution by criticizing the instrumentalization of urban sustainability as a tool of exclusion and proposing a conceptual restructuring that integrates socio-environmental justice into the urban agenda.
... As "a common, rather than a private right" (Clark, 2013, p. 133), the right to the city involves "a social practice of commoning" which treats the urban environment as "both collective and non-commodified" (Harvey, 2012, p. 73). In other words, cities should be "for people, not for profit" (Brenner et al., 2012). "Now," Clark (2013) writes, "exchange 'city' in the lines above with 'island'" (p. ...
“One island is enough” was written on a banner shaped like Penang Island, Malaysia, during a demonstration against the plan to create three artificial islands. The Penang South Reclamation (PSR) project, adopted by the local administration and developers, aims to finance the Penang Transport Master Plan (PTMP). This ambitious plan includes several components, such as monorail and light rapid transit lines. While land reclamation is not new in Penang, this mega-development project has faced unprecedented opposition from a wide range of actors. In dialogue with fishers and activists supporting the Penang Tolak Tambak (Penang Rejects Reclamation) campaign, and through the analysis of government documents, non-governmental reports, news articles, and social media, this paper traces how state, corporate, and civil society actors have shifted their focus from the PTMP to the PSR project. Thus far, scholarly literature on island environmental movements has focused on the right to the island and the right to nature, while claims related to the land-sea interfaces, which so clearly delineate island spatialities, have been somewhat neglected. By exploring the contested spatio-temporalities of this land reclamation project off the south coast of Penang, this paper expands the dialogue of the right to the island to include the right to the sea.
... This type of city exempli es more than just spaces where commodi cation occurs: this version of a city is shaped and constantly rearranged to maximize the pro t-generating capabilities of capital. 100 Here, pro t-making capacities arrange power in a way that becomes homogenizing, totalizing and intolerable for the everyday citizen. 'Don't Let Belgrade D(r)own' demonstrated how to activate public space through "self-managed, confrontational processes that defy the traditional construction of 'clean' and non-con ictual space and produce common spaces where collective rules are de ned and continually transformed by their users and inhabitants," 101 rather than collapsing into the abyss of its power. ...
In the normalized context of the philosopher Gilles Deleuze’s ‘control societies’ where our present is distanced from conceiving of any alternatives, and when history is read to normalize the status quo of good and evil, the future is foreclosed. Historical alternative models of society have been obscured by derogatory lenses, with the center of reason and ideas of freedom and equality belonging only in the Western world. An often disparaged context is the Balkans, a zone historically rationalized through the lens of violence and backwardness –a zone that lies outside of Anglophone and European values of order and peace. By analyzing the Belgrade Waterfront megaproject as an example of covert mechanisms, achieved through rapid privatization, transnational real estate, and the manipulation of laws to limit the public and professional engagement of urban and architectural representatives, the chapter demonstrates the reality of Deleuze’s control societies. However, the chapter also addresses the possibility of rupturing this control through a continual renegotiation of power. This is explained by examining the role of the contemporary ‘Don’t Let Belgrade D(r)own’ political movement and the historical reinterpretation of the Balkans through the formation of Yugoslavia and the ‘abnormality’ found in Belgrade and Serbia.
... Zwar werden Faktoren wie Macht in Planungsprozessen inzwischen stärker berücksichtigt (siehe im Kontext von Windkraftplanung Aitken (2010)), unklar bleibt jedoch, wie den inhärenten Verbindungen zwischen Machthierarchie und kollaborativen Prozessen begegnet werden soll (Andres, 2013). Im urbanen Kontext zeigt sich diese kritische Machtperspektive in der "Recht auf Stadt"-Bewegung, die sich gegen Entwicklungen wie Gentrifizierung richtet (Brenner et al., 2012). Zwar liegen Ideen vor, wie sich der problematische "Optimierungsgedanke" über die Transformationsidee (z. ...
... However, despite these innovative strategies, almost all interviewee accounts underlined that the current neo-liberal transformation of the urban space, weakening of the welfare state and the restrictive immigration policies are crucial intervening factors limiting their strategies. As already foregrounded in the critical urban scholarship, the transformation of social movements and their potential to change both the meaning and structure of the urban space should be understood in line with the neoliberalizing urban space (see among others Harvey, 2012;Brenner et al. 2004;Purcell, 2008;Mayer, 2006Mayer, , 2009. Following German reunification, Berlin also witnessed extensive neo-liberalization and resultant austerity policies. ...
This article identifies the dynamics of the refugee rights movements that have emerged in the wake of the 2015 “summer of welcome.” Building upon “New Social Movements” research and fieldwork in Berlin, the research traces these movements’ motivations/aims, social composition/profile, mobilization strategies/repertories of action, and social location. In line with critical urban studies, the article also reflects on how specific urban space and existing political dynamics inform and structure refugee rights movements. Finally, this research seeks to provide insights into our understanding of the New Social Movements in general and refugee rights movements in particular.
... A hallmark of left/progressive mobility is that affordable and accessible housing is a form of green mobility, but that green mobility is a policy failure if accompanied by carbon gentrification. This aligns with broader notions of the right to the city whereby non-property-owning classes have the right to remain in cities that are becoming increasingly exclusive due to gentrification and displacement (Harvey 2012;Brenner et al. 2012;Beitel 2013). Essentially this translates into supporting affordable housing policies and social welfare programs that keep a range of different categories of peopleunemployed or underemployed, artists, university students, lower-class service workers, renters, pensioners, and aspirational middleclass families seeking additional space in which to bring up their childrenin the city and also include these people in decisions about the city. ...
In this chapter I consider how local politics shapes policies that promote or impede green mobility, including walking, cycling, and public transport organized around compact, high-density, car free and car-lite urbanism. I refer to municipal or city-scale politics and examine two aspirational green mobility cities, Copenhagen, Denmark, and San Francisco, California to help understand why green mobility transitions have been slow to realize in even the most promising localities. Despite different governing structures and histories, the politics of green mobility in both cities is remarkably similar. In both cities there are three broad factions demonstrating ideological difference over green mobility. (1) A left/progressive political faction promotes green mobility as a public good that government should actively promote. (2) A neoliberal faction, sometimes labeled “moderate” in both San Francisco and Copenhagen, also promotes green mobility, but with a market-oriented, deregulated hue, especially on housing and real estate. (3) A right/conservative politics of mobility expresses skepticism towards green mobility transitions and seeks to preserve car access to city spaces. I highlight how each mobility ideology is operationalized through debates over green mobility, including housing, in San Francisco and Copenhagen during 2022, two years after the Covid-19 Pandemic first locked-down cities.
... We know from previous economic crises that exceptional environmental conditions may lead organizations and groups to set aside ideological and status differences (e.g., , enabling the formation of unusual alliances and cooperations. Indeed, it has been pointed out that the 2008 global financial crisis created the conditions for forming multigroup and cross-class alliances (e.g., Brenner et al., 2012;Greenberg & Lewis, 2017;. In one of the more optimistic accounts, envisioned that the crisis would enable alliances between "the deprived" and "the discontented," that is, between the impoverished and people otherwise constrained from exploring the possibilities of life. ...
The most sought-after areas are Mărăști for rent and Mănăștur for the purchase of apartments. Republica Socialistă România (în română Republica Socialistă România, RSR) a fost un stat socialist cu partid unic marxist-leninist care a existat oficial în România între 1947 și 1989 (vezi Revoluțiile din 1989). Din 1947 până în 1965, statul a cazare ieftina bucuresti Populară Română (Republica Populară Romînă, RPR).
... Therefore, 'local residents' are seen as devoid of power, which results in neglect of their perspectives, knowledge and needs and ultimately hinders democratic decision making. Furthermore, some scholars praise regeneration efforts in shrinking and marginalized places underpinned by capital interests, and thus contribute to narrating cities as places for profit generation and not for people, contrary to claims within critical urban studies (Brenner et al., 2012). ...
Questions of responsibility for future-making often arise in localities where the withdrawal of capital and state seem to leave tangible voids and a sense of loss. Over the past decade, academic discourse has furthered discussions on the role of civic engagement, local initiatives and their agency under conditions of urban shrinkage. However, scholars (including ourselves) are confronted with their own normative assumptions and aspirations when conceptualizing local initiatives in shrinking cities. Through reviewing the literature on this phenomenon, we identified three main epistemological pitfalls that emerge from the legacies of planning discipline, current neoliberal developments and scholars' own biases. By drawing from our fieldwork experiences, we conclude that local initiatives should be viewed in the plurality of their essences as extremely variegated in form and motivation. We therefore assert the need to disentangle research on local initiatives in shrinking cities from normative aspirations to avoid neoliberal responsibilization, and instead pay attention to the nuances of their aims and practices, achievements and constraints.
... https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0329-2857 ENDNOTES 1 For a complete overview and review of theories of social justice, see, for instance, Kitchin et al. (2019) and Rosol and Blue (2022); see also Marcuse (2012) and the right to the city as, fundamentally, a right to social justice. (2013) and his definition of the city as a legal space. ...
In light of the challenges surrounding the conceptualization and definition of spatial justice within our increasingly data-driven society, this article commences an inquiry into the convergence of space, justice, and data within human geography literature and related disciplines, focusing notably on the urban field. The paper outlines theories concerning social justice-based rights to the city, especially emphasizing the significance of existing literature that bridges such theories with recent scholarship on data justice. It supplements these discussions by deriving a theoretical framework for digital spatial justice rooted in other space-based theories, exploring the more-than-human realms of non-human entities, affect, and information.
... In aiming for spatial justice, PBPs attempt to balance regional disparities and local agglomeration effects (Soja, 2010;Neumark & Simpson, 2015;Weck et al., 2022). They underscore the imperative of equitable resource distribution across regions (Fainstein, 2009), evolving beyond mere economic objectives to rectifying spatial inequalities and ensuring a more balanced development landscape (Brenner et al., 2012;Austin et al., 2018;Ehrlich & Overman, 2020). ...
This paper explores how elected politicians' decisions impact place-based policies (PBPs) and the resulting consequences. It emphasises that understanding the political factors influencing PBPs offers insights into their effectiveness and potential pitfalls. The article draws upon the behavioural political economy theory, suggesting that political decisions often deviate from the purely rational due to cognitive biases and social influences. It examines the critical role of territorial intermediation, explores the potential discord between policy designs and ground realities, and investigates how broader political dynamics shape these trajectories. Additionally, the article probes the obstacles, including psychological, institutional and contextual factors, that may hinder policy implementation. In conclusion, the article proposes new avenues of research in regional, urban and planning studies that highlight the complexity of the political processes influencing these policies and calls for a multidimensional analysis of these processes.
... They believed the market would eliminate housing shortages and improve housing quality and that the state should support new social housing development as a market-correction strategy. In contrast, through the lens of critical urban theory (Brenner, 2009;Brenner et al., 2011;Marcuse, 2009), I draw on existing information on European social housing policy (Whitehead and Scanlon, 2007) to develop a critical analysis of the capitalist transformations of the Romanian and CEE housing regimes. Hegedüs et al. (2013: 31) noted that 'the social housing regime in CEE is still in transition', whereas 'the public rental sector has virtually disappeared in most transitional countries' (ibid.: 33). ...
This study analyzes public housing residualization as a multiscalar phenomenon, providing specific details about how it happened in a Central and East European context via the marketization of the housing system, the peripheralization of ‘the social’ and the racialization of ‘unhouseables’. It employs secondary statistical data, interviews, and document analyses to examine the endemic features of global capitalism within Romania's housing regime. The study shows that the dismantlement of the state‐socialist establishment has resulted in a lower social rental rate than in core capitalist countries. It observes that when the public housing stock has generally been depleted, newly established social housing is relocated to the peripheries of cities as a nonmarketable component of the dualist public housing sector. In Baia Mare, the municipality has created social housing enclaves for vulnerable groups associated with dangerous behavior by excluding them from other forms of public housing, whereas in Cluj‐Napoca, it has attempted to exclude marginalized people from public housing by turning it into a site of class warfare. In both cases, the housing stock under scrutiny is associated with the racialized Roma ethnicity. The approach adopted in the study enables the residualization of public housing to be addressed across the peripheralization–racialization nexus.
... Radical planning can be seen as an excellent attempt to implement a part of the structuralist (neo)Marxist analysis in the city (Brenner, Marcuse, and Mayer 2012), a theory that does not accept planning in the formal structures of neoliberal capitalism and stands against the government organizations and the economic interests of developers (Friedmann 1987;Grabow and Heskin 1973). Radical planning denies the formal political system of society and acts outside it to change the economic and political structures to eliminate systematic inequality (Schoenwandt 2016). ...
“Social justice” and “public interest” have traditionally been fundamental concepts for most planning theories. The planning
literature about these concepts has become a complex set of interpretations that make it difficult to explain the relationship
between the two concepts. The current article attempts to shed light on this conceptual confusion about the relationship
between these concepts by using the meta-synthesis method. This meta-synthesis leads to the identification of four distinct
perspectives “Utilitarians,” “Democratic Proceduralists,” “Structuralists,” and “Post-structuralists.” Each of which places
them in different positions from each other according to their distinct definitions of these concepts.
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza ewolucji teorii społecznego wytwarzania przestrzeni oraz refleksja nad jej aktualnością i zastosowaniem we współczesnych studiach miejskich. Prezentujemy rozwój tej koncepcji od fundamentalnych idei Henriego Lefebvre’a, poprzez ich rozwinięcia i reinterpretacje, aż po najnowsze ujęcia uwzględniające wyzwania ery cyfrowej. W naszych rozważaniach wskazujemy na potencjał teorii w analizie współczesnych zjawisk urbanistycznych, jednocześnie identyfikując wyzwania, przed którymi stoi. Konkludujemy, że pomimo wyzwań związanych z operacjonalizacją niektórych koncepcji, teoria społecznego wytwarzania przestrzeni pozostaje nie tylko aktualnym, ale i cennym narzędziem analitycznym, zdolnym do uchwycenia złożoności współczesnych procesów miejskich, pod warunkiem jej ciągłej aktualizacji i krytycznej refleksji nad jej metodologią.
I argue that alienation objections to housing markets face a dilemma. Either they purport to explain distributive injustices, or they hold that markets are objectionable on intrinsic grounds. The first disjunct is empirically dubious. The second undermines the motivation for objecting to housing markets, and overgeneralizes: if markets are objectionable due to alienation, so is all large-scale social cooperation.
A comprehensive evaluation of urban and suburban landscapes under expansions and recessions requires an in-depth understanding of historical, cultural, and political aspects and implications of long-term economic dynamics and short-term shocks. A tight integration between quantitative methodologies and qualitative approaches seems to be particularly appropriate when reading territorial complexity. By integrating different disciplinary visions, this chapter reflects on the latent evolution of spatially varying (urban and rural) landscapes. In a time of crisis, an increasing debate has been promoted on land quality, considering both agricultural and productive activities along the fringe, and on the related socioeconomic relations within metropolitan continuums. In a sustainable development perspective, urban areas can be seen as multifunctional districts favoring diversified economies, and promoting agriculture-related land-use possibly containing settlement expansion. Going beyond the aesthetic-visual approach typical of landscape studies, and reflecting a regional science perspective, a sustainable management of the intrinsic metropolitan spaces that are not strictly urban—and not strictly rural—is the final objective of our study. With this perspective in mind, an action plan stimulating virtuous paths and processes of sustainable development is finally delineated, revitalizing degraded environments in a time of reduced public budgets, and declining social cohesion in metropolitan regions.
Este artículo presenta una revisión teórica sistemática que examina la intersección entre el trabajo significativo y la dimensión política del trabajo, con un enfoque específico en el Tercer Sector. La revisión abarca principalmente literatura académica desde la década de 1970 hasta 2024, período que coincide con la emergencia y evolución del Tercer Sector como espacio socioeconómico distintivo. Esta revisión teórica resulta necesaria debido a la escasez de análisis críticos que examinen las contradicciones inherentes entre las aspiraciones de trabajo significativo y las condiciones laborales reales en el Tercer Sector. A través del análisis de contribuciones teóricas críticas, el artículo identifica la emergencia de una nueva subjetividad laboral que busca combinar autorrealización y compromiso social, pero que se desarrolla en un contexto de creciente precariedad laboral. Los hallazgos de esta revisión sirven para: 1) sistematizar el conocimiento existente sobre las tensiones entre trabajo significativo y condiciones laborales en el Tercer Sector; 2) proporcionar un marco teórico para futuros estudios empíricos sobre esta problemática; y 3) contribuir al debate sobre si la precariedad en este sector representa una oportunidad para nuevas formas de organización política o un riesgo para la emancipación social. La revisión concluye señalando la necesidad de repolitizar el debate sobre el trabajo significativo en el Tercer Sector y de desarrollar más investigación empírica sobre las dinámicas identificadas.
We begin this book with the not-so-provocative statement that the last few years have posed great challenges for contemporary societies. Climate change and other socio-environmental (and technological) risks; global health hazards and the intrinsic vulnerabilities they have exposed; (inter)national warfare and the concomitant rise in migration and refugee flows; the rise of ethno-nationalist and anti-immigrant sentiment that have ensued such migratory flows; soaring housing prices and the depletion of social welfare systems and social services. These are but a few examples of social problems that contemporary societies have had to grapple with in the last few years. And, although these are surely global issues, it might be argued that it is in the world’s urban areas that the effects of such challenges (crises), the struggles they stimulate (conflicts), and also their resolution (celebrations) take shape (Sassen, 2018). This edited volume aims to focus on the expressions of these contemporary global challenges in European urban areas. It revolves, and is structured around, these three central and interrelated dimensions of contemporary urban life: crisis, conflict, and celebration.
In 2015 INWARD - National Observatory on Urban Creativity started the project “Parco dei Murales”, a process of artistic requalification and social regeneration in the Ponticelli district, the eastern part of the great city of Naples. Four years after the completion of the pictorial works, questions regarding the influence of the creative program on the urban area arise: how did these interventions generate a change in the neighborhood? What impact did they have had on the community? Many inhabitants perceive the eastern outskirts of Naples as a marginal space of the metropolis of Southern Italy, a “liminal” area not only geographically but also socially if we think about the exposure of some segments of the population to situations of the uncertainty of the social and economic condition. It is noted that this area manifests an evident lack of services that can allow a transformation towards a condition of certainty. The artistic and social experience in the “Parco dei Murales”, was born to subvert all this and allow the external public to enter an inhabited space previously considered repulsive. In relation to three macro-categories as Art, Social, and Promotion, we will try to answer the initial questions to investigate the positive and negative aspects of a collective program. Through data related to the work experience collected from 2015 to 2021, to the elaboration of surveys, outputs submitted to the community, and comparisons with similar realities in Italy, we have reached a liminal moment of the work that is a moment of waiting between what has been achieved and the transformation in progress. What are future evolutions? How to envisage the extension of an urban creativity program for the social in a creative territorial system?
A nemnövekedés koncepciójára támaszkodó építészeti modell keretezése nemcsak szükséges, de kívánatos, mi több: megvalósítható. Bár egyelőre nem áll rendelkezésre minden léptékre kiterjedő, konszenzuális építészeti, urbanisztikai és designstratégia, a működési feltételeket és módszertanokat körvonalazó számos kutatás bizonyítja, hogy a tudomány létrehozza a tudásanyagot, mely szükséges ahhoz, hogy a praktizáló tervezők számára is kézzelfoghatóvá váljon a nemnövekedés absztrakt fogalma. A tanulmány ehhez a folyamathoz kíván hozzátenni azáltal, hogy i) a nemnövekedés építészetét értelmezési skálaként mutatja be, elhelyezve azt a nemépítészet, a radikális vagy konceptuális építészet, az építész nélküli építészet, a spekulatív építészet mezőjében, illetve ii) a nemnövekedés várostervezési elveinek és javaslatainak vizsgálatára a rendszerszemléletű megközelítést alkalmazza a nagy hatásfokú beavatkozási pontok feltérképezésének érdekében.
Penelitian ini dilakukan untuk menganalisis peran ITJ (Integrasi Transit Jakarta) seperti MRT sebagai pendorong masyarakat untuk mengunjungi Taman Literasi Blok M dan melihat Taman literasi Blok M sebagai ruang publik. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan metode wawancara mendalam dan wawancara tidak terstruktur. Data diperoleh melalui informan yang memenuhi kriteria, yaitu pengunjung Taman Literasi Blok M yang menggunakan transportasi MRT, serta secara sekunder melalui media massa atau internet. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Taman Literatur Blok M berhasil menjadi ruang publik yang memenuhi elemen comfort, relaxation, engagement, dan discovery. Selain itu, Pengembangan TOD (Transit Oriented Development) dan MRT berperan secara signifikan dalam meningkatkan minat individu maupun kelompok untuk mengunjungi destinasi pariwisata yang terintegrasi dengan baik.
Yaşlıların şehir yaşamında deneyimledikleri mekânsal dışlanma sorununu ele alan bu çalışma, kent hakkı ilkesine dayanan sosyal hizmet müdahalelerini değerlendirmektedir. Değerlendirme, mevcut literatürün kapsamlı bir taramasına dayanmaktadır. Tarama sürecinde, ulusal ve uluslararası literatürden elde edilen veriler, ilgili anahtar kelimeler ve konular etrafında toplanmış ve analiz edilmiştir. Edinilen bilgiler, yaşlı dostu şehir projeleri, kent hakkı ilkeleri ve sosyal hizmet stratejileri açısından karşılaştırmalı bir bakış açısı sunmak üzere sistematik bir şekilde değerlendirilmiştir. Derlenen verilere göre, kamusal alanların tasarımında 'yaş' faktörünün ihmal edilmesi, yaşlılar, çocuklar ve gençler gibi gruplar için dezavantajlar doğurmakta ve yaşlı bireylerin şehir yaşamının sunduğu imkanlardan tam olarak faydalanamamalarına yol açmaktadır. Bu durum, yaşlılar arasında fiziksel, duygusal, sosyal ve ekonomik sorunlara neden olmaktadır. Araştırmanın amacı, bu sorunları çözüme kavuşturmak ve yaşlıların şehir yaşamında daha aktif ve entegre bir şekilde yer almalarını sağlamak için kent hakkı ilkesine dayalı sosyal hizmet önerileri geliştirmektir. Sosyal hizmet, dezavantajlı gruplar arasında yer alan yaşlıların refahını öncelikli olarak ele almakta ve onların güçlenmelerini ve genel yaşam kalitelerini artırmayı hedeflemektedir. Özellikle şehirlerde, sosyal hizmet yaşlı bireylerin özel ihtiyaçlarını karşılamak için çeşitli destekler sunarak, bu grupların şehir kaynaklarına erişimini ve fırsat eşitliğini sağlamayı amaçlamaktadır. Bu yaklaşım, sosyal hizmetin şehir alanlarında etkinliğini artırmayı ve yaşlı bireylerin hakları konusunda toplumsal farkındalık ve savunuculuk çalışmalarını teşvik etmeyi benimsemektedir. Sosyal hizmetin katılımcı bu stratejisinin, yaşlı bireylerin şehir yaşamındaki rolünü güçlendireceği ve daha kapsayıcı ve adil şehirler yaratılmasına katkıda bulunacağı savunulmaktadır.
The mundialization process has led to significant transformations in the urban space, where new relations between public power and financial sectors have expanded the social base necessary for capital accumulation, thus contrasting with the reproduction of human life needs. In such a neoliberal context, where the State has opened up the command of the urban space production to flows and interests of the private market, decreasing its participation as the provider of the common good and, in many cases, reinforcing its role as the insurance of capital profit, questions on inclusiveness, equality and equity 1 , common to the fields of sociology and politics, have started to gain headway in talks on architecture and urbanism. One of the reasons for this discussion is most areas under urban transformation have been facing an uncertain future due to the lack of basic public services. Supported by urban laws, developers are occasionally exempt from responding to such needs, which are left in the hands of market competition and the offer-and-demand logic.
How is the housing issue in Southern Europe changing under the pressure of the arrival of foreign “new citizens”? This chapter explores this question through two Sicilian case studies that share the need to provide some initial answers to the aforementioned issue. The complexity of the issue brings with it a further question, which highlights how the mutation underway is an open question that centrally concerns urban and territorial policies: How can territorial and urban planning address this issue, going beyond the emergency responses that have been implemented to date? The first case study illustrates the issue of the presence of migrant workers in rural areas, problematising the issue in terms of two aspects: the preponderance of foreign workers in areas of agricultural excellence and the emergency measures taken so far to address the problem of temporary accommodation for agricultural workers. The second case study focuses on the city as a historically privileged physical and relational space for social interaction with others (foreigners). The recognition of different forms of citizenship (inclusive or exclusive) of social groups is reflected not only in the use of urban space, places to live, work and trade, or in the provision of services, but also in planning techniques that design new expressions of citizenship by distributing resources (material or immaterial). In both cases, the study of migrations succeeds in highlighting the contradictions that the territory expresses. It denounces the inadequacy of territorial and urban policies and the general lack of will to manage and regulate the phenomenon of the modification of the social framework in both agricultural and urban contexts.
The final chapter weaves together the various threads that pervade this book: trust, home, housing insecurity, and activism. Home as a space of trust does not lose its significance in the face of the housing crisis; rather, its potential and significance are underlined. The analysis reveals not only the pitfalls of the current housing system and the hardships of people on the ground, but also the strong sense of belonging people continue to feel and home’s potential for current activism around the housing question. This chapter thus aims to strike a hopeful chord, showing that while the home has become unsettled, it remains a central building block of urban society. Things are thus more complicated than to simply attest a loss of home and trust in times of the US housing crisis. Rather, the final chapter highlights the ambivalence of home and trust. When analyzing people’s housing biographies, home is simultaneously about trust and distrust, about belonging and displacement, about rootedness and venturing into the future. Having extrapolated the significance of home, this chapter then concludes in a call for a universal right to housing as part and parcel of the right to the city.
Le partage de l’espace et la cohabitation sociale dans les grandes villes sont soumis à différents diktats. Entre la spéculation immobilière, la revitalisation, la densification et les mouvements de populations, ce partage est souvent bousculé. Ce que les études démontrent jusqu’à maintenant c’est un partage inégal de cet espace au détriment des populations marginalisées, surtout des populations en situation d’itinérance. Pour être attractives, les villes repoussent les populations perçues comme étant indésirables au regard des activités commerciales et touristiques. Les populations en situation d’itinérance voient donc leur accès à la ville compromis principalement en raison de leur occupation de l’espace public jugée comme étant fautive. Ces populations n’ont nulle part où aller, nulle part pour disparaître. En parallèle, en matière de prise en charge des populations en situation d’itinérance, le logement est souvent placé comme la pierre angulaire de toutes les démarches d’intervention et c’est à partir du logement qu’est donc pensée la réinsertion sociale (de manière micro-sociologique) ou encore la réduction des inégalités sociales (de manière macro-sociologique). Par ailleurs, de nombreuses villes occidentales, comme Montréal (Québec, Canada) connaissent d’importantes crises du logement, rendant l’accès à ceux-ci plus difficile que jamais. Est-il alors possible, d’exister, d’utiliser, de circuler, de se rencontrer dans l’espace, sans avoir d’ancrage à un logement? Cet article cherche à revoir, de manière inédite, les pratiques qui s’interrogent sur le vivre-ensemble, sur la cohabitation sociale, afin d’identifier celles qui contribuent davantage au bien-être des personnes en situation d’itinérance. C’est plus particulièrement en recourant aux pratiques d’aménagement (architecture, design, urbanisme) et aux pratiques d’intervention sociale (travail social, médiation, soin) que nous tenterons de déplacer notre regard pour favoriser un meilleur partage des espaces urbains.
En la jerarquía de movilidad urbana sostenible, caminar es el modo de desplazamiento que promueve la equidad y el beneficio social con menor impacto en el medio ambiente (ITDP, 2012); existen diversos elementos y condicionantes en el medio construido que impactan en la decisión de preferir esta forma de desplazamiento. La relación entre peatones y el entorno urbano es la parte central de esta investigación, se estudian los componentes de la calle y los parámetros para la calidad peatonal en ámbitos geográficos específicos, con el objetivo de identificar aquellos que favorecen o limitan la movilidad. Se incorpora el aspecto histórico de la planificación urbana, buscando la relación entre la forma de la calle, sus transformaciones con el paso del tiempo y el impacto que tiene en la actividad peatonal.
La posibilidad de caminar no solo se relaciona con movilidad, sino que forma parte de una discusión más amplia referente a las condiciones de vida y opciones para el hombre en la ciudad (Gehl, 2014). La intención de jerarquizar al peatón surge de identificar la desigualdad en el acceso al equipamiento urbano en función del modo de desplazamiento. El entorno de movilidad peatonal en Hermosillo, México, se estudia desde la vialidad Luis Donaldo Colosio. Se considera el contexto histórico, las dinámicas que impulsaron su planificación (Fernández-Güell, 1997), las cualidades físicas del entorno construido y el tipo de actividad que sostiene; la aplicación de la herramienta de caminabilidad Peatones Primero (ITDP, 2018) y el registro de actividad peatonal se relaciona con el uso y ocupación del suelo para evaluar la calidad del entorno.
Bu çalışma, insanlığın coğrafya üstündeki egemenliğinin ve değiştirici müdahalesinin günümüzdeki en uç aşaması olan neoliberal kentleşme süreçlerini, imar, inşaat ve emlâk sektörleri üzerinden, kentsel alanın ve nüfusun büyümesi, bölünmesi, ayrışması, yenilenmesi ve dijitalleşmesi öğeleriyle ve Neomarksist kent kuramının yöntemsel ışığı altında incelemek amacıyla hazırlanmıştır.
The central goal of this book is not just to make the claim about densification leading to social exclusionand gentrification in housing, but rather to explain—with the help of the IRRanalytical framework (see Chapter 2 ) —what local governance mechanisms at play are responsible for this development and to identify the reasons behind this complex situation. To accomplish this aim, three theoretical blocks were identified that help to understand densification from a neoinstitutional and actor-centered perspective: social sustainability in housing (dependent variable), institutions (independent variable), and actors’ use strategies (intermediary variable (see Chapter 2 for theoretical basis). At the end of Chapter 3, five research hypotheses are presented, which address all the main dimensions needed to cover the main research question in a convincing manner.
The book pertains the coherent integration of the four scientific articles—all published in well-known academic journals in the field. It therefore presents an outstanding empirical analysis of four case studies in Switzerland, including not only a detailed analysis of the selected case studies, but also detailed comparisons carried out according to the specific needs of the different articles. 54 interviews were carried out in total. Article 1 starts with the analysis of the Swiss federal institutional regime in force to understand how the Swiss federal government defines policies for housing (re)development in dense urban environments (sub-question 1). Article 2 discusses the concept of social sustainability in housing from different theoretical perspectives. Article 3 further investigates how densification materializes at the municipal level. It focuses on public policies and policy instruments that guide densification of housing stocks in municipalities. Finally, Article 4 then shifts the focus from the federal to the local level and examines in a single case study how private property owners respond to the Swiss policy shift towards densification.
At a stage of capitalism where “the environment” emerges as an existential category, conservation policies become weaved into processes of expulsion. The idea that there is not enough for everyone reconfigures social relations according to the logics of guest-worker societies, where rights and belonging are contingent on employment. Through the exploration of mobile homes as a practice of im/mobilization and resistance to the dynamics of expulsion in El Chaltén (Argentina), I develop the concept of permanent impermanence as a way of theorizing the affective experience of Anthropocene im/mobilization, and its patterning across spatial and temporal dimensions.
This paper deals with the question of how oppositional movements can adapt their protest strategies to meet recent socio-spatial transformations. The work of Lefebvre provides several clues as to how an alternative discourse and appropriation of space could be incorporated in such protest strategies. One of the central themes in Lefebvre's work is that the appearances, forms and functions of urban space are constitutive elements of contemporary capitalism and thus that an alternative narrative of urban space can challenge or undermine dominant modes of thinking. What exactly constitutes the “right” kind of alternative discourse or narrative is a matter of both theoretical and practical consideration. The paper analyses one case: the May Day protests in London in 2001, in which a protest group, the Wombles, managed to integrate theoretical insights into their discourse and practice in a highly innovative manner. Since cities, and global cities in particular, play an ever more important role in maintaining the consumption as well as production practices of global capitalism; they potentially constitute local sites where global processes can be identified and criticised. It is shown that the Wombles effectively made use of these possibilities and appropriated the symbolic resources concentrated in London to exercise a “lived critique” of global capitalism. Since the Wombles capitalised on trends that have not yet ended, their strategies show a way forward for future anti-capitalist protests.
The racialised regulation of space under apartheid was increasingly undone by insurgent popular action from the late 1970s. After apartheid a technocratic agenda that reduced the urban crisis to a housing crisis successfully depoliticised the urban question. At the same time the state made often violent attempts to reinscribe certain aspects of apartheid spatial logic by forcibly removing shack dwellers living in well located suburbs to tiny houses, and then later ‘transit camps’, in peripheral ghettoes. However from 2004 there was a remarkable sequence of popular protest against local governments across the country. An autonomous shack dweller’s movement, Abahlali baseMjondolo, emerged from this grassroots ferment and has since issued a compelling demand for organisational autonomy, grassroots urban planning and the right to the city.
Worker Centers: Organizing Communities at the Edge of the Dream By Janice Fine. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2006. 316p. 21.95 paper.
The notion that immigrants need institutions of support as they try to make it in the U.S. economy is certainly nothing new. At the turn of the century, Jane Addams and the Settlement House Movement, beginning in Chicago with Hull House, made it their mission to provide the types of support that would ease immigrants' transition into American life. Janice Fine's Worker Centers is essentially a primer for activists on the role of worker centers as institutions designed to provide support to low-wage workers, especially immigrant workers in metropolitan areas. Defining worker centers as community-based mediating institutions that provide support to low-wage workers, Fine considers the effectiveness of these centers in improving the lives of low-wage workers. She also raises an even larger question: Just what institutional mechanisms are necessary for integrating low-wage immigrants into American civil society so that they can derive the benefits of ongoing economic representation and political action?
Einschätzungen über die Rolle von städtischen Bewegungen für gegenwärtig in der BRD stattfindende Umstrukturierungsprozesse sind von unterschiedlichsten und bisweilen merkwürdig konvergierenden politischen Interessen geprägt. Nicht nur die Ökolibertären bei den GRÜNEN propagieren die Nutzbarmachung kleiner Netze und intermediärerStrukturen, auch innerhalb der CDU wird die Öffnung gegenüber »alternativer Basiskultur« und Selbsthilfeinitiativen gefordert. Diesen Interessen an einer neuen »Sozialgesellschaft« entspricht in SPD-Kreisen eine Aufwertung von alternativen ökonomischen Projekten im Rahmen von Ansätzen zu einer unkonventionellen Beschäftigungspolitik. Was jedoch die jeweiligen Verwirklichungschancen oder die faktischen sozialstaats- oder beschäftigungswirksamen Effekte solcher Einbindungsstrategien sein könnten, ist in der BRD - da die Wirkungen lokaler Modellprojekte nur mit Vorsicht generalisiert werden dürfen - noch schwer ausmachbar.
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A collection of 22 papers (abstracted separately) synthesizing a wide range of critical perspectives on the urban question with emphasis on the new theory emerging in N. America and W. Europe that insists upon the explicit derivation of contemporary urbanization processes out of the structure of the capitalist mode of production. There are 6 sections: 1) the urban question; 2) prolegomena to the theory of urbanization and planning; 3) urbanization and planning in capitalist society; 4) commodity production and urban development; 5) reproduction and the dynamics of urban life; 6) urbanization and the political sphere. -M.A.Bass
Recapturing Democracy is a short yet synoptic introduction to urban democracy in our era of political neoliberalism and economic globalization. Combining an original argument with a number of case studies, Mark Purcell explores the condition of democracy in contemporary Western cities. Whereas many scholars focus on what Purcell calls "procedural democracy" - i.e., electoral politics and access to it - he instead assesses "substantive democracy." By this he means the people's ability to have some say over issues of social justice, material well being, and economic equality. Neoliberalism, which advocates a diminished role for the state and increasing power for mobile capital, has diminished substantive democracy in recent times, he argues. He looks at case studies where this has occurred and at others that show how neoliberalism can be resisted in the name of substantive democracy. Ultimately, he utilizes Henri Lefebvre's notion of "the right to the city," which encompasses substantive as well as procedural democracy for ordinary urban citizens.
Erouv, an Urban Frontier?
This article focuses on the implications of the practice of Judaism in the uses of the urban space. It takes the example of the construction of eruv, a ritual system of temporary shift of the public-private boundaries, in Parisian buildings inhabited by observant Jewish families. Because it represents a ritualization of the link between a religious community and the residential space, the eruv allows to question the role of religion in the production of social and spatial boundaries. If it symbolizes the presence of a Jewish community, it reveals its internal diversity, between religious divisions and continuum, and the limits between residential propinquity and community building.
Defeated in the East and discredited in the West, Marxism has broken down as an ideology and as a guide to governance. However, for all its flaws, it remains an important tool for understanding and raising questions about key aspects of modern life. In Marxism and the City, Ira Katznelson critically assesses the scholarship on cities that has developed within Marxism in the past quarter century to show how some of the most important weaknesses in Marxism as a social theory can be remedied by forcing it to engage seriously with cities and spatial concerns. He argues that such a Marxism still has a significant contribution to make to the discussion of historical questions such as the transition from feudalism to a world composed of capitalist economies and nation‐states and the acquiescence of the western working classes to capitalism. Katznelson demonstrates how a Marxism that embraces complexity and is open to engagement with other social–theoretical traditions can illuminate understanding of cities and of the patterns of class and group formation that have characterized urban life in the West.
While there has been a growing utilization of Henri Lefebvre's concept of the `right to the city', not much has been said about the legal implications of such a concept. This article discusses the main aspects of the legal construction of the `right to the city' in Brazil. Following a discussion of Lefebvre's contribution to the debate on urban politics, the article analyses the role played by the legal order in the determination of the exclusionary pattern of urban development in Brazil, as well as the role a redefined legal order can have in the processes of urban reform, socio-spatial inclusion, and sustainable development. Emphasis is placed on the main dimensions of the 2001 City Statute, the legal framework governing urban development and management, which recognized the `right to the city' as a collective right, followed by an introduction to the proposed `World Charter of the Right to the City'. As a conclusion, it is argued that, while a great deal has already been done to promote the materialization of the `right to the city' in Brazil, there are still serious obstacles to be overcome, and renewed socio-political mobilization is required for the new legal-urban order to be fully implemented.
This article argues that political belonging should be understood in the context of diverse spatial imaginaries which encompass but are not confined to the state. Engin Isin's approach to citizenship provides a theoretical grounding for this claim. By way of demonstration, the article focuses on the spatially reconfigured practices of the neoliberal state in relation to irregular migration. It shows how the policing of irregular migration sustains a logic of political belonging based on connections between state, citizen and territory. This logic is simultaneously compromised by transnational state practices including the exploitation of irregular migrant labour. Irregular migrants are contesting their positioning within these multidimensional statist frameworks that posit them as outsiders even while they are integrated into local sites of a global political economy. The struggle of the Sans-Papiers, a collective of irregular migrants in France, provides an example in this context. Their claims to entitlement also mobilize multiple dimensions of political belonging and provide insight into transitions in political community, identity and practice.
Social Theory and the Urban Question offers a guide to, and a critical evaluation of key themes in contemporary urban social theory, as well as a re-examination of more traditional approaches in the light of recent developments and criticism.
This essay elaborates a critical geographical perspective on neoliberalism that emphasizes (a) the path–dependent character of neoliberal reform projects and (b) the strategic role of cities in the contemporary remaking of political–economic space. We begin by presenting the methodological foundations for an approach to the geographies of what we term “actually existing neoliberalism.” In contrast to neoliberal ideology, in which market forces are assumed to operate according to immutable laws no matter where they are “unleashed,” we emphasize the contextual embeddedness of neoliberal restructuring projects insofar as they have been produced within national, regional, and local contexts defined by the legacies of inherited institutional frameworks, policy regimes, regulatory practices, and political struggles. An adequate understanding of actually existing neoliberalism must therefore explore the path–dependent, contextually specific interactions between inherited regulatory landscapes and emergent neoliberal, market–oriented restructuring projects at a broad range of geographical scales. These considerations lead to a conceptualization of contemporary neoliberalization processes as catalysts and expressions of an ongoing creative destruction of political–economic space at multiple geographical scales. While the neoliberal restructuring projects of the last two decades have not established a coherent basis for sustainable capitalist growth, it can be argued that they have nonetheless profoundly reworked the institutional infrastructures upon which Fordist–Keynesian capitalism was grounded. The concept of creative destruction is presented as a useful means for describing the geographically uneven, socially regressive, and politically volatile trajectories of institutional/spatial change that have been crystallizing under these conditions. The essay concludes by discussing the role of urban spaces within the contradictory and chronically unstable geographies of actually existing neoliberalism. Throughout the advanced capitalist world, we suggest, cities have become strategically crucial geographical arenas in which a variety of neoliberal initiatives—along with closely intertwined strategies of crisis displacement and crisis management—have been articulated.
In the summer of 2008, a local social movement in Berlin successfully challenged the city's currently largest harbor front development project 'Media Spree'. While the project, which aims to attract and develop creative industries, is a model of neo-liberal urbanism, the paper demonstrates that in a contested city, urban development cannot adequately be explained by 'top-down' approaches focusing on neo-structuralist arguments, but that it is rather the result of a complex negotiation process. The paper thus makes the case for the relevance of analyzing social movements for understanding urban development.
In the 1970s, Italy experienced a difficult transition from Fordism to a flexible accumulation regime. The resulting changes in production relations led to the disappearance of traditional public spaces and meeting places such as open squares, workplaces, party offices or the premises of groups involved in the antagonistic, ie anti-capitalist and anti-fascist, movement. Within this context, in the 1980s and 1990s, these groups managed to create new social and political spaces by setting up Self-Managed Social Centers (CSAs), ie squatted properties which became the venue of social, political and cultural events. Over 250 Social Centers have been active in Italy over the past 15 years, especially in urban areas. Their organizational modes are examples of successful direct democracy in non-hierarchical structures and may provide alternative options to the bureaucratic organization of so many aspects of social and political life. Point number one on a Social Center's agenda is a daunting task: it must renovate and refurbish privately or publicly owned empty properties and turn them into public spaces open to the general public. For this task it relies exclusively on collective action, ie cooperative working modes which do not come under the provisions governing regular employment contracts and can thus be used to combat marginalization and exclusion processes which are becoming more and more dramatic in our cities. An analysis of the evolution of this original Italian movement provides the opportunity to address a number of issues associated with alternative practices to neoliberal globalization.
THE GREAT MORTALITY AMONG CHILDREN of the working class, and especially among those of the factory operatives, is proof enough of the unwholesome conditions under which they pass their first years. These influences are at work, of course, among the children who survive, but not quite so powerfully as upon those who succumb. The result in the most favourable case is a tendency to disease, or some check in development, and consequent less than normal vigour of the constitution. A nine-year-old child of a factory operative that has grown up in want, privation, and changing conditions, in cold and damp, with insufficient clothing and unwholesome dwellings, is far from having the working strength of a child brought up under healthier conditions. At nine years of age it is sent into the mill to work 61/2 hours (formerly 8, earlier still, 12 to 14, even 16 hours) daily, until the thirteenth year; then twelve hours until the eighteenth year. The old enfeebling influences continue, while the work is added to them. . . . but in no case can its [the child’s] presence in the damp, heavy air of the factory, often at once warm and wet, contribute to good health; and, in any case, it is unpardonable to sacrifice to the greed of an unfeeling bourgeoisie the time of children which should be devoted solely to their physical and mental development, and to withdraw them from school and the fresh air in order to wear them out for the benefit of the manufacturers. . . .
The emergence of global social movements is essentially symbolized by the names of cities like Seattle, Genoa or Porto Alegre. This is not accidental, because groups stemming from various parts of the world need places to constitute themselves as movements. But the role of cities in representing great parts of the movements' consciousness also hints at the importance urban struggles have for global protests. The article examines the relationship between urban conflicts and global social movements. By looking for continuities and ruptures between former and current urban conflicts it points out the specificity of the latter: to politicize the contradictions of neoliberal restructuring; to challenge the discursive and institutional terrains of urban politics which were shaped in the 1990s, often with active participation of former movement actors; and, finally, to act simultaneously on various spatial scales. In the last part of the article some examples of 'glocalized' urban protests are presented and analysed, pointing out their ambiguities as well as the specific contribution they can make to the strategic orientation of the global social movements: to fight the destructive influences neoliberal globalization exerts on everyday life and, thereby, to develop alternative forms of societalization. Copyright (c) Joint Editors and Blackwell Publishing Ltd 2003.
The right to the city is not merely a right of access to what already exists, but a right to change it. We need to be sure we can live with our own creations. But the right to remake ourselves by creating a qualitatively different kind of urban sociality is one of the most precious of all human rights. We have been made and re-made without knowing exactly why, how, and to what end. How then, can we better exercise this right to the city? But whose rights and whose city? Could we not construct a socially just city? But what is social justice? Is justice simply whatever the ruling class wants it to be? We live in a society in which the inalienable rights to private property and the profit rate trump any other conception of inalienable rights. Our society is dominated by the accumulation of capital through market exchange. To live under capitalism is to accept or submit to that bundle of rights necessary for endless capital accumulation. Free markets are not necessarily fair. Worse still, markets require scarcity to function. The inalienable rights of private property and the profit rate lead to worlds of inequality, alienation and injustice. The endless accumulation of capital and the conception of rights embedded threin must be opposed and a different right to the city must be asserted politically. Derivative rights (like the right to be treated with dignity) should become fundamental and fundamental rights (of private property and the profit rate) should become derivative. But new rights can also be defined: like the right to the city which is not merely a right of access to what the property speculators and state planners define, but an active right to make the city different, to shape it more in accord with our heart's desire, and to re-make ourselves thereby in a different image.
This article examines the way 'social capital' has been deployed by researchers and practitioners in the field of urban movements and community development. It reveals the powerful and in many ways effective role the concept is playing in framing the contemporary reconfigurations of local state-society relations which impact especially on the trajectory of third or voluntary sector development. The article identifies the gaps and weaknesses the 'social capital' perspective responds to, thereby explaining why it looms so large within the urban development discourse. Its own blind spots and ambiguities, however, limit our understanding of contemporary urban change. By prioritizing specific forms of civic engagement (and neglecting others), the concept filters the contemporary reconfigurations in the relationship of civil society, state and market in a peculiar way, which is conducive to supporting the spread of market forces to areas so far beyond the reach of capital. By directing attention to the self-activation potential of different communities, whether in the form of civic engagement of well-to-do volunteers or in the form of activation/reinsertion (into the low-wage labour market) of the marginalized, this new discourse plays a crucial role not only in current efforts to unburden the local (welfare) state, but also in the expansion of market forces into new areas. Copyright Joint Editors and Blackwell Publishing Ltd 2003.
16 For examples, see: http://www.anewwayforward.org/demonstrations/and Democracy Now!
- See
- Wissen Köhler
See, for example, Köhler and Wissen 2003; Della Porta 2005; McNevin 2006; Mayer
2011.
16 For examples, see: http://www.anewwayforward.org/demonstrations/and Democracy
Now!: " Protests Scheduled Across the Country Calling on Banks to Nationalize,
Reorganize, Decentralize, " April 10, 2009.
Globalization and the Politics of the Informals in the Global South
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Herrscht hier Banko? Die aktuellen Proteste gegen das Unternehmen Hamburg
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Vom 'Gleichgewicht des Schreckens': Autonomer Kampf gegen Umstrukturierung im Hamburger Schanzenviertel
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Taking the Bus Daily and Demonstrating on Sunday
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Inevitability of Gentrification, " paper presented at the ISA meeting in Barcelona
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Struggling for the Right to the (Creative) City in Berlin and Hamburg
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Building Power in the City: Reflections on the Emergence of the Right to the City Alliance and the National Domestic Workers Alliance
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A Post-Capitalist Future is Possible
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Triangle Returns: Young Women Continue to Die in Locked Sweatshops Report by Institute for Global Labour and Human Rights
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Sozialer Protest zwischen Deprivation und Populismus: Eine Untersuchung zu den Hartz IV-Demonstrationen
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Der Kampf um das Recht auf die Stadt: Städtische soziale Bewegungen in Lateinamerika
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