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School Climate: Research, Policy, Teacher Education and Practice

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Educators have written about and studied school climate for 100 years. School climate refers to the quality and character of school life. School climate is based on patterns of people's experiences of school life and reflects norms, goals, values, interpersonal relationships, teaching and learning practices, and organizational structures. However, school climate is more than individual experience: It is a group phenomenon that is larger than any one person's experience. A sustainable, positive school climate fosters youth development and learning necessary for a productive, contributive, and satisfying life in a democratic society. This climate includes norms, values, and expectations that support people feeling socially, emotionally, and physically safe. People are engaged and respected. Students, families, and educators work together to develop, live, and contribute to a shared school vision. Educators model and nurture an attitude that emphasizes the benefits of, and satisfaction from, learning. Each person contributes to the operations of the school and the care of the physical environment. School climate refers to spheres of school life (e.g. safety, relationships, teaching and learning, the environment) as well as to larger organizational patterns (e.g., from fragmented to cohesive or “shared” vision, healthy or unhealthy, conscious or unrecognized). These definitions were collaboratively developed and agreed upon at a consensus-building meeting of national practice and policy leaders organized in April 2007 by the National Center for Learning and Citizenship, Education Commission of the States, and the Center for Social and Emotional Education.
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School Climate: Research, Policy,
Practice, and Teacher Education
JONATHAN COHEN
Center for Social and Emotional Education
Teachers College, Columbia University
City University of New York
ELIZABETH M. MCCABE
Center for Social and Emotional Education
George Washington University
NICHOLAS M. MICHELLI
City University of New York
TERRY PICKERAL
National Center for Learning and Citizenship
Education Commission of the States
Background/Context: Educators have written about and studied school climate for 100
years. School climate refers to the quality and character of school life. School climate is based
on patterns of people’s experiences of school life and reflects norms, goals, values, interper-
sonal relationships, teaching and learning practices, and organizational structures.
However, school climate is more than individual experience: It is a group phenomenon that
is larger than any one person’s experience. A sustainable, positive school climate fosters
youth development and learning necessary for a productive, contributive, and satisfying life
in a democratic society. This climate includes norms, values, and expectations that support
Teachers College Record Volume 111, Number 1, January 2009, pp. 180–213
Copyright © by Teachers College, Columbia University
0161-4681
School Climate Research and Educational Policy 181
people feeling socially, emotionally, and physically safe. People are engaged and respected.
Students, families, and educators work together to develop, live, and contribute to a shared
school vision. Educators model and nurture an attitude that emphasizes the benefits of, and
satisfaction from, learning. Each person contributes to the operations of the school and the
care of the physical environment. School climate refers to spheres of school life (e.g. safety,
relationships, teaching and learning, the environment) as well as to larger organizational
patterns (e.g., from fragmented to cohesive or “shared” vision, healthy or unhealthy, con-
scious or unrecognized). These definitions were collaboratively developed and agreed upon
at a consensus-building meeting of national practice and policy leaders organized in April
2007 by the National Center for Learning and Citizenship, Education Commission of the
States, and the Center for Social and Emotional Education.
Purpose/Objective/Research Question/Focus of Study: This article examines the relation-
ship between school-climate-related research findings on the one hand and educational pol-
icy, school improvement practice, and teacher education on the other.
Research Design: This article uses several research methods to understand the current state
of school climate research, policy, practice, and teacher education: historical analysis, a
review of the literature, a national State Department of Education policy scan, and a
national survey (N = 40) of building, district, and state educational leaders about school
climate measurement and improvement practices.
Findings/Results: A review of the literature reveals that a growing body of empirical research
indicates that positive school climate is associated with and/or predictive of academic
achievement, school success, effective violence prevention, students’ healthy development,
and teacher retention. There is a glaring gap between these research findings on the one
hand, and state departments of education, school climate policy, practice guidelines, and
teacher education practice on the other.
Conclusions/Recommendations: We detail how the gap between school climate research, pol-
icy, practice, and teacher education is socially unjust and a violation of children’s human
rights. We now have research-based guidelines that predictably support positive youth devel-
opment and student learning. If we do so, we are supporting children, educators, parents,
communities, and the foundation for democratic process, but as a country, we are not doing
so. Our children deserve better. A series of detailed recommendations are suggested for policy
makers, practice leaders, and teacher educators to narrow this gap and support student’s
healthy development and capacity to learn.
There is a glaring gap between school climate research findings on the
one hand and policy, school improvement practice, and teacher educa-
tor efforts on the other. This gap undermines K–12 students’ ability to
learn and develop in healthy ways.
Educators have recognized the importance of school climate for 100
years (Perry, 1908). However, it was not until the 1950s that educators
began to systemically study school climate. The development of scientifi-
cally sound1school climate assessment tools spurred a research tradition
that grows to this day.
182 Teachers College Record
There is not one universally agreed-upon definition of school climate.
Practitioners and researchers use a range of terms, such as atmosphere, feel-
ings, tone, setting, or milieu of the school (Freiberg, 1999; Homana, Barber,
& Torney-Purta, 2006; Tagiuri, 1968). Some writers have focused on the
subjective nature of school climate, and others have suggested that it is
an “objective” facet of school life.
We suggest that school climate refers to the quality and character of
school life. School climate is based on patterns of people’s experiences
of school life and reflects norms, goals, values, interpersonal relation-
ships, teaching and learning practices, and organizational structures. A
sustainable, positive school climate fosters youth development and learn-
ing necessary for a productive, contributive, and satisfying life in a demo-
cratic society. This climate includes norms, values, and expectations that
support people feeling socially, emotionally, and physically safe. People
are engaged and respected. Students, families, and educators work
together to develop, live, and contribute to a shared school vision.
Educators model and nurture an attitude that emphasizes the benefits of,
and satisfaction from, learning. Each person contributes to the opera-
tions of the school and the care of the physical environment.2However,
school climate is more than individual experience: It is a group phenom-
enon that is larger than any one person’s experience. School climate, or
the character of the school, refers to spheres of school life (e.g., safety,
relationships, teaching and learning, the environment) and larger orga-
nizational patterns (e.g., from fragmented to cohesive or “shared” vision,
healthy or unhealthy, conscious or unrecognized).
A complex range of internal and external factors color and shape indi-
vidual and, most important, collective experiences of school life—con-
sciously and in unrecognized ways that we all pay attention to, remember,
and attribute meanings to school experience as a result of our own inter-
nal experiences (e.g., fears and hopes) as well as interpersonal experi-
ence with students, school personnel, and family members. For example,
if the majority of students come from families that have a pronounced
view of school (positive and/or negative), this will naturally color stu-
dents’ experiences of school. In an overlapping manner, the school does
not exist in isolation. The nature of school life is naturally affected by the
district and community (local, state, and national) that it operates within.
A multitude of factors color significant group trends that in turn shape
the quality and character of the school or school climate (Freiberg,
1999). Although there is not one list of factors that shape the quality and
character of school life, virtually all researchers agree that there are four
major areas that clearly shape school climate: safety, relationships, teach-
ing and learning, and the (external) environment. Although some
School Climate Research and Educational Policy 183
state departments of education equate school climate with safety, the
character of school life is clearly a function of multiple dimensions. And
more often than not, there is not a consensus within schools about the
climate. As we detail next, differences between school groups (e.g., adult
and students) are fairly common and potentially provide an extraordi-
nary springboard for community building and a democratic process.
This article summarizes recent school climate research findings. We
describe how state department of education policy, school improvement
practice, and teacher education is and is not aligned with this research.
The field now has research-based school-climate-related guidelines that
predictably reduce school violence and promote learning and school suc-
cess in ways that lay the foundation for adults to be able to love, work, and
participate in a democracy. Yet, we are not translating these research find-
ings into policy and practice guidelines. When educators and policy mak-
ers know, with some certainty, how we can improve schools and learning,
it is our moral responsibility to act on that knowledge. We suggest a series
of “next steps” for practitioners and policy makers to consider.
RESEARCH
100 years ago, Perry (1908) was the first educational leader to explicitly
write about how school climate affects students and the process of learn-
ing. Although Dewey (1927) did not write explicitly about school climate,
his focus on the social dimension of school life and the notion that
schools should focus on enhancing the skills, knowledge, and disposi-
tions that support engaged democratic citizens implicitly touched on
what kind of environment or climate the school reflects. These and other
very early educational writings about school climate were, in essence,
case studies. Empirically grounded school climate research began in the
1950s, when Hapin and Croft (1963) initiated a tradition of systemically
studying the impact of school climate on student learning and develop-
ment. Early systematic studies of school climate were also spurred by
organizational research and studies in school effectiveness (Anderson,
1982; Creemers & Reezigt, 1999). Early school climate studies tended to
focus on observable characteristics, like the physical plant and condition
of the school (Anderson, 1982).
Over the last three decades, educators and researchers have recognized
that complex sets of elements make up school climate. There is not one
commonly accepted “list” of the essential dimensions that color and
shape school climate. A review of research, practitioner, and scholarly
writings suggests that there are four major aspects of school life that
|color and shape school climate (Cohen, 2006; Freiberg, 1999). Table 1
184 Teachers College Record
summarizes these four areas and “subdimensions” of these four spheres
and linked indicators.
School climate has a profound impact on individual experience
(Comer, 1980). Two aspects of school climate—commitment to school
and positive feedback from teachers—have been shown to affect stu-
dents’ self-esteem (Hoge, Smit, & Hanson, 1990). The social-emotional
climate of schools is predictive of mothers’ reports of their school-age
children’s alcohol use and psychiatric problems (Kasen, Johnson, &
Cohen, 1990). Research has also revealed a relationship between school
climate and student self-concept (Cairns, 1987; Heal, 1978; Reynolds,
Jones, St. Leger, & Murgatroyd, 1980; Rutter, Maughan, Mortimore, &
Table 1. Four Essential Dimensions of School Climate (and some of the elements included within each)
Dimension
I. Safety
a. Physical (e.g., crisis plan; clearly communicated rules; clear and consistent violation response; people
in the school feel physically safe; attitudes about violence)
b. Social-emotional (e.g., attitudes about individual differences; students’ and adults’ attitudes about and
responses to bullying; conflict resolution taught in school; belief in school rules)
II. Teaching and Learning
a. Quality of instruction (e.g., high expectations for student achievement; all learning styles honored; help
provided when needed; learning linked to “real life”; engaging materials; use of praise/reward; oppor-
tunities for participation; varied teaching methods; instructional leadership; creativity valued)
b. Social, emotional and ethical learning (e.g., social-emotional and academic learning valued/taught; var-
ied “intelligences” appreciated; connections across disciplines)
c. Professional development (e.g., standards and measures used to support learning and continual improve-
ment; professional development is systematic and ongoing; data-driven decision making linked to
learning; school systems evaluated; teachers feel that this is relevant and helpful)
d. Leadership (compelling and clearly communicated vision; administrative accessibility and support;
school leaders honor people at school)
III. Relationships
a. Respect for diversity (positive adult-adult relationships between/among teachers, administrators, and
staff; positive adult-student relationships; positive student-student relationships; shared decision-mak-
ing; common academic planning opportunities; diversity valued; student participation in learning
and discipline; peer norms linked to learning, cooperative learning, conflict-violence prevention;
being able to say “no”)
b. School community & collaboration (mutual support and ongoing communication; school-community
involvement; parent participation in school decision-making; shared parent-teacher norms vis-à-vis
learning and behavior; student family assistance programs)
c. Morale and “connectedness” (students are engaged learners; staff are enthusiastic about their work; stu-
dents connected to one or more adults; students/staff feel good about school and school community)
IV. Environmental-Structural (cleanliness; adequate space and materials; inviting aesthetic quality and
size of school; curricular and extracurricular offerings)
School Climate Research and Educational Policy 185
Ouston, 1979). A series of studies have shown that positive school climate
is associated with significantly lower levels of absenteeism. (deJung &
Duckworth, 1986; Purkey & Smith, 1983; Reid, 1982; Rumberger, 1987;
Sommer, 1985) and is predictive of rate of student suspension (Wu, Pink,
Crain, & Moles, 1982).
A growing body of research indicates that positive school climate is a
critical dimension linked to effective risk prevention and health promo-
tion efforts, as well as teaching and learning (Cohen, 2001; Juvonen, Le,
Kaganoff, Augustine, & Constant, 2004; Najaka, Gottfredson, & Wilson,
2002; Wang, Haertel, & Walberg, 1993). Recent research reviews have
shown that effective risk prevention and health promotion efforts are
correlated with safe, caring, participatory, and responsive school climates
(Berkowitz & Bier, 2005; Catalano, Berglund, Ryan, Lonczak, & Hawkins,
2002; Greenberg et al., 2003).
Safe, caring, participatory, and responsive school climate fosters
greater attachment to school and provides the optimal foundation for
social, emotional, and academic learning (Blum, McNeely, & Rinehart,
2002; Osterman, 2000). One of the fundamentally important dimensions
of school climate is relational and involves how “connected” people feel
to one another in school. In fact, school connectedness, or to what extent
students feel attached to at least one caring and responsible adult at
school, has become an area of growing research and attention. School
connectedness is a powerful predictor of adolescent heath and academic
outcomes (McNeely, Nonnemaker, & Blum, 2002; Shochet, Dadds, Ham,
& Montague, 2006; Whitlock, 2006) and violence prevention (Karcher,
2002a, 2002b), and as a protective factor in risky sexual, violence, and
drug use behaviors (Catalano, Haggerty, Oesterie, Fleming, & Hawkins,
2004; Kirby, 2001).
These school climate research findings have contributed to the U.S.
Department of Justice (2004), the U.S. Department of Education’s Safe
and Drug-Free Schools network, and a growing number of state depart-
ments of education emphasizing the importance of safe and caring
schools.
School climate also promotes—or complicates—meaningful student
learning. School climate powerfully affects student motivation to learn
(Eccles et al., 1993; Goodenow & Crady, 1997). For example, activities
like community service and debates enhance the learning environment
by providing students opportunities to actively participate in the learning
process and construct their own knowledge of social and government sys-
tems (Homana et al., 2006; Torney-Purta, 2002; Youniss et al., 2002).
Moreover, when such activities are presented in a supportive, collabora-
tive environment, they encourage students to build on one another’s
186 Teachers College Record
ideas on projects (Wentzel & Watkins, 2002). Together, the experience
realistically represents the social situation that they may find themselves
part of in the greater civil society (Bandura, 2001; Torney-Purta,
Lehmann, Oswald, & Schulz, 2001). In an overlapping manner, positive
school climate promotes cooperative learning, group cohesion, respect,
and mutual trust (Ghaith, 2003; Finnan, Schnepel, & Anderson, 2003;
Kerr, Ireland, Lopes, Craig, & Cleaver, 2004). Positive school climate, by
definition, is characterized by strong collaborative communities.
Research shows that this improves teacher practice through dialogue and
collaboration around engaging classroom practice (Talbert, 2002).
To say that school climate promotes or complicates students’ ability to
learn and achieve academically is, on one hand, common sense. To the
extent that students feel safe, cared for, appropriately supported, and lov-
ingly “pushed” to learn, academic achievement should increase. In fact,
this is what a series of studies from the United States and abroad have
shown (see e.g., Brookover, Beady, Flood, Schweitzer, & Wisenbaker,
1977; Brookover & Lezotte, 1979; Edmonds, 1979; Freiberg, 1999; Good
& Weinstein, 1986; Gottfredson & Gottfredson, 1989; Haynes, Comer, &
Hamilton-Lee, 1989; Haynes, Emmons & Ben-Avie, 1997; Lee & Smith,
1999; Madaus, Airasian, & Kellaghan, 1980; McNeely et al., 2002; Rutter,
1983; Rutter et al., 1979; Sherblom, Marshall, & Sherblom, 2006;
Shipman, 1981; Whitlock, 2006).
Considering a positive climate for citizenship education more globally
and comprehensively also raises questions about how schools can most
optimally promote these important learning activities even beyond the
classroom environment. Encouraging active and collaborative learning
on authentic projects is most effective in an environment that has a civic
mission and that encourages trusting relationships among all members
of the school community (Carnegie Corporation of New York, 2003;
Comer, 2005; Education Commission of the States, 2000; Wentzel, 1997).
School climate also has bearing on teacher education and retention.
One of the most powerful statements on the connection between school
climate and issues affecting teacher education is the National
Commission on Teaching and America’s Future’s Induction Into Learning
Communities. This monograph defines school climate in terms of a learn-
ing community and correctly argues that to be effective, induction must
be into a healthy school climate. The connection between this concep-
tion of induction and retention is made. Teacher education programs are
sometimes criticized because of the high attrition of beginning teachers.
Preparing school leaders who understand the critical role of a school cli-
mate that promotes collaboration and learning communities and teach-
ers who understand the importance of such a climate has implications for
School Climate Research and Educational Policy 187
teacher education (Chauncey, 2005; Fulton, Yoon, & Lee, 2005).
As noted earlier and outlined in Table 1, a complex variety of factors
and forces shape the quality and character of school. However, it is clear
that one of the single most important “forces” is the school leader: the
principal. There is compelling research support for the notion that after
the classroom teacher, the building leader is the most important “force”
that shapes student learning (Wallace Foundation, 2006). From a wide
range of educational and organizational development findings, it is well
known that the leader of an organization sets the tone and explicit or
implicit norms of behavior. To what extent do principals really recognize
and honor the teaching and learning in the building (Hagstrom, 2004)?
To what extent do people—students and teachers alike—trust that it is
safe to make mistakes and/or to differ from others (Kramer & Cook,
2004)? To what extent does the principal care about and substantively
support the development of a shared vision, or “goal agreement”
(Khademian, 2002; Maranto & Maranto, 2006; Senge, 2006)? The
answers to these questions profoundly shape the character of the school
on the one hand, and learning and behavior on the other.
We are still very much in the process of learning why positive school cli-
mate predicts academic achievement and positive youth development. In
broad strokes, it seems that positive school climate leads to a greater
focus on and attunement to what students need to develop in healthy
ways and learn, and what teachers need to teach (Comer, 2005; Hess,
Maranto, & Milliman, 2001; Ingersoll, 2006). But in fact there are clearly
complex sets of forces that shape the quality and character of each
school, and we have much to learn about the specific needs of different
types of schools. What is clear is that school climate matters.
In sum, there is a compelling, and growing, body of research that
underscores the importance of school climate. Positive school climate
promotes student learning, academic achievement, school success, and
healthy development, as well as effective risk prevention, positive youth
development efforts, and increased teacher retention. However, these
research findings are not reflected in current educational policy, prac-
tice, or teacher education efforts. It is to these topics that we now turn.
POLICY
State departments of education have not yet responded adequately to
these important findings. In fact, a recent state department of education
school policy scan revealed significant shortcomings in how climate is
defined, measured, and incorporated into policies. This gap is especially
problematic because state policy has become increasingly influential in
188 Teachers College Record
guiding school reform efforts. The CSEE and the National Center for
Learning and Citizenship at Education Commission of the States carried
out this scan. We now summarize the five major areas that we examined
in this national policy scan. (1) To what extent is school climate recog-
nized and defined? (2) To what extent is school climate measured? (3)
To what extent is there climate-related leadership at the state level? (4)
To what extent have states included school climate in their general
accountability systems? (5) To what extent is climate-related technical
assistance a part of the state accountability systems?
THE POLICY CONTENT
No Child Left Behind (NCLB) pushes states to broaden their account-
ability systems and link them to state technical assistance policies. NCLB’s
focus on schools that do not meet adequate yearly progress (AYP) has led
states to experiment with new ways of improving schools. By labeling
schools rather than students as “failing,” states must view educational
improvements as schoolwide efforts. Recent trends like using compre-
hensive school reform (CSR) and school-based management models are
examples of transferring the improvement unit of analysis from individ-
uals, or groups of individuals, to schools. School climate fits well into this
policy-supported movement because climate is a holistic concept; it can
only be measured or changed from all angles and elements of a school.
The sanctions and technical assistance associated with NCLB apply
only to schools that receive Title 1 funds. Therefore, the decisions that
states make regarding how to help “failing” schools improve affect the
most “in-need” students. These policy decisions provide opportunities for
important issues like school climate to become state, district, and school-
level priorities in schools needing attention.
Although the policy context provides a rationale for studying state pol-
icy at this time, this scan was not limited to accountability policies.
Instead, the scan focused broadly on climate-related polices in all state
education departments. Regardless of the demands of NCLB-influenced
accountability, states are largely responsible for educational funding and
regulatory policies. The level of state influence naturally varies according
to level of centralization, yet overall trends in recent decades reveal state
dominance over school policy.
METHODS
This study entailed document analysis and descriptive statistical methods.
The authors searched for climate-related policies in state legislative
School Climate Research and Educational Policy 189
documents, state standard sets, and documents linked to states’ accredi-
tation and NCLB evaluation and support systems. The legislative docu-
ments were gathered using LexisNexis, and the standards and other state
documents were located through State Department of Education Web
sites. Policy details were stored in a database created by the authors.
The researchers developed four criteria to assess states’ climate policy
status: organization of programs or policies, measurement of climate as
endorsed or supported by the state departments of education, definitions
of climate used in policy documents, and infrastructure and resources to
support technical assistance for climate policy implementation. Rubrics
were created for each criterion to assess the states on several subfactors.
For example, the measurement rubrics listed types of assessments rang-
ing from scientifically validated climate assessments to informal check-
lists. Table 2 lists the criteria and subindicators used in the rubrics.
Descriptive statistics were computed showing the quantity and percent-
ages of states meeting key criteria on the rubrics.
For each subindicator, binary nominal coding was used to assess pres-
ence or lack of presence for the subindicators. Because the codes were all
binary, each state could have or not have the qualities of interest for each
subindicator. For example, several characteristics of definitions were
listed, and for each subindicator, states were investigated in terms of
whether the state policy documents showed any evidence of those char-
acteristics. Occasionally, states were temporarily labeled as “somewhat” if
the evidence showed partial evidence of certain subindicators. As a result,
there are numeric values for each subindicator, signifying presence, lack
of presence, and partial presence (when applicable) across all states.
Table 2. Rubric Indicators Used to Assess the Four Criteria
Criterion Subindicator(s) used to develop rubrics
Organization Inclusion/exclusion in accountability system
Inclusion/exclusion in special education programs or policies
Inclusion/exclusion in health programs or policies
State-level leadership
Measurement Type of measurement used (scientific soundness, format)
Availability of measurement
Measurement linked/not linked to technical assistance
Definition Level of accuracy
Breadth of definitions
Level of prescription in standards definitions
Technical Assistance Contact person/office provided
Resources made available for implementation assistance
Measurement linked/not linked to technical assistance
190 Teachers College Record
Missing data were only recorded and considered in the analysis when
lack of existence in one category precluded the state from consideration
in a different subindicator. For example, states that showed no evidence
of quality or improvement standards could not be assessed in terms of the
characteristics of their quality or improvement standards, and for those
characteristics, the state would be coded as missing data. However, for ini-
tial categories that did not rely on existence in other categories, coding
data as missing was not necessary because the researchers were fortu-
nately able to collect data on all states.
FINDINGS
One important issue in state climate policy is that many states have left
climate out of their general accountability systems. As summarized in
Table 3, although 22 states have integrated climate policy into their
improvement and accreditation systems, 6 did so only partially, and the
remaining 22 consider climate solely a health, special education, or
school safety issue. The later categorization contradicts current thinking
about how school climate is related to whole school improvement and
academic achievement.
Table 3. Findings by Subindicator
Subindicator Number of Number of Missing
states coded states coded data
as “presence” as “partial
presence”
Inclusion/exclusion in accountability system 22 6 N/A
Inclusion/exclusion in special education programs or policies 9 0 N/A
Inclusion/exclusion in health programs or policies 11 0 N/A
State-level leadership 18 0 N/A
Scientifically sound measurement 1 0 21
Criterion referenced, non-scientifically-sound measurement 3 0 21
Informal checklists linked to standards 7 0 21
Informal surveys 12 0 21
Alignment to standards without protocols provided 6 0 21
Measurement available 26 0 21
Measurement linked/not linked to technical assistance 18 0 21
Definitions found in climate policies 42 0 N/A
Accurate definitions 6 0 8
Broad, inclusive definitions 12 0 8
Prescriptive standards 14 0 22
Resources made available for implementation assistance 8 0 8
School Climate Research and Educational Policy 191
As noted earlier, school climate is directly related to academic achieve-
ment. Contrary to this important finding, some states focus all or most
improvement efforts on curricular reforms through additional testing,
teacher professional development in math and literacy, and academic
resources, ignoring the role of climate. When states exclude climate from
their measures of school quality systems, schools are not required to
demonstrate their competence with measuring and promoting positive
school climate. It is thus up to local officials to take the initiative to pur-
sue climate policies. Given the high stakes of schools not aligning their
policies to state frameworks, schools are unlikely to pursue school climate
policies voluntarily to a great extent.
On the other hand, many state health, special education, and school
safety arenas incorporate school climate policies and programs. Nine
states administer Positive Behavior Interventions and Supports (PBIS;
Sugai et al., 2000) program or the School-Wide Information System
(SWIS) program, and 11 states administer coordinated school health
programs (CSHPs).3Both of these models refer to positive school climate
as one of many program outcomes. Less frequently, states incorporate
school climate objectives into their character education (seven states),
truancy programs (four states), dropout prevention activities (three
states), and violence prevention policies (six states).
Even if the climate policies housed in health, special education, and
safety are strong in content, their isolation from general accountability is
disconcerting. Schools, especially those receiving Title 1 funds, are under
tremendous pressure to abide by state and federal academic regulations.
It is therefore logical to consider climate as an integral element of
achievement, a part of the academic picture.
DEFINITIONS
Thirty-six states’ climate policy statements relied on vague, meaningless
definitions of school climate. For example, 30 states commonly referred
to positive school climate as one that is “conducive to learning” without
prescribing characteristics that can be translated into measures or pro-
gram goals. Only six states included the term subjective experiences in their
climate definitions. State officials are likely challenged by the seemingly
wide array of climate definitions used; there could appear to be little con-
sensus or clarity about what climate is.
There is a set of dimensions commonly found in the climate research
literature that includes subjective perceptions of the environment, safety,
teaching and learning, relationships, sense of community, morale, peer
norms, school-home relations, and learning and community. Twenty-one
192 Teachers College Record
states select one of the dimensions of climate, such as safety or sense of
community, and create policy based only on that dimension, whereas
only 12 states reference broad, inclusive definitions. Both of these
errors—using none of the dimensions or selecting only one—mislead
practitioners who interpret the policies. Without using accurate, pre-
scriptive language in documents, climate policies are unlikely to trans-
form practice effectively. Further, valid measurement is hindered when
practitioners have unclear notions of what climate is.
MEASUREMENT
Although several scientifically sound measures are currently available to
states, only one state department of education, Rhode Island, has for-
mally endorsed or mandated use of a research-proven climate assess-
ment. Other state climate measurement methods include criterion-refer-
enced, yet not research-proven, assessments (3 states); informal
checklists linking observations to climate standards (7 states); informal
surveys (12 states); and alignment to standards (without specified proto-
cols; 6 states). For example, six states require schools to demonstrate
their alignment to indicators such as “an emphasis on student achieve-
ment” or a “sense of community.” Not only are these constructs difficult
to measure without validity testing, but the thousands of administrators
in each state will interpret “alignment” differently.
The fact that 29 states have made available or mandated climate assess-
ments, yet only one refers to those supported by research, is problematic.
A recent survey of 40 school leaders from across the United States
revealed that many principals develop their own “homegrown” school cli-
mate questionnaire (MMS Education, 2006; see the next section, School-
Climate-Related Practice, for detail). This is also problematic because
there is no way of really knowing whether these surveys are reliably eval-
uating what school leaders hope is being assessed.
LEADERSHIP
Climate-related leadership at the state level is generally underdeveloped.
Strong, clearly defined leadership roles are a precursor to effective cli-
mate policy design, implementation, and evaluation at the state level.
Only nine states have established specific positions for experts leading cli-
mate-related policies and programs, and another nine include climate in
state leaders’ lists of responsibilities. In fact, it is difficult to identify which
offices house climate specialists in many states. Revisiting the policy con-
text, even if states emphasize school climate in their accountability
School Climate Research and Educational Policy 193
systems, an ambiguous leadership infrastructure will likely hinder the
creation and dissemination of helpful resources for schools attempting to
measure or improve their school climate conditions.
Fifteen states have infused climate indicators into their leadership stan-
dards, which are used to guide assessment of potential and existing
school leaders. For example, one state’s leadership standards have an
entire climate standard, with substandards describing a leader’s ability to
promote collegiality and a positive learning environment. Leadership
standards appear to be a promising way for some states to develop school-
level leaders with climate expertise, yet they should be supplemented
with state-level leadership to promote coherence and consistency. And
again, the use of standards to assess leaders should be guided by valid,
reliable instruments.
QUALITY AND IMPROVEMENT STANDARDS
Twenty-two states have incorporated school climate into their account-
ability standards by including climate standards in their quality and
improvement standards sets. The meanings of these standards differ in
each state based on several factors. First, the usage varies. Although the
quality standards are predominantly used for accreditation evaluation for
all schools in a given state, improvement standards are generally used to
assess and assist those schools that have been identified as in need of
improvement under NCLB and its related state policies. Twelve states
have included climate indicators in their improvement standards, and 10
states have included climate indicators in their quality standards. Both of
these types of standards are different from student outcome standards,
which rarely include school climate indicators in any state. Second, cli-
mate standards differ based on depth. Whereas seven standards sets
include an entire detailed and specific climate standard, 15 include
minor references to climate within other standards topics, such as com-
munity involvement. Finally, the standards’ levels of influence vary based
on the state policy and political context. Although some accountability
policies are considered high stakes, meaning that the consequences for
not meeting quality or improvement standards are quite serious, other
accountability policies have lower stakes, with some even being voluntary
benchmarks.
TECHNICAL ASSISTANCE
The climate-related technical assistance that states provide to schools as
a part of their accountability systems is frequently tied to the data gleaned
194 Teachers College Record
through assessments linked to quality and improvement standards. In the
case of school climate, 10 of the 12 states with climate-included school
improvement standards, and 8 of the 10 states with climate-included
school quality standards, link the data to technical assistance by creating
school-specific improvement plans if climate appears to be a major ail-
ment in a given school. This fact highlights the importance of improving
the measures used to assess school climate in the first place. Very little
information about the content of climate-related technical assistance was
located during this scan.
One important finding was that the breadth and depth of climate-
related technical assistance was stronger for the PBIS, SWIS, and CSHP
programs than it was for the climate initiatives embedded in general
accountability policies. Health, special education, and school safety cli-
mate-related policies often have systematic ways to answer school leaders’
and teachers’ questions regarding program implementation and the
intricacies of measurement. For example, six of the nine state PBIS pro-
grams are linked to internal and external reference lists, including prac-
tical implementation guides and background reading for site program
leaders, whereas only two of the accountability-embedded climate poli-
cies did so. At the very least, those resources should be referred to in pol-
icy statements within the accountability arena or, better yet, the climate-
based technical assistance resources should be consolidated into
user-friendly centers for school climate issues and concerns that cross
departments.
Many state accountability systems are designed to align standards, mea-
sures, and technical assistance for schools that show signs of weakness in
areas such as school climate. This method will only foster positive school
climate if (1) the standards and measures are based on sound definitions
of school climate; (2) the measures used to design school improvement
and technical assistance plans are scientifically sound; and (3) state
departments of education have the leadership and practical skills to
translate data into innovative policies. In this way, deficiencies in the first
set of policy elements (definitions, measurement, and leadership) are
inherently linked to the later set (standards and technical assistance).
Making school climate a greater priority in states will require more
than increasing or changing the nature of policy documents. It is unlikely
that a federally influenced state policy will affect classrooms if implemen-
tation plans are not prepared to ensure accurate interpretation and eval-
uation at the district and local levels. It is important to consider districts’
and schools’ capacity to implement the policy dimensions (Goggin,
Bowman, Lester, & O’Toole, 1990); the variance in administrators’ inter-
pretations and cognition of the policy content (Spillane, 1998); and the
School Climate Research and Educational Policy 195
coherence between the state policies and local objectives and existing
programs (Honig & Hatch, 2004).
In sum, there is a significant gap in research and policy in terms of
school climate, which derives from several problems. The first major
problem is inconsistency and inaccuracy in terms of school climate defi-
nition. Second, state policy makers have made poor choices in terms of
school climate measurement at the state level, although there are supe-
rior options. The third problem is a lack of defined climate-related lead-
ership at the state level. Fourth, many states continue to isolate school cli-
mate policy in health, special education, and school safety arenas without
integrating it into school accountability policies. Finally, many states have
not yet created quality or improvement standards, which can easily link
data to improvement plans and technical assistance. These ailments, in
combination with underdeveloped implementation planning, will hinder
schools’ abilities to promote positive school climate through policy.
The fact that many policy makers have chosen not to incorporate cli-
mate policies and programs into their accountability systems is under-
standable in the context of NCLB. Because school climate is not mea-
sured under NCLB, states are less likely to focus on school climate than
they are on tested curricular subjects like math, reading, and science. In
this case, what is measured is what counts, and those NCLB-based out-
comes have become states’ focus for policy formulation.
States bear much of the financial burden of the consequences for
schools if they do not meet AYP. Specifically, states must pay for, adminis-
ter, and evaluate school improvement plans for underperforming
schools; fund or contribute to funding for school choice obligations, sup-
plemental services, and corrective action for schools that do not meet
AYP; and perhaps compensate for potential losses of Title 1 funding if
schools underperform or are negligent within NCLB regulations. To
avoid these potential financial burdens, states are motivated to make
their own assessment strategies aligned with those of NCLB. Further,
because assessment drives policy, state policies increasingly mirror fed-
eral policies. It is therefore our conclusion that even if leaders in state
departments of education and state legislatures value school climate as
an outcome and as a means to bolster student achievement, NCLB pro-
vides incentives to ignore those values in their policy formulation.
SCHOOL-CLIMATE-RELATED PRACTICE: ASSESSMENT AND
IMPLEMENTATION
There are two overlapping dimensions that shape school-climate-related
practice: assessment and school improvement guidelines.
196 Teachers College Record
ASSESSMENT
Educational practice is driven by what we measure. Today, we primarily
measure reading and mathematical achievement and, to a greater or
lesser extent, physical safety. There is a growing awareness that we need
to measure the social, emotional, ethical, and cognitive dimensions of
school life. Evaluating school climate provides one window into the
social, emotional, ethical, and academic dimensions of K–12 school life.
In fact, school leaders appreciate the fundamental importance of school
climate. The CSEE recently commissioned a national survey of 40 school
leaders (principals, superintendents, state departments of education,
and national level leaders) from across the United States (MMS
Education, 2006).4Over 90% of the school leaders interviewed indicated
that school climate was an area of interest and focus. In fact, 82% stated
that school climate was an “extremely important” or “very important”
topic. Importantly, 79% of the school leaders who used school climate
evaluations discovered that they generated positive school improvement
change. The majority of those interviewed believed that interest in school
climate and scientifically sound ways of assessing school climate would
significantly increase over the next 5 years.
Although there are hundreds of school climate measures, school lead-
ers are not using scientifically sound assessment tools that are compre-
hensive in two ways: evaluating most or all of the dimensions that
researchers believe color and shape school climate, and recognizing the
three major groups in school communities: students, parents, and school
personnel (Cohen, 2006; Freiberg, 1999). In fact, most school climate
measures have not been developed in a scientifically sound manner. In
our center’s recent national survey (MMS Education, 2006), we found
that 59% (19 of 32) district- and building-level administers interviewed
had participated in school climate surveys. Of those, 37% had developed
the instrument in-house. They were not scientifically sound assessment
tools.
There are four school climate measures that have been developed in a
scientifically sound manner and recognize K–12 student, parent, and
school personnel experience. Two focus on demarcated facets of school
climate. The CharacterPlus (2002) measure focuses on character educa-
tion-related issues (e.g., community participation, character education
policy, identifying and defining character traits). A series of reliability
and some validity studies have been conducted on this measure.
However, this work has not been published in a peer-reviewed journal.
The K12 School Climate and Diversity Surveys focus on bullying and how
members of the school community manage differences (e.g., gender,
School Climate Research and Educational Policy 197
race, sexual orientation). This work has been reported in a chapter (Holt
& Keyes, 2003).
There are two school climate measures that not only evaluate K–12 stu-
dent, parent, and school personnel experience but also assess virtually all
the dimensions that scholars believe color and shape school climate:
High Performance Learning Community Assessments (HiPlaces
Assessments) and the Comprehensive School Climate Inventory (CSCI).
The HiPlaces measure takes administers and teachers 120 and 75 min-
utes, respectively, to complete and has been developed in a scientifically
sound manner (e.g., Felner et al., 2001). This measure is organized
around the notion that the following eight dimensions ensure success for
all students: (1) empower decision making at all levels; (2) reengage fam-
ilies in the education of their students; (3) connect schools with commu-
nities; (4) foster health and safety; (5) create small, personalized commu-
nities for learning; (6) develop well-prepared teachers; (7) implement
deep, integrated standards-based instruction; and (8) maintain emphasis
on literacy and numeracy. The report and recommendations are
linked to structural/organizational conditions, attitudes/norms/
expectations, skills/knowledge base/preparations, and climate/
experiential conditions.
The CSCI takes 15–20 minutes to complete and has been developed in
a scientifically sound manner (Stamler, Scheer & Cohen, 2008). The
CSCI is organized around the following four school climate dimensions:
safety (physical and social-emotional), relationships (respective for diver-
sity; morale; leadership; home-school partnerships), teaching and learn-
ing (quality of instruction; social, emotional, and ethical learning; profes-
sional development; leadership), and the (external) environment. The
CSCI report includes three sets of recommendations and research-based
guidelines: (1) 10 process recommendations (how to do it); (2) 5 action
recommendations (where to start); and (3) 10 sets of programmatic rec-
ommendations, which provide detailed guidelines and instructional, sys-
temic, and other recommendations linked to the 10 factors that make up
the CSCI. Too often, tests—be they an individual student’s psychoeduca-
tional test findings or school climate findings—are not fully understood
or used to foster a meaningful process of learning and improvement. As
a result, the CSCI is linked to a School Climate Portal, which includes
research-based information, guidelines, tools, and mini-learning commu-
nities related to the five stages of school climate improvement: (1) plan-
ning, (2) evaluation, (3) understanding evaluation findings and collabo-
ratively developing an action plan, (4) implementing the action plan,
and (5) reevaluation and planning for the next cycle of school climate
improvement.
198 Teachers College Record
SCHOOL IMPROVEMENT GUIDELINES
There is not one accepted set of school climate improvement practice
guidelines. At the state level, we suggest that Ohio has the most devel-
oped school climate guidelines (Ohio State Department of Education,
2006). This resource includes nine guidelines with linked, operationally
defined benchmarks.
A growing number of major educational centers and coalitions are call-
ing for safe and caring schools, including the Learning First Alliance.
The Learning First Alliance (2001) comprises the national elementary,
middle, and high school principal associations; the Association for
Supervision and Curriculum Development (ASCD); the National
Associations of Colleges of Teacher Education; teachers; chief state
school officers; school boards; the National PTA; and the Education
Commission of the States. They have suggested four key dimensions that
promote a climate of learning: (1) a supportive learning community; (2)
systematic approaches to supporting safety and positive behavior; (3)
involvement of families, students, school staff, and the surrounding com-
munity; and (4) standards and measures to support continual improve-
ment based on data.
School climate reflects patterning students’, school personnel’s, and
parents’ social, emotional, ethical, and academic experiences of school
life. Over the last decade, research studies from a range of historically
somewhat disparate fields (e.g., risk prevention, health promotion, char-
acter education, mental health, and social-emotional learning) have
identified research-based school improvement guidelines that pre-
dictably create safe, caring, responsive, and participatory schools
(American Psychological Association, 2003; Benninga, Berkowitz, Kuehn,
& Smith, 2003; Berkowitz & Bier, 2005; Greenberg et al., 2003; Weissberg,
Durlak, Taylor, Dymnicki, & O’Brien, 2007). The School Climate
Resource Center of the CSEE National School Climate Center synthesizes
this research and provides a series of guidelines, tools, and mini-learning
communities to support data-driven decision-making and learning linked
to a five-stage model of school climate improvement.5
Importantly, when school communities purposively engage in the
process of school climate improvement, we are promoting the student—
and adult—skills and dispositions that provide the foundation for partic-
ipation in a democracy. Effective school climate improvement efforts are
necessarily a community-wide effort. School personnel, students, and
parents must learn and work together to plan for the school improve-
ment process. All members of the school community must let one
another know what they think is working best in school and what the
School Climate Research and Educational Policy 199
school needs now. There must be a process for the school community to
understand what these evaluation findings mean. If parents and educa-
tors believe that social bullying, for example, is a mild to moderately
severe problem, but students report that it is severe, this needs to be
understood. (In fact, when this occurs, we are potentially promoting stu-
dent and parent participation, and hence school connectedness.) In an
overlapping manner, to the extent that all members of the school com-
munity have a voice in prioritizing implementation goals and action plan-
ning, sustained implementation efforts have a much greater likelihood of
actually transforming schools.
We suggest that these are steps that all schools can and need to engage
in. Although rhetoric about “school community” may be more prevalent
in Deweyesque schools, more traditional schools can, and often do,
empower staff, parents, and students to intentionally consider “our com-
munity” in any number of helpful ways.
In Table 4, we list the underlying skills and dispositions that we believe
are required for participation in a democracy. These are the same skills
and dispositions needed for students and adults to understand school cli-
mate findings and set in motion the process of school climate improve-
ment. These are social, emotional, ethical, and cognitive capacities. In
fact, students are always learning social, emotional, and ethical “lessons”
from teachers and parents. Sometimes, adults “teach” these lessons con-
sciously, purposively, and helpfully. Sometimes, we are not aware of the
social emotional lessons we are teaching. We do know that there is a core
set of social emotional competencies and ethical dispositions that pro-
vide the foundation for student learning and violence prevention and
that these are the same skills and dispositions that provide the founda-
tion for adults to be able to love, work, and participate effectively in a
democracy (Cohen, 2006; Cohen & Michelli, 2006).
Table 4. Skills and Dispositions Required for Participation in a Democracy
Essential Skills Essential Dispositions
Ability to listen to ourselves and others Responsibility or the inclination to respond to
others in appropriate ways
Ability to be critical and reflective Appreciation of our existence as social
creatures who need others to survive and thrive
Ability to be flexible problem solvers and Appreciation of and inclination toward
decision makers, including the ability to involvement with social justice
resolve conflict in creative, nonviolent ways
Communicative abilities (e.g., being able to Inclination to serve others and participate in
participate in discussions and argue thoughtfully) acts of good will
Collaborative capacities (e.g., learning to
compromise and work together toward a
common goal)
200 Teachers College Record
In sum, there is a significant gap between school climate research and
practice that derives from several problems. First, school climate is not
regularly evaluated with measures that have been developed in a scientif-
ically sound manner on the one hand, and comprehensively (e.g., assess-
ing all the dimensions that shape subjective experience in schools and
assessing K–12 students, parents, and school personnel) on the other. In
American education, if it is not measured, it does not count. Second, it is
unclear to what extent school climate improvement efforts are aligned
with research findings. We are not aware of systematic studies of these
efforts. Our impression is that too often, school climate improvement
efforts are fragmented, short-lived, and not aligned with research-based
guidelines. Our national policy scan (described above) reveals that there
is growing state- and district-level interest in evidence-based school cli-
mate improvement efforts. However, research-based guidelines are not
included in the vast majority of state- or district-level policy and practice
guidelines.
THE EDUCATION OF EDUCATORS
Understanding about school climate is largely absent in teacher educa-
tion efforts. School climate is an often overlooked factor in explaining
student achievement.
In large measure, programs to prepare teachers and other educational
professionals, especially school leaders, have not attended to what we
know about school climate as an important factor in the satisfaction of
teachers and in promoting student learning. Why is job satisfaction of
teachers important? One of the most persistent problems in education is
the instability of the teaching force. Significant attrition plagues the pro-
fession. It is estimated that by the fifth year after entry, 46% of teachers
have left the profession (National Commission on Teaching and
America’s Future, 2003)—which is actually a low estimate. The attrition
rates for some programs, especially alternate route programs, are much
higher, approaching 60% (Boyd, Lankford, Grossman, Loeb, & Wyckoff,
2006). Not only does this mean that students consistently get inexperi-
enced teachers, but it also means that the expense of preparing teachers
is elevated when we consider attrition. Why do teachers leave teaching?
Two of the most often cited factors by Ingersoll (2001) in his research
identifying reasons for leaving teaching are directly related to school cli-
mate: poor administrative support and lack of faculty influence.
In fact, there is a growing body of research that confirms a relationship
between teacher retention and school climate. Naturally, a variety of
School Climate Research and Educational Policy 201
factors contribute to teacher retention or lack of it. Teacher turnover is
strongly correlated with the individual characteristics of the teacher
(Boe, Bobbitt, Cook, Barkanic & Maislin, 1998). But one of the largest
studies that used data from the National Center for Educational Statistics
revealed that school-climate-related factors—such as inadequate support
from school administrators, student discipline problems, and limited fac-
ulty input into school decision making—contributed to higher rates of
turnover after controlling for the characteristics of both teachers and
schools (Ingersoll, 2001). (Low salary was the other major factor that
contributed to poor teacher retention.) A growing body of additional
studies from special education and general education confirm that
school climate is a significant factor contributing to, or minimizing, this
problem (Billingsley, 2004; Brownell, Miller, & Smith, 1999; Davis &
Jordon, 1994; Hoy & Woolfolk, 1993; Shann, 1998).
We argue that school climate is directly related to these factors. In a
school with a healthy school climate, administrators know how to support
teachers in their work, and such support is perceived and appreciated by
teachers. In a school with a healthy school climate, teachers believe that
they are influential in affecting what happens in the school; they have
“agency.” These two qualities are specifically included in our list of ele-
ments involving school climate:
• Relationships: Positive adult-adult relationships between and among
teachers, administrators, and staff; positive adult-student relation-
ships; positive student-student relationships; shared decision-making;
common academic planning opportunities; diversity valued; student
participation in learning and discipline.
Sense of school community: Students and adults feel and demonstrate
sense of community in the school.
Why is there a significant gap between school climate research and the
education of teachers? Teacher education programs are often prescribed
by state regulation, accreditation standards, or the limited number of
credits available. It is much more likely for programs to directly address
issues on which the students of their graduates will be tested—primarily
mathematics and English language arts. This is especially true as we con-
tinue to measure the quality of schools and, through value-added assess-
ments, the quality of schools and colleges of education on the basis of
standardized test scores. In urban areas, where colleges supply a large
number of teachers for a particular system, there is pressure to focus
on the adopted curriculum in areas to be measured at the expense of
202 Teachers College Record
everything else. There are other ver y important outcomes of education
that are more difficult to measure, including the critical role school cli-
mate can have in shaping a population that understands and lives by
democratic values. It is only within a healthy school climate that we are
likely to achieve these ends, and finding a means to assess these outcomes
is important. But we are reminded of what Albert Einstein is alleged to
have said, “Not everything we count counts, and not ever ything that
counts can be counted.” Because school climate is a relatively recent
focus of interest, it is not surprising that many teacher educators are
unaware of contemporary work in this area and is not part of teacher
education programs or standards for such programs.
We suggest that two additional steps will support and further teacher
education in this area: social, emotional, and ethical curriculum guide-
lines, and case method learning resources.
By definition, school climate recognizes the social, emotional, ethical,
academic, and environmental dimensions of school life. Improving
school climate necessarily implies promoting students’—and adults’—
social, emotional, and ethical abilities and dispositions. But educators do
not have a comprehensive K–12 social, emotional, and ethical learning
curriculum based on the best available knowledge about social, emo-
tional, and ethical learning, the development of social and emotional
competence and ethical dispositions, and interactions between emo-
tional, cognitive, and social learning. When this is developed, it can serve
as a prototype for educators to adapt to the particulars of individual
schools, school districts, and/or states. Because significant dimensions of
school climate are social, emotional, and ethical, a research-informed
curriculum that specifies social, emotional, and ethical learning out-
comes by age can help educators create a facilitative social and emotional
climate in schools. (It is important to note here that some good social
and emotional learning curricula exist, but each is limited in either age
range or in the scope of the content, or has a limited research base.)
Case method learning, as used in schools of business, law, and medi-
cine but underdeveloped in schools of education, is an ideal way to help
both preservice and in-ser vice teachers learn about school climate.
Imagine a collection of case studies created from schools with different
climates that can be analyzed and discussed from multiple perspectives.
Imagine also a summary of research on school climate and relevant
research on social and emotional learning that accompanies the collec-
tion of cases. Finally, imagine guided instruction to accompany the cases
that leads students to proficiency in assessing school climate and con-
structing recommendations for producing changes in climate.
School Climate Research and Educational Policy 203
IMPLICATIONS AND NEXT STEPS
The United Nations 1948 Convention on the Rights of Children decrees
that governments have a responsibility to ensure that every child has
equal access to a quality education adapted to meet the child’s needs
(United Nations, 1948). To actualize this goal, schools must respect the
inherent dignity of the child, create a climate of tolerance of, respect for,
and appreciation of human differences, and bar practices of bullying and
disciplinary practices that harm or humiliate. We now have a series of
research-based guidelines that predictably promote a K–12 climate for
learning, respect, tolerance, and safety. These research-based guidelines
also include a set of instructional guidelines focused on promoting
social, emotional, ethical, and “academic” learning (American
Psychological Association, 2003; Berkowitz & Bier, 2005; Cohen, 2006;
Weissberg et al., 2007; Zins, Weissberg, Wang, & Walberg, 2004). In other
words, there is now a growing body of empirical support for the notion
that we can intentionally promote K–12 students’ social, emotional, ethi-
cal, and cognitive capacities and dispositions, as well as create a climate
for learning. There is not one way or one curriculum that furthers these
goals and research-based interventions. However, these research-based
guidelines are not integrated into current policy, practice guidelines, and
teacher education efforts. We suggest that this is a violation of children’s
rights.
What can and should we do to close the glaring gap between school cli-
mate research findings on the one hand, and policy, practice, and
teacher education on the other? We have three sets of suggestions per-
taining to policy, school practice, and teacher education.
POLICY
First, we suggest that policy makers use the vast climate resources avail-
able to them by research and academic institutions. Officials do not need
to feel overwhelmed by the complexity of defining and measuring school
climate. The recent proliferation of academics and research centers spe-
cializing in climate problems and solutions ensure that policy makers can
call on experts for advice. It is up to policy makers to pursue, or at least
to be open to partnerships with, nongovernmental organizations, which
can guide them through research-based policy development.
Collaboration across sectors is increasingly common in other educa-
tional policy areas such as teacher recruitment, professional develop-
ment, test development, and others. Only a few examples of cross-sector
204 Teachers College Record
partnering exist in climate policy, such as Rhode Island’s university-non-
profit-government collaborative. Of course motivation, capacity, and
open-mindedness are perquisites for such team building.
As policy makers respond to the details of NCLB’s likely reauthoriza-
tion, and as they continually adjust their accountability systems in future
years, it is vital that climate is included as a critical component. State stan-
dards, including quality and improvement standards, influence practice
in an unprecedented way. It would be harmful for the 26 states that have,
until now, excluded climate to continue to isolate climate policy in the
health, special education, and safety arenas. State legislatures should not
pass standards sets without adequately infusing climate indicators. Policy
makers can present compelling arguments to legislators and other offi-
cials, based on the plentitude of research findings, linking school climate
to academic achievement.
Policy makers should also realize that what is measured under NCLB
drives policy at the state level, and there are positive and negative impli-
cations of this relationship. If NCLB’s reauthorization was to broaden the
types of outcomes used to assess schools, states could develop policies
that respond to a greater variety school improvement needs. School cli-
mate should be measured by all schools, especially if they are underper-
forming, and the data produced should inform school improvement
strategies.
The narrow policy focus stemming from NCLB is especially disconcert-
ing; the school improvement guidelines differentially impact schools in
high-need communities because the financial consequences of not meet-
ing AYP apply only to Title 1 schools. This NCLB-state policy relationship
is inadvertently depriving high-poverty schools the opportunities to raise
student achievement through climate policies and programs. Schools
that rely most heavily on state programs and policies deserve to have
greater access to climate initiatives.
Federal agents, such as education department officials and federally
funded technical assistance centers, can play important roles in state pol-
icy. One of these roles can be a broker of information about effective pol-
icy across states. Another federal role is to support experimentation with
climate initiatives to improve low-performing schools. The federal gov-
ernment can continue to allow state flexibility while still highlighting sig-
nificant needs. In short, we recommend that educational policy be devel-
oped and funded to support scientifically sound school climate
assessment and improvement efforts. The fact that most states do not
have such policy is clearly one of the important reasons that there is such
a gap between research and practice today.
School Climate Research and Educational Policy 205
SCHOOL PRACTICE
Educational policy shapes practice. It is most important that school cli-
mate be evaluated in an ongoing manner with measurement tools that
have been developed in a scientifically sound manner. Although mea-
sures that evaluate one or two of the three major school audiences—stu-
dents, parents, and school personnel—can provide a useful snapshot of
school life, these measures are dramatically less useful to set in motion of
process of substantive school climate improvement. By definition, school
climate or social, emotional, ethical, and academic school improvement
is necessarily a community-wide effort: students, parents, and school per-
sonnel learning and working together. As such, there are compelling
reasons for practitioners to learn about comprehensive school climate
measures.
Evaluation is necessarily only one step in an ongoing process of learn-
ing and school improvement. What matters most is how we understand
and use evaluation findings to set in motion vital learning communities
that support evidence-based social, emotional, ethical, and academic
learning. We now have literally hundreds of empirical studies that under-
score that we can translate research findings into safer schools that pro-
mote achievement over a 3–5-year period. Today, our challenge is to sup-
port the process of “scaling up” these research-based guidelines with
hundreds and thousands of schools (Adelman & Taylor, 2005; Berkowitz
& Bier, 2005; Coburn, 2003; Cohen, 2006; Elias, Zins, Graczyk, &
Weissberg, 2003). We strongly concur with Maurice Elias and colleagues
(2003) that we need to generate a series of case studies that demonstrate
in “real life” how schools are using evidence-based strategies to create a
climate for learning. Case studies will aid school climate/teacher educa-
tion efforts, and it is to this topic that we now turn.
TEACHER EDUCATION
What should we do in programs to prepare educators to ensure more
positive relationships within schools and create a sense of school commu-
nity? We have several recommendations. Programs for educators should
explore the importance of a “shared vision” of education in promoting
positive climate. Teacher education programs and programs for school
leaders seldom focus on the purposes of education, and if they do, they
are left at a level of generality as to be meaningless (Michelli & Keiser,
2005) We need to help teachers and leaders expand their conceptions of
the purposes of education in a democratic society. When time is taken to
discuss these purposes rather than simply listing them in a school mission
206 Teachers College Record
statement, a shared vision emerges that contributes to both relationships
and community.
Programs for educators should include specific instruction relating to
social and emotional education. By studying social and emotional educa-
tion, future teachers will be better able to shape their relationships with
other professionals in the school and be empowered to change relation-
ship patterns in a positive way. Similarly, they will learn to engage in
teaching their students so as to promote social and emotional abilities
and thus help them become a positive force in the community. As we out-
lined earlier, we also believe that developing a research-based K-12 social,
emotional, and ethical learning curriculum will provide an essential
foundation for this work.
Explicit understanding of the elements of school climate should be
part of the curriculum for educators. Such instruction provides a way of
helping educators understand the organizational structures and patterns
that effect a sense of well-being in educational settings. In adopting these
recommendations, we believe that educators will be more likely to work
toward positive school climate. Outcome of such work could be
enhanced academic learning for students and improved retention of
teachers in schools.
There are many areas of school climate that are in need of further
research and consensus. How can we effectively develop a nationally
accepted definition of school climate? Although we have learned a great
deal about aspects of school life (e.g. safety, relationships, teaching, and
learning) that color and shape school norms, values, relationship pat-
terns, teaching, and learning, there are many others that we are just
beginning to learn about. There are also many questions that we are just
beginning to address. Can we demonstrate, for example, that student
retention and graduation rates are shaped by school climate? Can we
demonstrate any change in the achievement gap based on school cli-
mate? Are there cultural variations that relate to school climate? That is,
do some cultural groups respond differently to different school climate
variables? Are there some variables of school climate that are most
directly related to positive educational outcomes? Are different variables
related to different outcomes? We know, for example, that the nature of
how building and district leaders exercise leadership is a powerful force
that shapes school climate, but we have not really studied how this impor-
tant force interacts with a host of other forces that also shape climate.
Educators have appreciated that school climate matters for 100 years.
In this article, we have not addressed all the complex historical and polit-
ical factors that have colored the history of school climate. We have
summarized recent trends in research, policy, practice, and teacher
School Climate Research and Educational Policy 207
education, and in doing so, we have underscored the glaring gap
between research on the one hand, and school climate policy, practice
guidelines, and teacher education on the other.
In closing, it is worth remembering that the American people want
public schooling to prepare children to become effective and responsible
citizens (Rose & Gallup, 2002). So often, students feel that schools are,
tragically, a place where they are learning to take tests that are not fun,
and certainly less rather than more meaningful and engaging. This does
not need to be so. There does seem to be a growing awareness that school
climate matters.
Our impression is that a growing number of state and district leaders
are considering sound methods of measuring and, most important,
improving school climate. Measuring school climate can set in motion a
schoolwide democratic process of understanding and decision making as
well as promote a climate for learning. We are authentically supporting
students and other members of the school community to come together
to make schools a safe place where we can learn, teach, and grow
together. In doing so, we promote students’, parents’, and educators’
ability to make schools more meaningful and engaging, and sometimes
even fun! Today, we have not translated school climate research findings
into policy, school improvement practice guidelines, or teacher educa-
tion efforts. In our view, this amounts to a violation of human rights. We
know how to effectively support student learning and positive youth
development. If we do so, we are really supporting children, educators,
parents, communities, and the foundation for democratic process. But as
a country, we are not doing so. Our children deserve better.
Acknowledgements
We are indebted to Professor Margaret Jo Shepherd, who has collaboratively and very thoughtfully aided
our thinking about school climate in a variety of ways. We are also grateful to the anonymous review-
ers who made a series of helpful suggestions. This paper is richer for their efforts and suggestions.
Notes
1. In this article, when we refer to measurement tools that have been developed in a
scientifically sound manner, we are referring to those that are conceptually grounded in the
literature, that have been reviewed by experts in the field for content relevance and repre-
sentativeness, and that have been subject to a range of empirical testing and analysis to
establish accepted levels of reliability and validity.
2. This definition of school climate and sustainable and positive school climate emerged
from a series of collaborative discussions with Joan Stamler and a group educational policy
and practice leaders (Victor Battistich, William Cirone, Jonathan Cohen, James Comer, Ann
Foster, William Hughes, Molly McCloskey, Nicholas Michelli, Terry Pickeral, Jennifer
Piscatelli, Ann Rautio, Merle Schwartz, and Margaret Jo Shepherd). This meeting was orga-
208 Teachers College Record
nized by the Center for Social and Emotional Education and the National Center for
Learning and Citizenship at the Education Commission of the States on April 26 and 27,
2007. It was designed to reach a consensus about how to define school climate and how to
narrow the gap between school climate research on the one hand, and school climate pol-
icy, practice guidelines, and teacher education on the other. In October 2007, we convened
a “professional judgement group” (Howard Adelman, Janice E. Arnold-Jones, Amy Berg,
Marvin Berkowitz, Cathr yn Berger Kaye, Martin J. Blank, Samuel Chaltain, Lou Ann Evans,
Arnold F. Fege, J. Martez Hill, Gary Homana, Mary Lou Rush, Linda Taylor, Hon. Ron
Tupa, and Paul Vierling) that valided this definition as well as review and refine a series of
detailed recommendations for policy and practice leaders.
3. PBIS: http://www.pbis.org; SWIS: http://www.swis.org/; CSHP: http://
www.cdc.gov/HealthyYouth/CSHP/.
4. For a copy of “Summary of Findings: Interviews With Education Leaders About
School Climate and School Climate Surveys” (prepared by MMS Education, April 2006)
please write to jonathancohen@csee.net. This report details the survey methodology used
and detailed findings.
5. See http://www.csee.net.
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JONATHAN COHEN is the president of the Center for Social and
Emotional Education; adjunct professor in psychology and education,
Teachers College, Columbia University; adjunct professor in education,
City University of New York; and co-chair of the National School Climate
Council.
ELIZABETH M. MCCABE is a Senior Program Development Associate,
Phipps Community Development Corporation.
NICHOLAS M. MICHELLI is Presidential Professor in Urban Education,
City University of New York.
TERRY PICKERAL is executive director of the National Center for
Learning and Citizenship, Education Commission of the States. He is
also a co-chair of the National School Climate Council.
... The relational aspect that involves how people feel connected to each other at school is one of the fundamental dimensions of school climate (Bradshaw et al., 2014). For other authors, school climate refers to the quality and characteristics of school life (Cohen et al., 2009;Gage et al., 2016). More recently, the notion of school climate was expanded to include safety and the physical environment (Wilson, 2004;Zullig et al., 2010). ...
... The quality and characteristics of school life (Cohen et al., 2009;Gage et al., 2016) therefore influence students' behaviors and social skills (Gottfredson et al., 2005;McIntosh et al., 2006;Gage et al., 2016). On the contrary, disorganized schools with high rates of conflict can specifically exacerbate the manifestation of problem behaviors and can contribute to academic failure and absenteeism (Goldweber et al., 2013;Hawkins et al., 1992). ...
... The Georgia School Climate Survey Suite (La Salle et al., 2021) was chosen because it covers all the categories of people we wanted to survey and includes all the important constructs of school climate described in the school climate literature, both in English (Booren et al., 2011;Bradshaw et al., 2009Bradshaw et al., , 2014Cohen et al., 2009;Koth et al., 2008;Kuperminc et al., 1997;Modin & Ostberg, 2009;Suldo et al., 2013;Thapa et al., 2013;Van Houtte, 2005) and in French (Debarbieux, 2013(Debarbieux, , 2015Janosz et al., 1998;Poulin et al., 2015). ...
Article
School-Wide Positive Behavior Interventions and Supports is a framework that aims to improve school culture and climate, students’ behavior and attendance. As the program is largely spreading, comparative studies showing its efficacy on students’ outside the United States are needed. In addition, there is a need for studies examining SWPBIS effects on school climate from all the stakeholders’ point of view, especially students and parents. Moreover, few researches used comprehensive questionnaires including the three main components of school climate: engagement, safety and environment. The purpose of this study is twofold: investigate the SWPBIS implementation feasibility in a French speaking European country and measure implementation effects on school climate and absenteeism. Using a quasi-experimental design, the current study investigates the impact of SWPBIS implementation in elementary and secondary high-need schools (n intervention schools = 4, n control schools = 5). Findings show positive effects for all stakeholders on different components of school climate. Effects on absenteeism are mixed. Implications and limitations are discussed.
... School climate has been defined as, "quality and character of school life" and is "based on patterns of people's experiences of school life and reflects norms, goals, values, interpersonal relationships, teaching and learning practices, and organizational structures" (Cohen et al., 2009;p. 182). ...
... Providing students with a safe and prosocial learning environment to increase student academic and behavior outcomes has long been a foci of school improvement and policy reform effort. Previous literature has shown that positive perceptions of school climate are associated with increased student engagement and academic outcomes, higher school safety, and decreased rates of risky and antisocial behavior, absenteeism, and suspension rate (Bradshaw & Johnson, 2011;Cohen et al., 2009;Konold et al., 2017;Thapa et al., 2013). Despite the known importance of school climate, it was not until the past three decades that researchers have attempted to systematically define and assess perceptions of school climate to make data-driven informed decisions (Cohen et al., 2009;Thapa et al., 2013). ...
... Previous literature has shown that positive perceptions of school climate are associated with increased student engagement and academic outcomes, higher school safety, and decreased rates of risky and antisocial behavior, absenteeism, and suspension rate (Bradshaw & Johnson, 2011;Cohen et al., 2009;Konold et al., 2017;Thapa et al., 2013). Despite the known importance of school climate, it was not until the past three decades that researchers have attempted to systematically define and assess perceptions of school climate to make data-driven informed decisions (Cohen et al., 2009;Thapa et al., 2013). Various school climate measurement tools were created to capture specific focused domains within school climate, such as school safety, academic performance, environmental structures detailed in the California School Climate and Safety Survey (Furlong et al., 2005) or the School Development Program, and the San Diego Effective Schools Student Survey (Haynes et al., 2001). ...
Article
Positive perceptions of school climate are associated with improved academic and behavioral outcomes, such as lower bullying victimization experience and higher student engagement. The present study evaluated the consistency of these relations across racial/ethnic student groups using the Authoritative School Climate (ASC) model which defines school climate as a 3-factor model including disciplinary structure, student support, and academic expectations. Data were collected from 5,878 middle/high school students from Missouri and Oklahoma. School-level fixed effects model revealed more negative perception of school climate and higher peer victimization experiences (i.e., general or bullying) amongst racially minoritized groups. Minoritized Racial Identity also negatively moderated the effect between perception of school climate and the selected outcomes with a small to medium effect. These findings may provide further evidence in utilizing Authoritative School Climate Theory in evaluating school climate and implications for educators to establish better teacher–student connections in creating a positive school climate. Impact Statement Student perceptions of school climate have been shown to be related with the quality of student schooling experience and their respective academic and perception of behavior outcomes. This study evaluated school climate perceptions and found minoritized racial/ethnic status negatively moderated the associations between school climate and bullying victimization experiences with a small to medium effect. These results further help inform educators how establishing positive academic and behavior expectations in school may help mitigate student bullying/victimization experiences in school.
... There has been a growing recognition of the positive influence of social community factors on parents in various contexts, varying from social support for families to the prevention of child maltreatment. Local governments, social work organizations, schools and parent support organizations often collaborate with local communities to support young children and their parents (Cohen et al., 2009;Gillies, 2004;Wilson, 2013). This has resulted in holistic prevention strategies for parents, with a focus on network building and developing relationships within the community to support positive youth development (McDonell & Melton, 2008;Tomison & Wise, 1999). ...
... Examining the interactions between parents, children, and nonparental adults in the community is important to gain further insight into the dynamics of social support in the neighbourhood. Several instruments have been developed to examine the attitude of parents, children and nonparental adults towards pedagogical contexts, including raising children at home, in childcare and school (Cohen et al., 2009;Counts et al., 2010;Sampson et al., 1997). Instruments to study social support, and related concepts like social networks or social capital (e.g. ...
Article
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In this study the Vignettes Parenting Interactions in the Neighbourhood (V-PIN) was validated. These vignettes can be used to gain insight into and reflect on interactions in the neighbourhood between parents and nonparental adults. A correlational design (N = 134) was used to assess the reliability (i.e. internal consistency, test-retest), convergent and discriminant validity and relations with background variables of the V-PIN. Reliability (both internal consistency and test-retest) proved good. Positive, significant correlations provided evidence for convergent validity. The measure did not correlate with non-related constructs or background characteristics, which was an indication for discriminant validity. The newly developed measure seems useful to explore the perspectives of nonparental adults in parent-child interactions in neighbourhoods with a wide group of stakeholders with diverse cultural backgrounds and can (complemented with visualisations), be used to stimulate supportive interactions and inclusion in social work practices and the community.
... Bu hedefe ulaşabilmek için okullarda pozitif öğrenme ortamları ve okul iklimlerinin oluşturulması ön koşul olarak görünmektedir (Karadağ, İşçi, Öztekin, & Anar, 2016). Okul iklimi, öğrencilerin okul içerisinde elde ettikleri deneyimleri ve örgütsel yapıyı, öğrenme ve öğretme faaliyetlerini, bireyler arası iletişimi, toplumsal değer, ilke ve inançları kapsamaktadır (Cohen, McCabe, Michelli, & Pickeral, 2009). Okul ikliminin kapsadığı içeriklere tarihsel olarak bakıldığında "güven, disiplin, okul bağlılığı, kişiler arası ilişkiler, akademik sonuçlar" geniş bir konu alanını kapsadığı görülmüştür (Freiberg, 2005;Loukas, Suzuki, & Horton, 2006;Zullig, Koopman, Patton, & Ubbes, 2010). ...
Conference Paper
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The aim of this study is to examine the academic achievement scores of the students who participated in the TIMSS 2019 study at the 4th grade level in Turkey in the context of school climate, according to the opinions of school principals, parents and students. The design of the research, which was carried out with the qualitative research method, is a case study. The data were analyzed by document analysis technique. As the primary sources, the 2019 TIMSS report and the Turkey TIMSS 2019 preliminary report prepared by the Ministry of National Education were used. The data in the TIMSS 2019 report "School Emphasis on Academic Success" scale applied to school principals in order to reveal how much importance schools give to academic success in the context of school climate "Parental Perception of Children's School" to determine the perceptions of parents towards the school their students attend. scale and the "Sense of Belonging to the School" scale to determine the students' sense of belonging to the school.
... Dalam studi mengenai SWB, Children's World mengukur beberapa domain dalam kehidupan anak dan remaja, salah satunya adalah sekolah dan bagaimana mereka mempersepsikan hubungan yang terjalin antar siswa maupun siswa-gurunya melalui iklim sekolah [32]. Iklim sekolah mencakup pengalaman siswa mengenai kualitas dan karakter kehidupan di sekolah yang diantaranya mencakup hubungan interpersonal antar siswa maupun orang-orang di lingkungan sekolah [33]. Penelitian Varela et al. [34] yang dilakukan pada 1,829 siswa berusia 12 tahun menyatakan bahwa indikator dari iklim sekolah, salah satunya komponen hubungan interpersonal yang terjalin antara guru dengan siswa dapat memberikan dukungan tambahan bagi siswa yang menjadi korban perundungan. ...
Conference Paper
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This research aims to determine the components of school climate which can affect junior high school students' SWB, especially for those who have been the victims of cyber-bullying and live in Bandung. The data are collected online by using Google Forms through convenience sampling technique. The participants are junior high school students who have been the victims of cyber-bullying, ranging from age 12-16 years old (N = 537; 58.5% female; 41.5% male). The perceptions of school climate are measured with a measuring instrument from Children's World, while the SWB is measured with Children's Worlds Subjective Well-Being Scale 5 Items version (CW-SWBS5), and the categorization of the students who have been the victims of cyber-bullying used an instrument from Patchin and Hinduja. The data are analyzed with linear regression analysis so as to examine school climate components' contribution for the SWB of the victims of cyber-bullying. Descriptive statistic ANOVA is used to test the difference in the mean of SWB. The results show that school climate components have a 17.5% relationship with the SWB of junior high school students who have been the victims of cyber-bullying. The school climate components that contribute significantly to the SWB of these victims are the perception on friends who are willing to help when they get into trouble (ꞵ = .152; p < .01) and the perception of class fights (ꞵ =-.146; p < .01). Schools should ensure that their climate is conducive to avoiding violence between students, and teachers should pay attention to the relationship between students so that it is known who their close friends are who can help or support when facing problems. Abstrak. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui komponen iklim sekolah yang berkontribusi pada SWB siswa SMP korban perundungan siber di Kota Bandung. Pengambilan data dilakukan secara online menggunakan Google Formulir dengan teknik convenience sampling. Partisipan penelitian yaitu siswa SMP yang pernah menjadi korban perundungan siber berusia 12-16 tahun (N = 537; 58.5% perempuan; 41.5% laki-laki). Persepsi iklim sekolah diukur menggunakan alat ukur iklim sekolah dari Children's World, SWB diukur menggunakan Children's Worlds Subjective Well-Being Scale 5 Items (CW-SWBS5), dan kategorisasi siswa yang menjadi korban perundungan siber diukur menggunakan alat ukur perundungan siber dari Patchin dan Hinduja. Data dianalisis menggunakan analisis regresi linear untuk menguji kontribusi komponen iklim sekolah terhadap SWB korban perundungan siber. Statistika deskriptif ANOVA digunakan untuk menguji perbedaan nilai rerata SWB. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa komponen iklim sekolah memberikan kontribusi terhadap SWB siswa SMP korban perundungan siber sebesar 17.5%. Terdapat komponen iklim sekolah yang memberikan kontribusi secara signifikan terhadap SWB korban perundungan siber, yaitu persepsi mengenai teman yang menolong ketika mendapatkan masalah (ꞵ = .152; p < .01), dan persepsi mengenai pertengkaran di kelas (ꞵ =-.146; p < .01). Sekolah perlu memastikan iklimnya bersifat kondusif agar terhindar dari kekerasan antar siswa, serta guru perlu memperhatikan hubungan antar siswa agar diketahui siapa teman terdekat mereka yang dapat memberikan bantuan ataupun dukungan ketika menghadapi permasalahan. Kata Kunci: Iklim Sekolah, Kesejahteraan Subjektif, Perundungan Siber.
... School counselors who have professional satisfaction and work in a positive school climate make more positive contributions to the individual, social, cognitive and career development of students (Köse, 2022). It is stated that a supportive work environment and effective social networks positively affect school counselors' emotional and physical health, work performance, professional competencies, professional satisfaction, work integration levels and self-efficacy, and have a significant impact on their self-efficacy (Akman, 2021;Cohen at al., 2009;House & Hayes, 2002;Köse, 2022;Pyne, 2011;Sutton & Fall, 1995). ...
Article
Bu araştırmanın amaçlarından biri okul psikolojik danışmanlarının öz yeterlik düzeylerinin incelenmesi, diğeri ise öz yeterlik ve mesleki doyum düzeyi arasındaki ilişkide okul ikliminin aracı rolünün test edilmesidir. Araştırma betimsel ve ilişkisel nitelikte bir çalışmadır. Araştırmanın katılımcıları 561 okul psikolojik danışmanından oluşmaktadır. Verilerin analizinde aritmetik ortalama, standart sapma, t testi, tek yönlü varyans analizi ve aracı etki analiz yöntemi kullanılmıştır. Araştırma sonucunda okul psikolojik danışmanlarının genel öz yeterlik düzeylerinin ortanın üzerinde olduğu, alt boyutlara göre öz yeterlik düzeylerinin yüksekten düşüğe doğru Kişisel ve Sosyal Gelişim, İş birliği, Öncülük Etme ve Değerlendirme, Kariyer Gelişimi ve Akademik Gelişim ve Kültürel Kabul olarak sıralandığı sonucuna ulaşılmıştır. Ayrıca hizmet süresi 6 yıldan fazla, lisansüstü mezunu ve özel okulda görev yapan okul psikolojik danışmanlarının öz yeterlik düzeylerinin anlamlı şekilde yüksek olduğu; öz yeterliğin cinsiyet, mezun olunan lisans programı ve eğitim kademesine göre farklılaşmadığı belirlenmiştir. Son olarak öz yeterlik ve mesleki doyum düzeyi arasındaki ilişkide okul ikliminin kısmı bir aracı rolünün olduğu sonucuna ulaşılmıştır.
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هدف : گسترش دانش درباره میزان ترغیبی بودن جو مدارس و مقایسه عملکرد تحصیلی با توجه به جو ترغیبی ادراک شده براساس متغیرهای پیشرفت تحصیلی و نوع مدرسه.روش: تحقیق میدانی، روش پژوهش مقایسه ای. جامعه آماری کلیه دانش آموزان پایه نهم مدارس دولتی، نمونه دولتی و غیرانتفاعی سال 1396-1395، نمونۀ شامل 387 دانشآموز پایۀ نهم که با روش نمونهگیری طبقه ای نسبتی انتخاب شدند. برای جمع آوری اطلاعات از پرسشنامۀ جو ترغیبی مدرسه و معدل پایان ترم دانش آموزان استفاده شد. داده ها با استفاده از نرم افزار spss(20) تجزیه و تحلیل شد. جهت آزمون فرضیات مقایسه‌ای، آزمونهای آماری تی مستقل، تحلیل واریانس یک راهه و آزمون تعقیبی شفه استفاده شد. یافته ها: از بین پنج عامل جو ترغیبی مدرسه، هیچیک از عوامل بعنوان کاملا ترغیبی ادراک نشد عامل برنامه بیش از همه و عامل مکان کمتر از همه ترغیبی بودند. مدارس دولتی از نظر ترغیبی بودن وضعیت مطلوبی نداشتند. میانگین عوامل کمتر از 3، لذا غیرترغیبی بودند به جز عامل برنامه و فرایند که تا حدودی ترغیبی بودند. در مدارس نمونه دولتی و غیرانتفاعی عامل مکان غیرترغیبی ولی بقیه عوامل تا حدودی ترغیبی بودند. دانش آموزان با پیشرفت تحصیلی بالا جو مدرسه‌ی خود را ترغیبی تر گزارش نمودند. مدارس دولتی نسبت به مدارس نمونه دولتی و غیرانتفاعی غیرترغیبی و عملکرد تحصیلی دانش‌آموزان پایین‌تر بود. نتیجه گیری: ادراک دانش‌آموزان از میزان ترغیبی بودن جو مدرسه با توجه به نوع مدرسه و پیشرفت تحصیلی متفاوت بود لذا، جو مدرسه هم ویژگی مدرسه و هم انعکاسی از ادراک ذهنی دانش آموزان می‌باشد.
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The National Charter for Education and Training and the Strategic Vision (2015–30) constitutes the government’s most recent efforts to reform education in Morocco. These initiatives have underscored the potential of raising citizenship awareness and reinforcing social responsibility. The reforms that were implemented fell far short of this aim. Despite the fierce struggle, the gap between the stated goals of citizenship education curricula and their realistic and effective implementation still persists. Therefore, the aim of the present study is to explore school-based factors which facilitate or constrain teachers and schools from a meaningful engagement in citizenship issues. This research is framed within Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological system theory (2006). This framework provides a holistic perspective to consider the potential of the dynamic interaction of diverse stakeholders and their contributions for increased citizenship education. Using a qualitative approach, this study allows for a rich description of the context of citizenship education in Moroccan high schools. Findings indicated the existence of numerous constraining factors which worked against the mainstreaming of this process. Teachers and principals reported that citizenship education occupied a marginal status in high schools. Further, the competitive national examination system, lack of professional development in the field and absence of citizenship-oriented activities involving parents and students were found to be the main factors affecting the development of citizenship education.
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This study evaluated the construct and structural equivalence of the English and Spanish versions of the authoritative school climate survey (ASCS). Measurement invariance was evaluated through increasingly restrictive tests on a sample of N = 6976 high school students, with focus on the three core ASCS scales: Students' Willingness to Seek Help, Teacher Respect for Students, and Disciplinary Structure. Results provided support for the configural, metric, and scalar invariance of these scales across versions. Because school climate is often measured through reports of student perceptions that are aggregated to the school level, these results provide an additional resource for schools looking to increase the diversity of their students’ voice through more equitable tools.
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This study analyses how perceived school climate variables (teacher–student relationships, student–student relationships, fairness of rules, school safety, and liking of school) influenced bullying and victimization behaviors during middle school transition in Portugal (fourth to fifth grade). A total of 671 middle school students participated in the study, of which 52.2% were boys. Bullying and victimization behaviors were assessed in three different time points (twice before middle school transition and once after) and perceptions of school climate were assessed twice (before and after middle school transition). Results showed that a more positive trajectory in students’ perceptions of teacher-student relationships, student-student relationships, school safety, and liking of school between fourth and fifth grade was associated with a more positive trajectory in victimization behaviors, and a more positive trajectory in students’ perceptions of fairness of rules in the same period was associated with a more positive trajectory in bullying behaviors. Additionally, regarding gender, boys showed a larger increase in victimization behaviors, but there were no differences due to classroom size. These results highlighted the importance of creating a positive school climate in middle school to reduce bullying and victimization behaviors during middle school transition.
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The purpose of this article is to identify and estimate the influence of educational, psychological, and social factors on learning. Using evidence accumulated from 61 research experts, 91 meta-analyses, and 179 handbook chapters and narrative reviews, the data for analysis represent over 11,000 relationships. Three methods—content analyses, expert ratings, and results from meta-analyses—are used to quantify the importance and consistency of variables that influence learning. Regardless of which method is employed, there is moderate to substantial agreement on the categories exerting the greatest influence on school learning as well as those that have less influence. The results suggest an emergent knowledge base for school learning. Generally, proximal variables (e.g., psychological, instructional, and home environment) exert more influence than distal variables (e.g., demographic, policy, and organizational). The robustness and consistency of the findings suggest they can be used to inform educational policies and practices.
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The call-to-arms to "leave no child behind" in America has become popularly associated with the Bush administration's education plan-a plan that actually diverges greatly from the ideals of the Children's Defense Fund, which originated the concept. Here, in a bold and engaging new book, Dr. James Comer reclaims this now-famous exhortation as a tool for positive and substantive change. Far removed from the federal government's focus on standardized testing as the panacea for our educational ills, Dr. Comer's argument-drawn from his own experiences as the creator of the School Development Program-urges teachers, policymakers, and parents alike to work toward creating a new kind of school environment. In so doing, Dr. Comer reignites a crucial debate as he details the evolution and many successes of his School Development Program since its inception thirty-five years ago, and he illustrates how his model for change has proven effective in public schools throughout the country. Most important, he offers proof that students from all backgrounds can learn at a high level, adopt positive behavioral attitudes, and prepare for a fulfilling adult life, if they learn in schools that provide adequate support for their complete development-schools that know that leaving no child behind should be much more than just a convenient political slogan.
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This article summarizes a much lengthier one that appeared in Prevention and Treatment. The earlier article grew out of a project initiated by the Department of Health and Human Services Office of the Assistant Secretary for Planning and Evaluation. The Positive Youth Development Evaluation project described why policy makers, practitioners, and prevention scientists advocated a shift in approach for how youth issues are addressed in this country. The Positive Youth Development Evaluation project sought to define how youth development programs have been defined in the literature and then to locate, through a structured search, strong evaluations of these programs and summarize the outcomes of these evaluations. In the current article, we explain why prevention has shifted from a single problem focus to a focus on factors that affect both positive and problem youth development, describe what is meant by positive youth development, and summarize what we know about the effectiveness of positive youth develop...