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The Clash of Civilizations? The Debate
Abstract
World politics is entering a new phase, in which the great divisions among humankind and the dominating source of international conflict will be cultural. Civilizations - the highest cultural groupings of people - are differentiated from each other by religion, history, language and tradition. These divisions are deep and increasing in importance. From Yugoslavia to the Middle East to Central Asia, the fault lines of civilizations are the battle lines of the future. In this emerging era of cultural conflict the United States must forge alliances with similar cultures and spread its values wherever possible. With alien civilizations the West must be accommodating if possible, but confrontational if necessary. In the final analysis, however, all civilizations will have to learn to tolerate each other.
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... Virtually all the social scientists interested in civilizations share the general view that these are large complexes of societies in extended space and time which present a rise, flowering and decline and are characterized by a common history, language, culture, tradition, technology, and/or religion (Huntington, 1993;Targowski, 2019;Toynbee, 1947). A complementary definition describes civilization as a group of populations sharing a large and common geographic locus (Wei, 2011). ...
... This study diverges from more common geographic-historical studies (e.g., Vargha & Eichert, 2025) by specifying very few variables. Western civilization was treated as a binary variable (Yes = 1, No = 0), indicating membership of the West as defined by Huntington (1993), who updated Toynbee (1947) taking into account the dismemberment of Czechoslovaquia and Serbia in the late 20th century. Three meteorological variables were obtained for 145 countries. ...
... Scatter plots of 145 countries based on steady rainfall, temperature, and ultraviolet radiation. Blue dots: countries classified as Western according to Huntington (1993); red dots: countries not classified as Western; black dots: countries not classified as Western but predicted by discriminant analysis to be Western. Region A: Western and non-Western countries predicted to be Western; Region B: Western countries correctly predicted to be Western. ...
The Western Civilization, comprising Western Europe, the US, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, challenges the definition of civilization as a group of populations sharing a common geographic locus. However, its locus may be biogeographic rather than geographic. This study examined whether Western European and transoceanic Western nations share a common ecological niche. Results across 145 countries indicate that high steady rainfall and low ultraviolet radiation characterize and differentiate an encompassing West from Europe to Oceania. Moreover, these meteorological variables help ex-plain the West’s expansion from its inception to the Carolingian Empire and the present. Owing to their weaker steady rainfall, Italy, Spain, and Portugal form a peripheral West, suggesting the need to study their cultural differentiation from the core West. However, their northern provinces may be part of the core ecological West. Provincial-level research is needed to better delineate the West’s frontiers.
... And yet, Latin American contributions remain exoticized. Alongside political scientists of the likes of Samuel Huntington, the othering of Latin America as a discrete alien "civilization" with presumably homogeneous and stable views on everything, ranging from family and religion to rights, reached full reification (Huntington 1993). Why would theorists in the U.S. then pay attention to what Latin American theory may have to say about Marx, for example? ...
This essay critically explores the landscape of political theory through our transient experiences as theorists who were raised and educated in Latin America and obtained PhD degrees from North American universities. We argue that our transiting through geographies, styles of thinking, and modes of writing-what we call in-betweenness-can distinctly nurture democratic conversations and theorizing. Yet these opportunities tend to be hijacked by a series of intersecting exclusions. With this term, we refer to the silencing and invisibilization that Latin American theorists experience in addition to the marginalization of political theory within political science everywhere. In Global North conversations, our contributions are consistently diminished by distorted imaginaries and narratives about Latin America, with a loss for everyone. The analysis draws on current efforts to question power dynamics within political theory and political science. With these critiques, we share the conviction that a more open field would benefit us all. Given that the world faces challenges of existential proportions, including everyone in the conversation as equals, we contend, constitutes a fundamental move toward collective renewal and even survival.
... But even a straightforward "clash of civilisations" isn't easy (Neumayer & Plümper, 2009). Samuel Huntington (1993) posited a confrontation between the West and Islam, but the picture is more complex. Such tensions can be mitigated by cultural interactions and knowledge. ...
Terrorism poses a significant global threat, causing fear and devastation across borders. While understanding the consequences of terrorist acts is crucial, preventing these tragedies in the first place remains paramount. Qualitative research methodology was used to delves into the why behind terrorism, exploring the motivations that drive individuals towards such violence. Through content analysis of video clips produced by terrorists, their families, and individuals interested in extremism, researchers have discerned a correlation between terrorism, antisocial behavior, and cultural conflicts. This qualitative approach allows for a detailed exploration of the nuanced motivations and contextual factors that drive individuals towards extremist ideologies and actions. Analyzed video clips were chosen based on a set of criteria that included young participation, the occurrence of events in the Middle East at times of high activity, and the representation of many ethnic groups. This research proposes a model outlining the three-stage transformation that young people may undergo as they become radicalized. This model aims to identify crucial intervention points where counseling and support can potentially steer them away from a violent path. Finally, the analysis highlights common behaviors exhibited during each stage of this process. Understanding these factors allows authorities, families, and communities to better identify and support individuals at risk, ultimately promoting resilience against radicalization.
... After the outbreak of the 9/11 terrorist attacks in the United States, the focus of the cultural wars shifted to the issues related to the "clash of civilizations" (Ito, 2020). Therefore, it is necessary to take political correctness into consideration in analyzing the Orientalist aspects of Disney's Aladdin series to avoid the clash of civilizations originally put forth by Samuel Huntington in his article published by Foreign Affairs in 1993 (Huntington, 1993). ...
Walt Disney’ animation film Aladdin (1992) has been beloved all over the world. However, the animated film has been harshly criticized by analysists for its cultural and racial prejudices and lack of consideration for gender equality. In 2019, the live-action version of Aladdin was released and Disney aimed to overcome the previous criticism based on some advice from the people who belong to a Middle East community. The purpose of this article is to conduct a comparative analysis of the 1992 animation version of Aladdin and the 2019 live-action version from the conceptual perspectives of Orientalism, feminism, and political correctness. This research argues that there exists a shift from Orientalist viewpoints and gender inequity embedded in the 1992 animated film to more politically correct perspectives that improved the storyline and empowered Princess Jasmine in the live-action version of Aladdin (2019). Finally, this article investigates to what extent the 2019 live-action version of Aladdin has overcome the cultural, racial, and gender stereotypes of the Middle East and the Middle Eastern people through the comparative examination of the two masterpieces produced by Walt Disney as a global media culture production.
... From the late 1970s until the financial crisis of 2008, the puzzle had 5 or 8 pieces, corresponding to the member states of the G5 and G8 (Payne, 2008), and the dominance of the system was in the North of the world (the West), which no longer led the world through colonial control but through economic leadership and trade dynamics (Malik et al., 2024). Another interpretation of the puzzle of world politics can be found in Huntington's civilizations, where we have a system of 9 macrocivilizations (Huntington, 1993). More recently, we have come to realize that the G8 countries are no longer able to govern the world alone, and the mind map has expanded to include several countries from the South. ...
The growing role of cities in today’s globalized world is well known. As a result of their central position in many positive and negative global dynamics, cities are receiving more and more attention in various fields of study, including international relations (IR). In this context, COVID-19 was a turning point that once again demonstrated the international activism of cities, offering valid patterns of crisis response and management as an alternative to those of central governments. By observing this increased activism, this study has identified three main ways in which cities have developed international initiatives through unilateral, bilateral or multilateral actions, such as transnational city networks (TCNs), which have been one of the main tools used by cities to support or bypass central governments. Against this background, this study also sought to explore the main conditions that are associated with specific TCNs in providing solutions to the needs of their member cities in a time of crisis such as the COVID-19 pandemic. It did so through a qualitative comparative analysis focusing on some of the key characteristics of TCNs: top-down vs. bottom-up networks, relationships with IOs, mission and scope. The results indicate the conditions under which specific TCNs emerge as effective tools for international urban activism.
... According to Huntington, it was the motivational and mobilizational contents of the collective identities -mutually opposed and inspired by the world religions -that had become the chief protagonists of armed conflict, determining the relationships of human beings toward the sacral and the degree of significance accorded to rights and obligations, freedom and authority, equality and hierarchy. Huntington claims that these civilizational differences can explain developments in international relations from the last decade of the 20 th century forward, including the disintegration of Yugoslavia by way of war between the Serbs, the Croats and the Muslims (Huntington, Samuel, P. 1993a;1993b). ...
... Palabras clave: teoría sociológica, modernidad, modernidades múltiples, modernidades enredadas, modernidades no occidentales. Huntington (1993), e o Fim da história, de Francis Fukuyama (1992). A primeira defende a ideia de que a democracia liberal constitui a finalidade da evolução ideológica da humanidade, concebendo a história como um processo singular, coerente e evolutivo (Fukuyama, 1992, p. 1). ...
O presente artigo situa o problema teórico da modernidade no contexto histórico de virada do século XX para o século XXI. As novas teorias da modernização indicam um ponto de maturação da reflexividade moderna, que deixa de ser apenas objeto, firmando-se também como recurso metodológico de análise. A intensificação e a expansão do encontro entre modernidade e mundo não ocidental têm oferecido à sociologia um campo empírico fértil para a revisão teórica de suas ferramentas de interpretação da realidade. A partir da abordagem teórica de Wittrock sobre a constituição cultural da modernidade, recorro a autores como Eisenstadt e Therborn para comparar as teorias das modernidades múltiplas e das modernidades entrelaçadas. À luz dessas delimitações gerais, remeto às contribuições de Chaterjee, Samman e Göle para explorar a discussão sobre modernidade na perspectiva de sociedades não ocidentais. No geral, essas teorias enfatizam a não coincidência entre modernização e ocidentalização e o fato de que o projeto moderno se tornou global, mas não universal. As recentes conexões de sentido que têm conferido legitimidade à experiência moderna no mundo não ocidental constituem um novo campo empírico para uma velha questão teórica: o que é a modernidade?
... Many supporters of the Revolution eagerly sacrificed their wellbeing to establish a spiritual and religious society free from the corrupt and materialistic vices of Western liberal democracies. In this sense, the Islamic Revolution was the victory of traditional and religious values over secular and modern values (Amuzegar 1991;Huntington 2000). While the Islamic Revolution initially included groups with different political and ideological agendas, traditional Islamic ideology, led by clerics like Ayatollah Khomeini, ultimately took control. ...
... Gadamer 1989Gadamer /1960. Hence, it opposes Huntington's (1996) claim that different cultures would necessarily clash and views cultural opposition as a point of departure for generating novel insights. ...
This article identifies three central axes in the contemporary constellation of democratic theory and practice: (1) redefining the roots of democratic power, or kratos, in response to new challenges to popular participation in democracy; (2) the rescaling of the demos given the growing dissatisfaction with liberal cosmopolitan approaches to global democracy; and (3) the de-parochialization of democracy within a multipolar world in light of democratic erosion in liberal democracies across Europe and the Americas. This article arrives at these axes by way of revisiting the relation of the two concepts constituting democracy's etymological roots— demos and kratos —in recent work in democratic theory. It concludes by urging to move beyond the post-Cold War social imaginary by exploring the question “What demos and kratos for the twenty-first century?”
... Initially, optimistic visions of the future, such as "the end of history" and "the victory of democracy," were presented. 3 However, with the outbreak of so-called ethnic conflicts, such as the Yugoslav Wars, "nations" emerged as significant actors disrupting international relations beyond sovereign states (Huntington, 1993). Meanwhile, the rapid wave of globalization that had been underway since the mid-1980s began to be widely recognized. ...
Since the 1990s, "identity" has become integral to international relations research, exploring subjects' self-definition and sense of belonging, alongside the attributes of collectives like nations and ethnicities. Originally theorized by Erik H. Erikson to describe self-constancy and unity, "identity" expanded in sociology and social psychology to include self-definition and group affiliation. This paper investigates the incorporation of identity into international relations, driven by critiques of the field's narrow scope amid the evolving global landscape since the late 1980s. It clarifies the complex concept of "identity" and its integration into international relations, highlighting oversights in current theories. The study proposes new analytical perspectives to enhance the concept's relevance in international relations, supported by empirical examples.
... However, there have been other scholars who argued that the reaffirmation of Islam, whatever its specific sectarian form, means the repudiation of European and American influence upon local society, politics, and morals. Thus, Huntington pointed out that the "underlying problems for the West is not Islamic fundamentalism, it is Islam [itself], a different civilization whose people are convinced of the superiority of their culture and are obsessed by the inferiority of their power" (Huntington 2000). ...
Given that anti-Americanism in Algeria has intensified significantly in recent years according to surveys of Pew, Global Attitude Project (GAP), and Arab Barometer (AB), does that mean that Algerian academics in mainstream political science could be implicitly a part of that pervasive phenomenon? We have initially surveyed to examine the extent of bias and neutrality of the overall attitudes toward the U.S. within the Algerian political sciences community. The study has shown remarkable disparities among the respondents' attitudes, which appeared biased in some situations and neutral when the questionnaire required clear answers. The sample displayed proportionally a tendency toward anti-Americanism, either when they banished any moralism toward the U.S. actions and policies or when they failed to recognize some of the well-established facts about the US, such as its long-standing democratic traditions.
This paper is based on an analytical study of Ḥadīth-iJibra'il and sharī‛ahand its objectives with particular focus on the Islāmic ethics and its cross-cultural significance and on the effectiveness of bringing out humankind from the socio-cultural and religio-political crises as well as on its instructions for establishing a peaceful, prosperous, virtuous society. It also points out that Islāmic ethics have the potential to trans-cultural construct humanism on humanitarian grounds as well as to deal with challenges born out of the European Renaissance. In doing so, it aims to show the adequacy of such conceptualization of religious ethics and its relevance to critical and constructive thinking. Furthermore, it studies the range of reflexive interactions among people of different cultures and religions. Besides, it sheds light on how Islāmic ethics can help us in securing human rights and furnishing social justice.
This chapter examines the rise of majoritarian authoritarian populism in Russia, China, Turkey, and India. It explores how leaders in these nations use authoritarian populist discourses and policies to shape national identity, delegitimize opposition, and challenge Western dominance. The chapter first defines authoritarian populism and its majoritarian form in these polities. It then analyzes each regime’s authoritarian policies and how they are justified through populist rhetoric. A key focus is on how these regimes construct ‘the people’ as a group to be redeemed while identifying ‘elites’ and ‘dangerous others’ as obstacles. Finally, the chapter highlights how civilization-based classification schemes define these boundaries, legitimizing authoritarian rule, minority oppression, and aggressive foreign policies.
This chapter introduces the concept ‘civilizational authoritarian populism’. It describes how authoritarian populist regimes in Turkey, Russia, China, and India possess a civilizational worldview and perceives their nation to be heir to or an extension of an ancient and ‘great’ civilization requiring rejuvenation. The chapter defines key terms, key questions, explains our methods and use of software including NVivo and LIWC and explains the overall argument of the book. The chapter argues that authoritarian populist regimes in China, Russia, Turkey, and India harness a civilizational classification of peoples to, (1) construct a transnational ‘people’, ‘elite’, and ‘dangerous others’ (2) identify their nations as unique and complete civilizations with their own way of life, in order to help legitimize and justify authoritarianism in the domestic sphere and belligerence abroad, and (3) challenge Western and particularly American-led norms, laws, and institutions globally.
This chapter explores religion’s role in civilizational authoritarian populism, highlighting two key functions: defining ‘our civilization’ and identifying threats. Religion helps construct national identity while also marking ‘elites’ who betray civilizational values and ‘dangerous others’ who threaten it. The chapter examines how Erdoğan instrumentalizes Islam, portraying Shia and non-Sunni Muslims as threats, while the BJP frames Hinduism as India’s civilizational core and Muslims as the ultimate ‘other.’ Secular nationalists are cast as corrupt elites who abandoned Hindu values. Putin’s regime claims multiculturalism but insists on a dominant Orthodox Christian core, targeting liberals, pro-Western groups, and Islamists. In China, state atheism, Marxism, and Confucianism are framed as authentic civilizational expressions, with Buddhism tolerated, while others are marginalized. The chapter illustrates how these religious narratives reinforce authoritarian control and justify exclusionary policies.
This chapter discusses civilizationism and its role in authoritarian populist discourses. The chapter beings with a critical discussion of the literature on civilizationism and the rise of ‘civilization-states’. It discusses the importance of nostalgia in populist discourse, and how civilizationism can help authoritarian populist regimes can harness collective nostalgia for a past ‘golden age’ and use it to legitimize their rule and their marginalization of opponents and minority groups. Following this, we examine the civilizational discourses of Putin, Xi, Erdoğan, and Modi, and how and why they incorporate a civilizational classification of peoples into their authoritarian populist discourses. The chapter focuses on the construction of ‘the people’, ‘elites’, and ‘dangerous others’ via a civilizational classification of peoples, and shows how a transnational ‘people’ is brought into being, alongside transnational and international ‘elites’ and ‘dangerous others’.
This chapter examines the crucial role the ‘liberal West’ plays in civilizational authoritarian populist discourses. In this chapter, we discuss the way the Western world—particularly the United States and its close allies in the Anglophone world—is portrayed as the ultimate civilizational ‘other’ in the international sphere by the four regimes we investigate in this book. However, we are careful to observe many important differences between the regimes and their leaders’ respective discourses in terms of how they describe the threat posed by the ‘liberal West’.
In Reel to Real: Race, Class, and Sex at the Movies , a collection of profound and paradigm‐shifting essays on film, Bell Hooks (1996) writes, “Whether we like it or not, cinema assumes a pedagogical role in the lives of many. It may not be the intent of a filmmaker to teach audiences anything, but that does not mean that lessons are not learned” (pp. 2–3). Hooks' compelling argument forms the theoretical backdrop of my course, Muslims in Pop Culture, which examines the ways in which the genre of film constructs an image of Muslims as an imaginary “Other” in the American public consciousness. Through multiple case studies, students explore how films often affirm pre‐existing biases about Muslims embedded in the frameworks of Orientalism, Gendered Orientalism and the “Clash of Civilizations” theory. The course cultivates students' critical consciousness of films' pedagogical power to mediate viewers' understanding of the real Muslim world.
This research examines the application of International Humanitarian Law in armed conflicts and the involvement of countries in blockades to promote peace. It reveals that Humanitarian Law is enforced through the 1977 Additional Protocol, which governs international and non-international armed conflicts. The study also highlights Israel’s use of retaliatory Cast Lead operations in response to Hamas rocket attacks, which pose a threat to Israeli citizens’ safety. A narrative review is a research method that defines a topic, searches for relevant literature, organizes it, analyzes findings, and presents results in narrative form. It is suitable for broad overviews and provides flexible analysis. The ancient state of Israel, established by Shaul around 1025 BC, faced conflicts with the Palestinian nation, leading to the rise of groups like Fatah, Hamas, and the Palestine Liberation Organization. The Israeli Navy declared a blockade of the Gaza Strip in 2009, but the status of occupation remains questionable. International Humanitarian Law (IHL) is needed to protect victims affected by the conflict, and law enforcement mechanisms include diplomatic settlements, criminal investigations, and warnings. International Humanitarian Law is consistently respected and enforced, despite ongoing breaches, particularly in armed conflicts. Blockades, such as Israel’s infringement on Gaza, have resulted in widespread pain and loss of lives, highlighting the need for a more balanced approach to conflict resolution.
Le tournant culturel actuel a remis en question les perspectives de recherche contenues dans les sciences humaines et en géographie (culturelle). Les facteurs culturels y ont ainsi pris une place importante dans l'explication des pratiques humaines. Alors que l'intérêt pour les grandes théories diminue, les questions d'identité demeurent centrales. Cet article défend l'idée qu'au cours du dernier siècle il y a eu en fait deux tournants culturels. Le premier est survenu à la fin du XIXe siècle et peut être caractérisé par la spatialisation et la naturalisation de la culture, en géographie comme dans les autres sciences humaines. Dans les conditions d'expansion (et donc de globalisation) de l'époque, territorialiser de cette façon la culture nécessitait l'adoption d'une vision traditionnelle du monde qui nourrissait plusieurs fondamentalismes. Le tournant culturel de la fin du XXe siècle se caractérise quant à lui par un constructivisme interprétatif, c'est-à-dire que la réalité est conçue comme une construction qu'il faut comprendre et interpréter. Pour ce faire, on se focalise plutôt sur les actions et les interprétations des sujets, et sur la subjectivité.
This chapter dominant discourses of globalisation and human rights for democracy and social justice, by discussing the relevance of cultural identities to democracy, human rights and social justice globally. Globalisation, in most developing countries is articulated in the form of neo-liberal finance-driven policy reforms, concerning accountability, efficiency and effectiveness. Their effect on education systems is likely to increase’ educational inequalities and access to quality education for all. Furthermore, a lack of emphasis on the relationship between policy, poverty and schooling, and the withdrawal of the state as a major provider in the field of education in many parts of the world raise serious human rights and ethical questions. The growth of global education policy hegemony, based on neo-liberal ideology, defining accountability, standards, quality assurance, and assessment, fails to respond to the changing and problematic relationships between the state, education and social justice in the global economy.
American presidential elections in 2024 among other things are marked by Donald Trump's announcement regarding changes in foreign affairs. In this moment of history, which was characterized by changing world order, the Mediterranean Sea, in particular Eastern and Southern parts, and the Balkans are areas in proximity or directly affected by conflicts. The paper starts with the assumption that change in the White House would imply a certain discontinuity in their foreign policy. By implementing the Italian neoclassical geopolitical framework, the authors question the hypothesis. In line with that approach, opposition between NATO and Russia is considered as among the elites marked by diverging cultural traits and histories. The paper is divided into four parts. In order to arrive at the outcomes of the Trump scenario (new presidential mandate of Donald Trump), importance of the South and East Mediterranean and the Balkans is analyzed from the geopolitical perspective and in the view of current global reordering. Finally authors conclude that change could occur vis-à-vis Ukraine, while US politics in the Middle East would follow the current stance.
After several decades of neglect of the role of culture in international relations, this factor has once again received attention in recent years. However, when discussing the role and place of culture in this field, different and sometimes incomplete interpretations of this relationship are put forward. The aim of this paper is to explore possible links between culture and the field of international relations. To this end, we have examined various texts that deal with the two topics of culture and international relations. This study shows that although this area of cultural policy priorities in foreign policy of countries and, as a result, cultural relations of nations also include, when talking about the role of culture in international relations and, in particular, the influence of culture on foreign policy, this influence goes beyond cultural relations and issues. Foreign policy spans a wide range of domains, and every decision in this area, like other areas of decision-making, can be influenced by culture. But the role of culture in international relations does not end there. The role of cultural differences in the view of the international system and the emergence of misunderstandings, disagreements and conflicts are also other dimensions of this influence. This achievement is finally completed by examining the theory of Ned Libo under the title of the cultural theory of international relations.
After several decades of neglect of the role of culture in international relations, this factor has once again received attention in recent years. However, when discussing the role and place of culture in this field, different and sometimes incomplete interpretations of this relationship are put forward. The aim of this paper is to explore possible links between culture and the field of international relations. To this end, we have examined various texts that deal with the two topics of culture and international relations. This study shows that although this area of cultural policy priorities in foreign policy of countries and, as a result, cultural relations of nations also include, when talking about the role of culture in international relations and, in particular, the influence of culture on foreign policy, this influence goes beyond cultural relations and issues. Foreign policy spans a wide range of domains, and every decision in this area, like other areas of decision-making, can be influenced by culture. But the role of culture in international relations does not end there. The role of cultural differences in the view of the international system and the emergence of misunderstandings, disagreements and conflicts are also other dimensions of this influence. This achievement is finally completed by examining the theory of Ned Libo under the title of the cultural theory of international relations.
There is currently a predicament of involvement across all levels of international relations, from the global to the national level. This predicament has led to traps, tragedies, and dysfunctions that require further investigation. Existing research on macro-level paradigms is inadequate, especially since is lacks an exploration of non-Western paradigms, leaving the origins, evolution, and application of involutional phenomena underexplored. This paper constructs an analytical framework based on theories of alienation and inclusivity, employing comparative case studies, process tracing, and dataset observation to analyze how different paradigms address the challenge of involution. The findings suggest that Tianxiaism, as an inclusive Eastern paradigm, can effectively navigate the involution predicament, whereas Western liberalism, lacking inclusivity, struggles to escape from it. This research not only contributes a new theoretical perspective to international relations but also holds significant practical implications for fostering development, peace, and cooperation in the realm of international relations.
Explicit representations of race have played a major role in shaping world order since the era of colonialism. Although overt/explicit racisms have retreated in the wake of anti-racism advancements globally, the legacies of historical racial signification continue. Racialised representations have shifted from explicit notions of biological difference to notions of essentialised and primordialised social difference (wherein biological determinism remains implicit), employing seemingly more neutral and acceptable proxies for race, including culture’, ‘ethnicity’ and ‘religion’. Drawing insights from an eclectic body of works loosely termed ‘critical race studies’, we show how ‘racialisation’ as a representational process organises, structures and produces assumptions about race in mainstream Global North (GN) scholarly, policy and influential media representations of the Global South (GS). ‘Racialisation matters’ not because observers in the GN are necessarily racists, but because the legacies of historical racial significations are so deeply embedded structurally and institutionally. ‘Representations matter’ because they continue to inform the lived experiences of people in the GS, producing real physical effects on them as racialised subjects and on the material conditions of their existence. Revelation of the racialised dimensions of representations of the GS is necessary to reclaim the dignity, identity and agency of the racialised.
" لن يحل السلام الحقيقي في العالم ما دامت كل أمة لا تطلب السلام إلا لنفسها " نعم لن يحل السلام على أمة دون جارتها لان عالم اليوم شديد التأثر بعضه ببعض وذلك نتيجة للتطور التكنولوجي وسهولة الاتصال والتنقل من بلد إلى آخر والترابط الوثيق بين الاحداث العالمية، وخير مثال على ذلك الثورات العربية التي حدثت في فترة متقاربة لأن ظروفها وأسبابه ودوافعها ومعاناة الشعوب كانت متشابهة فعالم اليوم مليء بالحروب والكوارث والصراعات التي يطلق عليها (الارهاب) وكأنه وباء أصاب المجتمع البشري فجأة مما يوحي للبعض انه موجه من قبل قوى كبرى تتحكم به تضرب متى تشاء واين ما تشاء في الوقت الذي تشاء، لذلك علينا نحن حملة الفكر الانساني أن نعرف الدوافع والاسباب المحركة لعمليات الارهاب والترويع التي تصيب البشرية وأن نجد الحلول المناسبة للخلاص من التعصب ولتحقيق السلام في العالم.
The paper presents the results of research on the discourse on Serbia in selected Western media since the beginning of the military operation in Ukraine. The conducted research included the analysis of the original content of articles published on the Bild, BBC, and The New York Times websites, showing that the current discourse on Serbia was mostly established in the 1990s, during the Balkan conflicts, when the previous, positive image of the country as part of the SFR Yugoslavia was replaced by a negative one, awakening earlier references to the entire Balkan region. Historically, the West has viewed the Balkans as a collection of barbarians who, although in Europe, are distant from the European civilization, concluding that only distancing from their own past and identity and acceptance of European norms can help the Balkan countries break away from the tribal and backward. The process of portraying Serbia through the notions of Balkanism and Nazification later grew into the overall demonization of the country and its people. Serbia has been labelled as the main and only culprit for the Balkan conflicts, the discourse promoted by the Western politicians and broadcast by the media and eventually accepted by the public, about a backward and genocidal country that deserves to be destroyed. Legitimacy to this narrative has been given by institutions such as the ICTY, which changed the interpretation of genocide to make it applicable to the Serbian case, and various Western intelligence organisations that fabricated evidence in order to get the public support for the intervention against Serbia. In the midst of the negative campaign, various marketing agencies were used to promote the desired discourse, creating false information about the existence of concentration camps and a narrative similar to the one that existed against Nazi Germany in order to minimize resistance to the punitive measures that the West intended for Serbia. Western media selected for the purposes of this paper primarily choose sensationalist topics related to the field of politics and crime in the relevant period, mostly reporting on the relationship between Serbia and Kosovo, the influence of Russia on Serbia and the Balkans, the elections and the Serbian president, protests, and mass shooting in Belgrade. Portal bild. de mentioned Serbia in 24 articles in an almost exclusively negative connotation. bbc.com rarely reported on Serbia in the given period, mentioning it only 14 times with a little more journalistic objectivism keeping neutrality in about 43% of the articles. nytimes.com is a true example of journalism of attachment because it uses every opportunity to report on Serbia in a negative manner. By creating such an image in 35 articles, out of which 86% presented Serbia in a negative connotation, The New York Times continues the negative campaign against the country from the 1990s in order to support the official goals of the West such as the recognition of Kosovo and the acceptance of full responsibility for the Balkan conflicts, including genocide. Serbia is, therefore, depicted as an autocratic, nationalistic, stubborn country, featuring no freedom of the press, still living in the legacy of the wartime past, such as a high degree of armament of the population, non-reconciliation with the past and non-acceptance of international positions regarding Kosovo's independence or blame for ethnic cleansing in the Balkans. The country is also connected to organized crime, hooligan groups with roots in paramilitary groups, and a right-wing president who is holding the country in the grip of nationalism and his far-right past.
Zhongdaology is not only a typical Confucian way of thinking with a rich philosophical background and a centuries-long history; it is also a philosophical tradition that has had a profound impact on many aspects of Chinese culture and way of life, as well as the general traits and national personality of the majority of Chinese people.
Actions on regional realities by managers, political leaders and authorities depend upon their epistemologies. Old positivism can drift to one-sided more or less democratic decisions and actions. Interpretivism can drift from generous activism to bursts of authoritarian advocacy, blindness to facts and no results. New "open positivism" leads to more realistic views of forces, effects, methods and reachable results. It shows how regional identities can somehow coexist with globalisation.
In this paper, we examine the relationship between traditional beliefs, practices, and attitudes towards sexual behaviours, including homosexuality, non-marital sex, prostitution, polygamy, and divorce, in 26 Muslim communities across Africa, Asia, and Europe. While religiosity consistently correlates with traditional attitudes-rejecting homosexuality, non-marital sex, and prostitution while accepting polygamy-traditional beliefs, such as witchcraft and the evil eye, exhibit more complex and sometimes contradictory effects. For instance, belief in witchcraft associates with greater disapproval of polygamy, while belief in the acceptability of sorcery under Islam correlates with greater acceptance. These findings reveal significant variation in attitudes even within a religiously homogeneous sample, suggesting that religiosity and traditional beliefs influence sexual norms in distinct ways. This study underscores the importance of moving beyond religion to capture the broader cultural and traditional mindsets shaping attitudes. It calls for further research to better understand the conflicting and multifaceted impacts of tradition on social norms, particularly regarding sexuality.
Vaporwave provides a hauntological reflection on the capitalist excesses of the 1980–1990s, a moment that Francis Fukuyama declared as The End of History. To this task, Vaporwave replays the most memorable hooks of pop songs, commercial jingles and elevator Muzak, within visual scenographies of abandoned malls and virtual realities, dotted by Miami palms and Tokyo neon. However, these decades hold another significance for Eastern Europeans, who remained haunted by their own ghosts, not of ideology, but of identity. This article contrasts Vaporwave to Hardvapour, a violent mutation that does not avoid Huntington's Clash of Civilizations, but accelerates towards it. To this task, Hardvapour collectively identifies as having Eastern European origins, and fixates on the political volatility of the region, including the Russo-Ukrainian conflict, inviting comparisons with Baudrillard's theories about the unreality of the media-military complex. Despite their different agendas and aesthetics, both Vaporwave and Hardvapour are haunted by ghosts of time, and a disappearing territoriality, architectural and geographic.
The language of “Islam and the West,” as the language of “religion versus secularism” has exhausted itself in Orientalist discourse. In the context of the ‘Islamic world,’ how does Islam as a religion contemplates the idea of Din, Duniya and Daulat as a cosmopolitan view in its own consciousness and worldliness beyond the meta-narratives of Islamic fundamentalism on the one hand and Islamophobia on the other is an important inquiry. The relics of this mentality are still present in academia that shape the regressive “clash of civilizations.” In such a discursive tradition of orthodox understanding on Islam in the aftermath of September 2001 Predictably, the rash of pseudo-explanations of Islamic extremism, Islamic fundamentalism, Islamic theology, Islamic irrationalism. But such a possibility can’t be achieved until a proper agency is identified to overcome the colonial and post-colonial experiences. The critical task is to challenge the vast generalization project by retrieving the pre-colonial condition of cosmopolitan worldliness which Muslims historically experienced through its own great tradition of scientific vigour, philosophy and aesthetic imagination. The paper aims to revisit Islamic history and its multiple stands of cultural diversities through the lens of Cosmopolitanism. Debating Islam from the cosmopolitan lens can be an authentic response to malcontents of the western modernity which dominates the notion of universalism from own standpoint. Therefore, an expansion of non-western international relations without falling into the trap of ‘Orientalism in reverse’ can be made through the idea of cosmopolitanism.
This chapter argues that the conventional IR perspectives in BRI research can be radically complemented through the interdisciplinary contributions from anthropological perspectives. With the core strengths of anthropology in elucidating heterogeneity, dynamism, and micro causal mechanisms of social life and cultural expressions, the existing BRI research—pervaded with IR disciplinary traditions—can be further enhanced. In especial, the chapter advocates multi-sited analysis at multiple scales, multi-dimensional actors in “follow the thing” mechanism at multiple directions, and the multi-faceted voice approach to provide a deeper qualitative elucidation where statistical figures fail to capture.
From 1580 to 1700, low-ranking Spanish imperial officials ceaselessly moved across the Spanish empire, and in the process forged a single coherent political unit out of multiple heterogeneous territories, creating the earliest global empire. Global Servants of the Spanish King follows officials as they itinerated between the Americas, Asia, Europe, and Africa, revealing how their myriad experiences of service to the king across a variety of locales impacted the governance of the empire, and was an essential mechanism of imperial stability and integration. Departing from traditional studies which focus on high-ranking officials and are bounded by the nation-state, Adolfo Polo y La Borda centers on officials with local political and administrative duties such as governors and magistrates, who interacted daily with the crown's subjects across the whole empire, and in the process uncovers a version of cosmopolitanism concealed in conventional narratives.
The perception of cultural differences between refugee populations and host societies is central to political debates on integration. This study examines cultural values within the context of the Ukrainian refugee flows to Austria, following the Russian war of aggression. Previous research has shown that Ukrainian refugees represent a self-selected group in terms of their socioeconomic profile. However, there is limited evidence on whether and how their beliefs differ from those in their home society and align with those in their host society. Our research addresses this gap by offering a comparative analysis of two value dimensions: (1) gender roles, and (2) political attitudes. We utilize three large-scale data sources for our analyses to compare Ukrainian arrivals in Austria with the Austrian and Ukrainian resident populations. These sources include a rapid-response survey among Ukrainian arrivals in Austria conducted in 2022, and the most recent waves of the World Values Survey (WVS Ukraine 2020) and the European Values Study (EVS Austria 2018). Our results reveal a complex pattern. The gender role attitudes of Ukrainian arrivals deviate from both their home and host societies. Ukrainian refugees tend to hold more liberal gender role attitudes than the Ukrainian resident population and more traditional gender role attitudes than the Austrian resident population. When controlling for sociodemographic characteristics, the differences with the home country decrease, whereas the differences with the host country increase. This suggests that the selection of refugees in terms of education or age accounts for their in-between position in gender roles. Regarding beliefs in democracy, Ukrainian arrivals tend to align more closely with their home country than their host country. However, they indicate much more confidence in the EU than their compatriots and the Austrian resident population. The differences in attitudes towards democracy and confidence in international institutions remain stable even after accounting for sociodemographic characteristics, indicating that these differences are not due to socioeconomic self-selection processes. Finally, we find that Ukrainian arrivals from Kyiv stand out in both value dimensions, as they tend to hold less traditional gender role attitudes and have a more positive evaluation of democracy compared to those from other regions of Ukraine.
В данной статье рассмотрены концептуальные основания геополитических подходов в гуманитарных науках, раскрыты основные теории и концепции геополитических представлений, ее истоки. В современной геополитике основной пласт исследований посвящен экономическим, культурным и другим компонентам, поскольку они стали выходить на передний план в международных отношениях. Анализируются теоретические основы геоэкономики и геокультуры как направления гуманитарных наук, сформировавшиеся в середине XX века. Выделяются их основные смысловые компоненты и термины. Показывается взаимосвязь геополитической парадигмы с геоэкономическим и геокультурным дискурсом. Особенность представленной работы состоит в том, что были рассмотрены исследования по геоэкономике и геокультуре китайских ученых. Важно подчеркнуть, что в противовес западным концепциям, китайские мыслители предлагают вместо цивилизационных конфликтов развивать теории цивилизационного диалога и основными приоритетами международных отношений провозглашаются взаимное обучение, понимание и интеграция различных цивилизаций. Геокультура сегодня выступает особым видом мягкой силы, будучи ключевым элементом совокупной мощи государства. Геокультура отображает тенденцию к разнообразию цивилизаций. Она динамично формирует мировой геополитический порядок, соединимый с разными цивилизациями и культурами, по принципу уважения различий между ними. Концептуально сформировались геоэкономика и геокультура как новые формы геополитики, что позволило отойти от традиционного понимания геополитической географии и сделали геополитическое пространство общим для участия стран всего мира. Авторы приходят к выводу, что в современных условиях более актуальны экономические и «мягкие» методы воздействия, в этих условиях классическая геополитика трансформируется в глобальную геополитику.
What is the meaning and mission of the United States for Islam and Muslims? What was its role in the decolonization process and post-colonial period? Is it the source of all evil or the center of all goodness? What does America mean in terms of a Christian-Muslim alliance and interfaith dialogue? This article discusses the answers to these questions in the context of the views of the Islamic scholar and Quran commentator Said Nursi. Nursi's conception of America contains inspiring and original elements not only for Muslims but also for members of other religions, especially Christians. The main argument of this study is that, in today's world where discussions about America are in black and white, Nursi's original approach will enable much richer and broader-minded discussions. This study, prepared by surveying Nursi's works with a qualitative research method and an in-terdisciplinary approach, will contribute to the discussions on the subject.
OUR PEOPLE ПО 40 РОКАХ. СПЕЦИЯЛЬНА СЕКЦИЯКєд перед 40 роками напечатано книжку Павла Роберта Маґочiя Our People: Carpatho-Rusyns and Their Descendants in North America (Нашы люде: Карпатскы Русины і іх потомны в Америці), была то перша обшырна істория карпаторусиньскых іміґрантскых спільнот в Зъєднаных Штатах і Канаді. Была она так науковым, як і популярным текстом, што чынило з нєй «біблию» для вельох карпаторусиньскых Американців і Канадийців. Помагала она ім зрозуміти кым сут, одкале походят і чом іх предкы забрали ся з Європы, жебы осісти за Вельком Млаком. Єдночасно тота публикация стала ся початковом базом для вченых, што занимают ся темом Карпатскых Русинів в Америці. Приняли они єй наррацию што до формы і трансформаций карпаторусиньской міґрациі такой як доґму.В 2023 р. опубликуване было пяте поправлене выданя книжкы Our People з уактуальненым текстом і пошыреном наррацийом, што стало ся нагодом, жебы провести дискусийный панель на шторічным Конґресі Асоцияциі Славяньскых, Східньоєвропскых і Євроазиятскых Студий (ASEEES) в Філядельфіі в Пенсильваніі. Пятеро вченых – Патрішія A. Крафчік (Evergreen State College), Річард Кастер (Carpatho-Rusyns of Pennsylvania), Роберт Зекер (Saint Francis Xavier University), Богдан Горбаль (New York Public Library) і Ніколяс Кайл Купенскій (United States Air Force Academy) – дискутувало над історийом Маґочiя, подля принципу pro et contra. Аналізували його выповіди на тему культуры, економіі, расы, реліґіі і соспільства і критычні пізрили на його текст в сопоставліню з актуальныма досліджынями в обшыри культуровых студий над дияспором, міґрацийных студий, транснародовых студий і досліджынь над робітничом клясом.Взором подібных, специяльных секций посвяченых творчости Маґочiя, опубликуваных в «Nationalities Papers» (2011, 2019), сеса публикация з симпозиі під наголовком Our People at 40 (Нашы люде по 40 роках) зберат і пошырят одповіди панелистів на пяте поправлене выданя той істориі. В навязаню до темы сесого чысла «Річника Руской Бурсы» авторе омавляют значыня той канонічной студиі карпаторусиньской міґраций і оціняют стан днешніх досліджынь в обшыри карпаторусиньскых студий в Америці.
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