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Adult men (n = 582) and women (n = 765) from six nations (Spain, Peru, Venezuela, the United Kingdom, Australia, and the United States) completed two reliable and valid measures of chronic procrastination. Because both arousal and avoidant procrastination types were significantly related across the entire sample (r = .72, p < .001) and within each national sample, regression analyses calculated “pure” arousal and “pure” avoidant procrastinators, controlling for the scale scores of the other scale. Results indicated no significant sex or nationality differences within and between nations on self-reported arousal or avoidant procrastination. Overall, 13.5% and 14.6% of men and women self-identified as either arousal or avoidant procrastinators, respectively. These findings suggest that the tendency toward frequent delays in starting or completing tasks may be prevalent across diverse populations in spite of their distinct cultural values, norms, and practices.
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Journal of Cross-Cultural
DOI: 10.1177/0022022107302314
2007; 38; 458 Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology
Joseph R. Ferrari, Juan Francisco Díaz-Morales, Jean O'Callaghan, Karem Díaz and Doris
Chronic Procrastination
Frequent Behavioral Delay Tendencies By Adults: International Prevalence Rates of
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International Prevalence Rates of Chronic Procrastination
DePaul University
Complutense University
Roehampton University
Pontifical Catholic University
Adult men (n=582) and women (n=765) from six nations (Spain, Peru, Venezuela, the United Kingdom,
Australia, and the United States) completed two reliable and valid measures of chronic procrastination.
Because both arousal and avoidant procrastination types were significantly related across the entire
sample (r=.72, p<.001) and within each national sample, regression analyses calculated “pure” arousal
and “pure” avoidant procrastinators, controlling for the scale scores of the other scale. Results indicated
no significant sex or nationality differences within and between nations on self-reported arousal or
avoidant procrastination. Overall, 13.5% and 14.6% of men and women self-identified as either arousal
or avoidant procrastinators, respectively. These findings suggest that the tendency toward frequent delays
in starting or completing tasks may be prevalent across diverse populations in spite of their distinct
cultural values, norms, and practices.
Keywords: chronic procrastination; prevalence rates; cultural nationalities
Levine and colleagues (Levine, 2005; Levine & Barlett, 1984; Levine & Norenzayan,
1999) examined the pace of life for adults living in large cities from numerous countries
and found that fast-paced lives were more dominant in Westernized, economically devel-
oped nations and may have serious negative health consequences around meeting time
frames. According to Brislin and Kim (2003), cultural differences in norms and values
exist in the perception of time that may affect a person’s ability to examine the impact of
long-term consequences, avoid risks, and live in the here and now, focusing on short-term
perspectives. Two components of their model pertinent to the present study are how punc-
tual a person may be and how efficiently that person accomplishes several tasks within a
limited time frame. The present study focuses on a behavioral index of these components
through a person’s tendency to procrastinate—a purposive delay in failing to start or meet
deadlines (Ferrari, Johnson, & McCown, 1995).
AUTHORS’NOTE: The authors express gratitude to Clarry Lay and Henri Schouwenburg for comments on early portions of this
article and to Anthony Owens for assistance in data collection. Direct correspondence to the first author at DePaul University,
Department of Psychology, 2219 North Kenmore Ave., Chicago, IL 60614; e-mail:
JOURNAL OF CROSS-CULTURAL PSYCHOLOGY, Vol. 38 No. 4, July 2007 458-464
DOI: 10.1177/0022022107302314
© 2007 Sage Publications
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At present, two reliable and valid measures of chronic procrastination have been iden-
tified with men and women in the United States (Harriott & Ferrari, 1996), with equal
prevalence rates of about 15%. One scale seems to be related to a tendency to delay tasks
as a thrill-seeking experience to ward off boredom and work “best under pressure.” Lay’s
(1986) 5-point, 20-item, unidimensional General Behavioral Procrastination (GP) Scale
(containing statements such as “I always seem to shop for birthday gifts at the last minute,
“I often find myself performing tasks that I intended to do days before,” and “I usually buy
even an essential item at the last minute”; see Ferrari et al., 1995) identified such delays
as being motivated by a need for arousal (Ferrari, 1992, 2000). Because scores on this scale
have been related to external attributes or excuses for delays (Ferrari, 1993) and poor per-
formance when environmental stressors existed that heightened arousal at task deadlines
(Ferrari, 2001), this self-report measure seems to be an appropriate measure to assess
arousal procrastination.
The other scale of frequent procrastination among adults seems to be a reflection of low
self-esteem and self-confidence such that a person delays completing tasks that might reveal
potential poor abilities. McCown and Johnson’s (1989; items found in Ferrari et al., 1995)
Adult Inventory of Procrastination (AIP), a 5-point, 15-item, unidimensional scale (sample
items include “I am not very good at meeting deadlines,” “My friends and family think I
wait until the last minute,” and “Putting things off until the last minute has cost me money
in the past year”) is a global measure of frequent procrastination examining a variety of
tasks to deflect potential disclosure of perceived inabilities and incompetence (Ferrari,
1993) and self-relevant information about one’s skills and competence (Ferrari,1991). This
scale then may be considered a good self-report measure of avoidant procrastination.
To examine the discriminant validity of both procrastination measures within a cross-
cultural context, Ferrari and Díaz-Morales (in press) analyzed the characteristic profile of
arousal and avoidant motives of procrastination related to past, present, and future time
conceptions. Results provided evidence that despite a high relationship in measures, there
are distinct motives for chronic procrastination. Avoidant procrastination was associated
negatively with present–fatalistic time orientation, and arousal procrastination was associ-
ated positively with present–hedonistic and negatively with future time orientation. It
should be noted that both arousal and avoidant procrastinations have been significantly
related (rrange =.65 to .75) when measured in the same study with the same adult
samples. To ascertain prevalence rates of both procrastination types among international
samples of adult men and women, it is necessary to separate the shared covariance between
both types and examine “pure” procrastination types. Pure in the present context refers to
understanding the separate contributions of both procrastination typologies in contributing
to task delays among adults. In personality research, the use of residual scores after con-
ducting regression analyses to examine related but separate variables is an accepted pro-
cedure (see Lutwak, Ferrari, & Cheek, 1998, for an example).
In the present study, we focus on the replication of general psychological measures and
processes related to procrastination across languages and countries among men and women
from six nations. To establish the cross-cultural equivalence of a questionnaire, satisfactory
translation (verified by a back translation) of the questionnaire must be applied (Paunonen &
Ashton, 1998). Fortunately, Díaz-Morales, Díaz, Argumedo, and Ferrari (2006) established
the validity of both procrastination scales used in the present study with varied Spanish-
speaking adult populations. It was expected in the present study that the prevalence of arousal
and avoidant procrastination would be similar for men and women within each nation, con-
sistent with previous research (e.g., Ferrari, O’Callaghan, & Newbegin, 2005). No published
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study compares prevalence rates of arousal and avoidant procrastination (measured by the
GP and AIP measures, respectively) between men and women across nations with differ-
ent languages. The present study, therefore, extends the notions of punctuality and task
completion related to perceptions of time (Brislin & Kim, 2003) within six nations.
Participants were women (n=765) and men (n=582) living in metropolitan areas
within one of six countries (Australia, Peru, Spain, the United Kingdom, the United States,
and Venezuela). More specifically, from the United States, there were 207 adults (122
women, 85 men); Australia, 214 adults (124 women, 90 men); United Kingdom, 239
adults (143 women, 96 men); Venezuela, 123 adults (76 women, 47 men); Spain, 276
adults (141 women, 135 men); and Peru, 254 adults (132 women, 122 men). To ensure
more matched samples, we recruited middle-aged adults (Mage =40.7 years old, SD =
12.35, range =30 to 65 years old) within each country. Most participants reported they
were married (80%) with two children (Mnumber of children =1.88, SD =0.34).
Participants also reported they were employed at their present position, on average, 2 to 3
years (M=2.66 years, SD =0.88), and all participants would be labeled as middle-class
employed adults similar to U.S. standards.
All participants completed Lay’s (1986) 20-item, 5-point (1 =not true of me,5 =very
true of me) GP, which examines behavioral tendencies to delay the start or completion of
everyday tasks for thrill-seeking experiences. Participants also completed the 15-item,
5-point Likert-type scale (1 =strongly disagree,5 =strongly agree) self-report AIP devel-
oped by McCown and Johnson (1989; see Ferrari et al., 1995, for details) to examine
chronic task delays across a variety of situations motivated by avoidance of task unpleas-
antness and personal performance anxieties. Both scales were translated into Spanish by
the second and fourth authors and then back translated from Spanish to English by a bilin-
gual expert who was not a psychologist. An independent translator did the verification of
the translation, as suggested by Paunonen and Ashton (1998; see Ferrari et al., 1995, for
English and Díaz-Morales et al., 2006, for Spanish versions of these scales, including
their psychometric properties). For the present samples, the median coefficient alpha on
the GP scale was 0.83 and on the AIP measure was 0.85, suggesting good internal consis-
tency within each country. Table 1 presents the mean score and coefficient alpha for each
of the six countries.
Demographic data were collected by asking each participant to voluntarily complete a
survey of their age, sex, marital status, number of children, and length of time at their cur-
rent employed position as well as the GP and AIP scales in counterbalanced order.
Participants were recruited from middle-class adults living in and around major metropol-
itan areas within each country, with the restriction that gender and age be maintained for
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balanced samples. For U.S., Australian, and Venezuelan adults, the first author asked
groups of adults attending community-based public meetings in and around Chicago,
Melbourne, and Caracas, respectively, to participate. The second author used a snowball
method assisted by undergrads to solicit participation in and around Madrid, Spain. The
third author solicited random samples of U.K. adults living in and around London. The
fourth and fifth authors solicited random samples of adults who shared similar middle-
class demographic profiles living in Lima, Peru.
Table 1 presents the mean avoidant and arousal procrastination score for each of the six
international countries. A 2 (sex) ×6 (nation) MANOVA was performed on the GP and
AIP scores to assess whether there were significant differences in chronic procrastination
between men and women from each of the six countries. Consistent with other research
(see Ferrari et al., 1995; Ferrari & Pychyl, 2000), there were no significant sex main or
interaction effects. However, there was a significant main effect for nation, multivariate
F(10, 2646) =20.44, p<.001, Wilks’s Lambda =.862. Subsequent one-way ANOVA
between the six nations indicated a significant difference between nations on the GP scale,
F(5, 1430) =27.01, p<.001, and the AIP measure, F(5, 1438) =19.13, p<.001. Post
hoc analyses (Newman-Keuls, p<.05) indicated that adults living in the United Kingdom
reported significantly higher chronic arousal procrastination compared to adults from
Peru, the United States, and Spain, with adults from Venezuela and Australia claiming the
lowest prevalence. In addition, adults living in the United Kingdom reported significantly
higher chronic avoidant procrastination compared to adults from Peru, the United States,
and Australia, with the lowest reported tendencies among adults from Spain and Venezuela
(see Table 1).
We examined the magnitude of the differences between mean procrastination scores for
these six nations (Cohen, 1988). For arousal procrastination, the mean difference between
the United Kingdom versus Peru, Spain, plus the United States had a medium effect size,
Mean Score, Coefficient Alpha, and Zero-Order Correlates for Arousal (Ars.)
and Avoidant (Avd.) Procrastination Measures for Each Nation
Ars. Procrastination Avd. Procrastination Country
Country MSD
Spain (141 women, 135 men) 46.51 10.16 .86 32.38 8.52 .82 .717**
Peru (132 women, 122 men) 50.01 10.02 .79 35.98 8.88 .79 .664**
Venezuela (76 women, 47 men) 44.33 10.25 .78 31.29 10.50 .83 .754**
Australia (124 women, 91 men) 44.72 11.65 .89 33.97 8.22 .86 .724**
United Kingdom (196 women, 52.46 12.65 .79 39.01 8.61 .86 .700**
115 men)
United States (103 women, 65 men) 49.22 11.30 .87 35.64 9.64 .85 .747**
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d=.339; between Peru, Spain, plus the United States versus Venezuela plus Australia,
there was a medium effect size, d=.373; and between the United Kingdom versus
Venezuela plus Australia, there was a large effect size, d=.671. For avoidant procrastina-
tion, the mean difference between the United Kingdom versus Peru, the United States, plus
Australia had a medium effect size, d=.435; between Peru, the United States, plus
Australia versus Spain plus Venezuela, also a medium effect size, d=.364; and between
the United Kingdom versus Spain plus Venezuela, a large effect size, d=.811.
Nevertheless, these medium and large effect sizes still accounted for less than 50% of
the distribution of nonoverlapping scores on GP and AIP measures. Also, both sets of
chronic procrastination scores within each country were significantly interrelated. The
overall mean and median coefficient was 0.72 (p<.001) collapsing across all six nations.
This fact indicates that for the present adult samples, chronic procrastination behavior pat-
terns were not mutually exclusive. Consequently, to estimate the prevalence rates of pure
procrastination types among adults of each country (to compare independently GP and AIP
scores), we regressed GP scores on AIP scores, and then vice versa, to obtain standardized
zresidual scores for the sole variance of the specific procrastination types. We then calcu-
lated the percentage of people that obtained a Zresidual score >1.00 for both procrasti-
nation types. Setting our criteria to scores >1.00 permitted us to select what we labeled as
pure arousal and pure avoidant procrastinators independent of crossover effects between
typologies. We applied this method to compute residual scores separately for each country
using its own population, to correct for cultural sensitivity/interpretation of behavioral
delays. In other words, the use of within-culture zscores allowed us to identify pure
interindividual variances within cultures while correcting for between-culture variance.
The analysis of between-culture variance, although significant and large, was not the focus
of the present study. Instead, our aim was to explore cross-cultural replication of possible
common behavioral tendencies. The percentages of pure types of procrastination estimated
by this procedure are presented in Table 2.
A 2 (sex) ×6 (nation) MANOVA then was performed on the percentage of pure arousal
and avoidant procrastination types to assess whether there were significant differences in
procrastination among adults from each of the six countries. There was no significant sex
main or interaction effect. Using the residual scores that obtained orthogonal procrastination
types, there was no significant main or interaction effect by nation. As noted by Table 2, the
overall percentage of adults who reported behavioral procrastination tendencies associated
with an arousal motive was 13.5%, and with avoidant tendencies, 14.6%.
Percentage of Adults With Pure Arousal or Avoidant Procrastination Tendencies
Procrastination Type
Country Arousal Avoidant
Spain 13.1 14.6
Peru 12.4 14.9
Venezuela 15.6 15.2
Australia 14.4 15.3
United Kingdom 10.9 13.8
United States 16.1 15.5
Total 13.5 14.6
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The tendency toward delaying the start or completion of tasks, known as procrastina-
tion, is common among the adults studied in six countries, consistent with previous litera-
ture reviews (van Eerde, 2003). Large and significant country effects emerged in the
present study when we examined raw procrastination scores. But the focus of our study
was within-group rather than between-group variance, and further analyses on prevalence
rates used standardized residuals. We used regression analyses to compute standardized
residual scores to calculate pure procrastination types to statistically control for the shared
variance found between procrastination types within and between each of the nations.
Results found men and women self-reported rates of 13.5% for arousal procrastination and
14.6% for avoidant procrastination, despite using different data collection methods and
different item translations. Our results found the rates of arousal and avoidant procrastina-
tion similar across nations, when controlled statistically, showing cross-cultural common-
ality rather than cross-cultural differences.
Although previous research indicated that both self-report scales are reliable and valid
measures (Ferrari & Pychyl, 2000), more research is needed that includes direct behavioral
indices with adults in different nations. The present study was the first systematic investi-
gation of chronic procrastination with adults from six different nations. Men and women
in varied nations are prone to a “mañana” lifestyle, but the causes and consequences within
each culture need further investigation to ascertain an indigenous psychology (Adair &
Diaz-Loving, 1999; Kim, Park, & Park, 2000). The present study provides an initial mea-
surement of how people from varied nations behave on the basis of their conception of
time lines and their relatively busy lifestyles (Brislin & Kim, 2003).
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Joseph R. Ferrari is a professor of psychology and Vincent de Paul Distinguished Professor at DePaul
University, Chicago. He is the editor of the Journal of Prevention and Intervention in the Community
(Haworth Press). His research interests include experimental social–personality psychology (procrastina-
tion, shame/guilt, impostor phenomena, attitude change and persuasion, attribution processes) and applied
social–community psychology (caregiver stress/satisfaction, community volunteerism, addiction recovery,
sense of community, and higher education mission statements). In procrastination research, he is author of
three scholarly volumes, more than 60 peer-reviewed publications, and more than 120 conference presenta-
tions. He also is an invited motivational speaker on procrastination and life change issues.
Juan Francisco Díaz-Morales is a professor of psychology at Complutense University of Madrid. His gen-
eral research interests concern individual differences, including personality styles, chronopsychology,
time psychology, and procrastination. He was a lecturer at the National Program for Researcher
Formation from 1998 to 2001. He is a coauthor of the Spanish adaptation of the Millon Index of
Personality Styles and has conducted research in France and Peru. He is a member of the official research
group Personality Styles, Gender, and Health at Complutense University of Madrid.
Jean O’Callaghan is a principal lecturer in psychology and counseling at Roehampton University,
London, and an integrative psychotherapist. She has research interests in self-regulation, procrastination,
and disability in higher education.
Karem Díaz is a professor of psychology at Pontifical Catholic University in Lima, Peru, and a rational
emotive behavioral therapist trained at the Albert Ellis Institute in New York. Her research interests lie in
the areas of cognitive and personality psychology, procrastination, and motivation.
Doris Argumedo is a professor in the Department of Psychology at the Pontifical Catholic University of
Peru in the areas of psychometric methodology and psychopathology. Her research interests concern psy-
chological measurement and cross-cultural testing and assessment.
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... 66)" [31]. It is usually considered as a pernicious form of self-regulation failure [31,58]. Given its temporal property in delaying a planned course of action, procrastination often has a close association with the lack of time management skills [59,60]. ...
... Specifically, both the negative and positive associations would be enhanced for employees with high procrastination. That is because procrastination is a form of self-regulation failure [31,58]; employees with high procrastination usually have difficulties in managing their time effectively. ...
Full-text available
Extended work availability (EWA) captures the experience of an employee who needs to be available for job demands during nonworking hours. It is a ubiquitous phenomenon because of the prevalent use of information and communication technology (ICT) such as mobile devices and internet services for work purposes. Although it has been found to impair employee health and well-being, evidence that delineates how to mitigate employee EWA is sparse. Thus, an important research question is: How can managers alleviate employee EWA in the ICT-prevalent work environment? Given EWA has a close connection with the time-based work–nonwork conflict, the present study addresses this question by taking a temporal lens and focusing on the roles of three time-related determinants of employee EWA. Particularly, we first include temporal leadership as a predictor of employee EWA, which concerns a particular type of time management behavior in which a manager aims at helping employees to achieve effective use of time while performing job duties. Then, we incorporate both the individual tendency to delay an intended course of action (i.e., procrastination) and the time management environment in an organization (i.e., organizational time norms) into our research model to further reveal how employee EWA could be shaped. Drawing on spillover theory, the goal of the present study was to examine the effect of temporal leadership in determining employee EWA, as well as the roles employee procrastination and organizational time norms play. Analyses of cross-sectional survey data from a sample of 240 full-time employees showed that temporal leadership has a U-shaped association (β = 0.32, p < 0.001) with employee EWA. Both employee procrastination (r = 0.40, p < 0.001) and organizational time norms (r = 0.30, p < 0.001) are positively related to employee EWA, respectively. Moreover, the U-shaped association between temporal leadership and employee EWA becomes more salient when the organizational time norms is strong, with a standardized regression coefficient of 0.24 (p < 0.05) for the interaction between temporal leadership squared and organizational time norms. These findings contribute to a more comprehensive view of how managers can alleviate employee EWA in today’s ICT-prevalent work environment.
... Defined as the voluntary delay of taking action on important, necessary, and intended tasks despite knowing there will be negative consequences for this delay (Ferrari & Tice, 2000;Sirois & Pychyl, 2013), procrastination is a ubiquitous and prevalent form of self-regulatory failure that can be a chronic tendency for many individuals. Indeed, research estimates suggest that 50 percent of students and 15-25 percent of adults chronically procrastinate (Ferrari, Díaz-Morales, O'Callaghan, Díaz, & Argumedo, 2007;Steel, 2007). In addition to having negative consequences for academic study (Hen & Goroshit, 2014) and work life (Beheshtifar, Hoseinifar, & Moghadam, 2011), there is growing evidence that chronic or trait procrastination can also be detrimental for health and well-being. ...
Objectives: Procrastination is a common form of self-regulation failure that a growing evidence base suggests can confer risk for poor health outcomes, especially when it becomes habitual. However, the proposed linkages of chronic procrastination to health outcomes have not been tested over time or accounted for the contributions of higher-order personality factors linked to both chronic procrastination and health-related outcomes. We addressed these issues by examining the role of chronic procrastination in health outcomes over time in which the hypothesized links of procrastination to health problems operate via stress and health behaviours. Design: Three-wave longitudinal study with 1-month intervals. Methods: Participants (N = 379) completed measures of trait procrastination at Time 1, and measures of health behaviours, stress and health problems at each time point, in a lab setting. Results: Procrastination and the health variables were inter-related in the expected directions across the three assessments. Chronic procrastination was positively associated with stress and negatively with health behaviours at each time point. Path analysis testing a cross-lagged longitudinal mediation model found an indirect relationship operating between procrastination and health problems via stress, after accounting for the contributions of conscientiousness and neuroticism. Conclusions: This research extends previous work by demonstrating that the links between chronic procrastination and poor health are accounted for mainly by higher stress, after accounting for other key traits, and that these associations are robust over time. The findings are discussed in terms of the importance of addressing habitual self-regulation failure for improving health.
... Schätzungen zufolge prokrastinieren ca. 20-30 % der Erwachsenen chronisch [8,9,13]. Für Studierende liegen die Prävalenzschätzungen in einer ähnlichen Größenordnung [5]. ...
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Zusammenfassung Hintergrund Es wird geschätzt, dass 20–30 % der Studierenden die Tendenz zeigen, wichtige Aufgaben im Studium aufzuschieben. Diese Tendenz wird im Prokrastination-Gesundheitsmodell mit einer Beeinträchtigung des psychischen Befindens, erhöhtem Stresserleben sowie einem gesundheitsschädigenden Verhalten in Verbindung gebracht. Fragestellung Analysiert wird, ob die vorab postulierten Annahmen des Prokrastination-Gesundheitsmodells sich auch empirisch in einer Stichprobe von Studierenden bestätigen lassen. Material und Methode Im Januar und Februar 2019 wurden 3420 Studierende der Freien Universität Berlin in einer Onlinebefragung zu Prokrastination, Ängstlichkeit und Depressivität, ihrem Schlafverhalten sowie ihrem Stresserleben befragt. Zur Prüfung der Annahmen des Prokrastination-Gesundheitsmodells wurde ein Strukturgleichungsmodell formuliert, dessen Ergebnisse hier berichtet werden. Ergebnisse Die zentralen Annahmen des Prokrastination-Gesundheitsmodells konnten bestätigt werden. Ein hohes Maß an Prokrastination wirkt direkt auf die Ängstlichkeit und Depressivität und wirkt indirekt, sowohl über das Stresserleben als auch über die herabgesetzte Schlafqualität, auf das Befinden (Ängstlichkeit/Depressivität). Schlussfolgerungen Es erweist sich als sinnvoll, neben einer direkten gesundheitsbeeinträchtigenden Wirkung von Prokrastination auch die Auswirkungen vermittelt über das Stresserleben und das gesundheitsbezogene Verhalten in den Blick zu nehmen. Diese Ergebnisse müssen allerdings noch im Längsschnitt bestätigt werden.
Aims and rationale This study aimed to increase understanding of academic procrastination (AP), as well as indicating strategies which might reduce it. Methods During phase one, semi-structured interviews were carried out with post-16 students (N=20). Template analysis (TA) was then used to analyse the interview transcripts. General themes were derived which formed the basis of phase two surveys, which were completed by post-16 students (N=343), teachers (N=52), and educational psychologists (EPs, N=43). Quantitative methods, including the Hochberg’s GT2 and the Games-Howell procedure, were then employed to compare the mean responses of each group on the survey items. Findings and implications Support for the constructs making up temporal motivation theory (TMT) was found among all three groups of respondents. However, the respondents also agreed with items relating to additional themes which emerged during phase one, such as emotion, and the role of the teacher. Similarly, support for TMT was observed when it came to strategies aimed at tackling procrastination. Again, the role of emotion was highlighted, as were potential issues with designing and implementing an intervention. Nevertheless, strategies were suggested which are outlined in the discussion, and arranged in relation to each of the themes addressed in the surveys. Limitations Sample sizes were relatively small, and convenience sampling reduced the likelihood of obtaining a random sample. Template analysis was carried out by one researcher, increasing the likelihood of subjective interpretation. Conclusion Temporal motivation theory provides a useful – but not entirely comprehensive – theoretical model for understanding academic procrastination (AP) among post-16 students in the UK. Students, teachers and EPs have useful insights into why AP occurs, and each group believes that practical strategies may help to overcome it.
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Background Although procrastination has been widely studied in adults, comparatively little work has focused on adolescent procrastination, especially in the Pacific region. As a contribution to knowledge and diversification of population sampling, therefore, we examined procrastination in a multi-ethnic sample of adolescents from New Caledonia. Specifically, we examined gender and ethnic differences in procrastination, as well as sociodemographic and ethnic identity predictors of procrastination. Methods 927 adolescents (474 boys, 453 girls; age M = 13.2 years) completed measures of procrastination and ethnic identity, and reported their ethnicity (Kanak vs. Polynesian vs. European). Sociodemographic data (sex, age, area of residence and socioeconomic status) were also collected. Results An analysis of variance indicated significant ethnic (Kanak and Polynesian adolescents had higher procrastination than European adolescents) and sex differences (girls had higher procrastination than boys), but no significant interaction. Regression analysis showed that higher procrastination was significantly associated with sex, ethnicity, age, and the interaction between ethnicity and ethnic identity. Moderation analysis showed that ethnic identity moderated the relationship between ethnicity and procrastination, but only in Kanak adolescents. Conclusion Relatively high levels of procrastination were observed in Kanak and Polynesian adolescents, and in girls. These findings, while preliminary, may have important implications for academic attainment in the New Caledonian context.
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Background Academic procrastination has become more prevalent during the COVID-19 pandemic due to teaching/learning changes. This phenomenon induces academic burnout, which is already serious among medical students. However, the academic emotion, which is the factor most vulnerable to changes in the academic environment, is still unknown. Therefore, the current study aimed to investigate the mediating role of general academic emotions in procrastination and burnout among Chinese medical students during the COVID-19 pandemic. Methods This cross-sectional study enrolled 995 medical students from China Medical University. We applied the Chinese version of the Maslach Burnout Inventory Student Survey (MBI-SS), the Aitken Procrastination Inventory (API) and the General Academic Emotion Questionnaire for College Students (GAEQ) to evaluate the variables of interest. We examined the mediation effects of GAEs by hierarchical linear regression analysis. Results Correlation analyses showed a significant positive correlation between procrastination and burnout. Procrastination and burnout positively and negatively correlated with negative academic emotions, respectively. Hierarchical linear regression analyses showed that procrastination had positive associations with negative academic emotions, while it had negative associations with positive academic emotions. The contributions (as mediators) of GAEs to burnout and procrastination were 21.16% (NAEs), 29.75% (PAEs), 54.25% (NDEs) and 23.69% (PDEs). Conclusions The results indicate that academic emotions had mediating effects on procrastination and burnout. Medical students' worries about the uncertainty of the learning environment may have exacerbated academic burnout. Targeted improvements in the teaching environment to communicate encouragement and reduce anxiety and helplessness among medical undergraduates for implementing medical education while preventing and controlling the infection.
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We tend to seek immediate gratification at the expense of long-term reward. In fact, the more distant a reward is from the present moment?the more we tend to discount it. This phenomenon is known as temporal discounting. Engaging in mental time travel plausibly enables subjects to overcome temporal discounting, but it is unclear how, exactly, it does so. In this paper, we develop a framework designed to explain the effects of mental time travel on temporal discounting by showing how the subject?s temporally extended self enables mental time travel to generate appropriate emotions that, in turn, via metacognitive monitoring and control, generate appropriate behaviours. Building on existing approaches we outline an initial framework, involving the concepts of emotion and the temporally extended self, to explain the effects of mental time travel on resisting temptation. We then show that this initial framework has difficulty explaining the effects of mental time travel on a closely related phenomenon, namely, overcoming procrastination. We next argue that, in order to explain these effects, the concept of emotion needs to be refined, and the concept of metacognition needs to be added to the framework: emotions involve an action-readiness component, which, through metacognitive monitoring and control, can enable the subject to resist temptation and overcome procrastination. Finally, we respond to an objection to our account?based on the somatic marker hypothesis?such that metacognition is not necessary to account for the role of emotions in decision-making.
Purpose The present research was based on an online questionnaire. A total of 256 undergraduate psychology students aged 18–44 ( M = 23.61; SD = 0.57) from the Pontifical Catholic University of Argentina took part in the study (137 women; 53.3%). A sociodemographic and academic survey and the locally adapted versions of the Zimbardo Time Perspective Inventory (ZTPI), the Motivated Strategies for Learning Questionnaire (MSLQ) and the Tuckman Procrastination Scale were used in this study. Participants were contacted by an email advertisement in which the main purpose of the study was explained, and the instruments remained open from September to November of 2021. Descriptive analyses – means, standard deviations and frequencies – were calculated using IBM SPSS v.25, and mediation and moderation analyses were conducted on PROCESS macro. Design/methodology/approach Academic achievement has always been a concern in the high undergraduate's community. Numerous studies have addressed psychological aspects of students' academic life; however, a past-positive (PP) time perspective, a warm and sentimental view of past events that took place in someone's life, has not been profoundly contemplated. The fact that students might organize their activities, employ different strategies to fulfill their tasks and motivate themselves to pursue their academic goals based primarily on their past experiences calls the attention on conducting research on this time perspective dimension and its relationship with procrastination and academic motivation. It was hypothesized that the PP time perspective would positively predict academic achievement via the mediation of academic motivation in a way that the potentiate effect of PP time perspective on academic achievement would be increased in highly motivated students, but this effect would be reduced in less motivated students. Also, it was hypothesized that the relationship between motivation and academic achievement would be negatively moderated by procrastination such that academic achievement would increase with academic motivation; however, that increase would be attenuated by procrastination. Findings Academic achievement was positively associated with PP time perspective ( r = 0.39; p < 0.01) and academic motivation (0.36; p < 0.01) and negatively associated with procrastination ( r = −0.15; p < 0.05). Results showed that academic motivation mediated the relationship between PP time perspective and academic achievement ( ß = 1.37; R ² = 0.21; p < 0.001). Additionally, procrastination moderated the relationship between academic motivation and academic achievement but only at the low ( ß = 0.76; p < 0.001) and medium ( ß = 0.44; p < 0.001) levels of procrastination, while at high levels of procrastination, that relationship was not statistically significant ( ß = 0.11; p > 0.05). Originality/value This is the first study that examined the mediated role of academic motivation in the relationship between PP time perspective and academic achievement and that included the moderating role of procrastination.
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Procrastination is a prevalent phenomenon in organizations, yet limited knowledge is available on how situational antecedents influence it. Based on the conservation of resource theory, we explore how and when perceived red tape influences public sector employees’ procrastination behavior. Using survey data of 751 public sector employees from China, we revealed that perceived red tape is positively associated with procrastination behavior, and role overload partially mediates the relationship between perceived red tape and procrastination behavior. Employees’ perceived overqualification augments the relationship between role overload and procrastination. Further, the moderated mediation model test illuminates that the indirect effect of perceived red tape on procrastination through role overload depends on perceived overqualification, which means that higher perceived overqualification amplifies the indirect effect. Our research enriches the literature on public sector employees’ procrastination behavior.
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No systematic study has examined the global prevalence of chronic procrastination-the purposive delay in starting or completing tasks. In the present study, adult samples from the United States (122 women, 85 men), United Kingdom (143 women, 96 men), and Australia (124 women, 90 men) completed reliable and valid self-report measures of arousal procrastination (delays motivated by a "last-minute" thrill experience) and avoidant procrastination (delays related to fears of failure or success). Both men and women from the United Kingdom reported higher rates of arousal and avoidance procrastination compared to adults from the United States and Australia. However, when both procrastination types were separated statistically into "pure types" there were no significant differences across countries: 11.5% of adults self-identified as arousal procrastinators, and 9.9% of adults as avoidant procrastinators. Results indicated that chronic procrastination prevalence is common among westernized, individualistic, English-speaking countries; further epidemiological cross-cultural studies are needed. It has been estimated that procrastination (i.e., frequent delays in starting and/or completing tasks to deadline: Ferrari, Johnson, & McCown, 1995) is common by around 70% of college students for academic-specific tasks (Ellis & Knaus, 1977), yet as high as 20% among normal adult men and women for everyday, daily life events such as paying bills and planning for personal health issues (Harriott & Ferrari, 1996). While it seems that procrastination rates decrease with age, Ferrari et al. (1995) proposed that these rates reflect different forms of procrastination, with the former an exanqjle of situational-specific task delays and the latter indicative of chronic, dispositional delay behavior patterns. That is, college students may engage in delay of studying but
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This article outlines the indigenous psychologies approach within the context of three research traditions in cross-cultural psychology: the universalist, contextualist, and integrationist approaches. The first section outlines the limitations of the universalist and contextualist approaches. The second section overviews the two integrationist approaches: the derived etics approach and the indigenous psychologies approach. In comparison to the former approach, the indigenous psychologies approach advocates a bottom-up, model-building paradigm that examines generative capabilities of human beings. It investigates human actions that occur in meaningful context. In this transactional approach, human consciousness, intentions, and goals are central aspects of the research design.
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The present study explored the factorial structure of three well-known procrastination measures: the General Procrastination Scale (GP; Lay, 1986), the Adult Inventory of Procrastination (AIP; McCown & Johnson, 1989), and the Decisional Procrastination Scale (DP; Mann, 1982) with 502 Spanish adults between 25 and 67 years old. The principal component analysis indicated a one-factor structure for GP and DP, and two factor components for AIP. The internal consistency of the three scales was satisfactory. Results suggested that the Spanish versions of the three procrastination scales were effective and reliable. Finally, a principal component analysis with the three scales indicated a four-factor model of procrastination, namely: dilatory behaviors, indecision, lack of punctuality, and lack of planning.
The purpose of this article is to review several popular, structured, personality questionnaires in terms of their applicability in cross-cultural assessment contexts. Prior to our review, we describe the types of psychometric data that can be used to support claims of a measure's cross-cultural applicability. More important, we list several factors, not all of which have to do with the measure itself, that can undermine such cross-cultural evidence. We then review relevant cross-cultural data on the California Psychological Inventory, the Comrey Personality Scales, the 16 Personality Factors Questionnaire, the Pavlovian Temperament Survey, the Personality Research Form, and the Nonverbal Personality Questionnaire. We show that those inventories have each demonstrated mostly replicable factor structures across cultures. In contrast, relatively little data are available regarding the cross-cultural generality of their criterion validities.
Cross-cultural differences in attitudes and behaviors concerning time, punctuality, and pace of life, and the relationship of these measures to coronary heart disease, were investigated in a series of studies in Japan, Taiwan, Indonesia, Italy, England, and the United States. Study 1 found that public clocks were most accurate in the most economically developed countries (Japan and the United States) and least accurate in the least developed country (Indonesia). Study 2 measured average walking speed during main business hours. Walking speed was fastest in Japan and slowest in Indonesia. Also, subjects in smaller cities tended to walk slower than those in larger cities. Study 3 measured average time taken to complete a standardized postal request. Work speed was again fastest in Japan. Italy was slowest. There were high intercorrelations within cities for the above three measures. Next, the findings from the first three studies were related to incidence of coronary heart disease. Despite the lack of available mortality statistics for Taiwan and Indonesia, some interesting trends questioning the cross-cultural generality of the relationship between Type A behaviors and coronary heart disease emerged. Finally, in a questionnaire study conducted mostly in the United States, the relationship between scores on a measure of Type A behavior characteristics and subjects' reported frequency of lateness, feelings after being late, perceptions of what constitutes late and early, attributions for lateness, and ratings of the importance of punctuality in a business person and in a friend were investigated.
The personality disorder of dispositional procrastination was significantly related to a concern for appropriate self-presentations. Procrastinators (n = 39) and nonprocrastinators (n = 36) rated a social ability task more attractive, personally relevant and likely to be performed well than a cognitive ability task. Procrastinators and nonprocrastinators stated they would prefer to complete the social task, yet in a public performance feedback condition procrastinators only chose to complete the cognitive task. Results were interpreted in terms of self-presentation strategies by dispositional procrastinators, and draws attention to a pathological personality that has largely been ignored by research psychologists.
200 women and 106 men (mean age 19.6 years) completed measures of shame, guilt, identity-orientation, and identity-processing styles. Women reported greater shame and guilt than men. Zero-order and partial correlates indicated that for both women and men shame was related positively to a social identity (one's public image as presented through roles and relationships) and a diffuse processing style (both self-relevant information and self-exploration about one's identity is avoided), while guilt was related to personal identity (conceptualizing oneself as unique) and an information-oriented style (self-exploration of personal issues occurs). Integration of identity orientation and cognitive processing styles in relation to shame and guilt was discussed. (For updates about the Aspects of Identity Questionnaire see: ).