Sources of Happiness: A Qualitative Approach

Abstract

Perceived sources of happiness among community residents in Kaohsiung, Taiwan, and in the West were identified and compared. The authors performed a qualitative analysis to develop a typology and found 9 major categories among 180 reported sources of happiness. They were (a) gratification of need for respect, (b) harmony of interpersonal relationships, (c) satisfaction of material needs, (d) achievement at work, (e) being at ease with life, (f) taking pleasure at others' expense, (g) sense of self-control and self-actualization, (h) pleasure and positive affect, and (i) health. The results indicated that the Western conception of happiness places greater emphasis on intrapersonal or internal evaluation and contentment, whereas the Chinese conception of happiness places greater emphasis on interpersonal or external evaluation and satisfaction. The Chinese conception of happiness also has unique components, such as being at ease with life.

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Sources of Happiness: A
Qualitative Approach
Luo Lu a & Jian Bin Shih a
a The Graduate Institute of Behavioural Sciences
Kaohsiung Medical College , Taiwan
Published online: 03 Apr 2010.
To cite this article: Luo Lu & Jian Bin Shih (1997) Sources of Happiness: A
Qualitative Approach, The Journal of Social Psychology, 137:2, 181-187, DOI:
10.1080/00224549709595429
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The
Journal
of
Social
Psychology,
1997,
137(2),
181-187
Sources
of
Happiness:
A Qualitative Approach
LUO LU
JIAN BIN SHIH
The Graduate Institute
of
Behavioural Sciences
Kaohsiung Medical College, Taiwan
ABSTRACT. Perceived sources of happiness among community residents
in
Kaohsiung,
Taiwan, and in the West were identified and compared. The authors performed a qualita-
tive analysis to develop a typology and found
9
major categories among
180
reported
sources of happiness. They were (a) gratification of need for respect, (b) harmony of inter-
personal relationships, (c) satisfaction of material needs, (d) achievement at work, (e)
being at ease with life,
(f)
taking pleasure at others’ expense, (g) sense of self-control and
self-actualization, (h) pleasure and positive affect, and (i) health. The results indicated that
the Western conception of happiness places greater emphasis on intrapersonal or internal
evaluation and contentment, whereas the Chinese conception of happiness places greater
emphasis on interpersonal
or
external evaluation and satisfaction. The Chinese conception
of happiness also has unique components, such as being at ease with life.
SUBJECTIVE WELL-BEING has been studied in a large number of disciplines
over many centuries and has been defined in ethical, theological, political, eco-
nomic, and psychological terms (Diener,
1984;
Veenhoven,
1984).
Given this
paradigmatic diversity, it is not surprising that many terms have been used to
label well-being, including happiness, objective well-being, subjective well-
being, quality of life, and life satisfaction. Of these terms,
happiness
is the most
popular, both in research and in lay usage. Since
1973,
happiness has been listed
as an index term in
Psychological Abstracts International.
What, then, is meant by happiness? People who are asked this question give
two kinds of answers: (a) often experiencing a positive emotional state such as
joy or (b) being satisfied with life
as
a whole
or
with parts
of
it. These
are
two
possible components to happiness. However, happiness is not the opposite of
We are grateful to Phyllis
H.
L. Wu and Phil
S.
H.
Chen for their creative input in devel-
oping the class$cation scheme.
Address correspondence to Luo Lu, The Graduate Institute of Behavioural Sciences,
Kaohsiung Medical College,
100
Shih-Chuan 1st Road, Kaohsiung, Taiwan.
181
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182
The
Journal
of
Social
Psychology
unhappiness, depression, or psychological ill-health, although it is negatively
related to those states and has somewhat different causes (Argyle, 1987; Lu,
1995). Andrews and Withey (1978) first postulated three possible components to
happiness: (a) positive emotion, (b) life satisfaction, and (c) the absence of neg-
ative emotions or psychological distress. This conceptualization of happiness is
receiving increasing support among researchers. However, there may be a fourth
component that concerns self-fulfillment and other “depth” elements such as pur-
pose in life and personal growth (Ryff, 1989). A similar dimension of inner psy-
chological experiences has been found to be produced by seriously engaging in
leisure activities, getting on well with loved ones, or feeling overwhelmed by the
beauty of nature (Argyle
&
Crossland, 199 1
;
Lu
&
Argyle, 1994). The most gen-
eral description of happiness would be
an
internal experience
of
a positive state
of
mind,
which can be induced through various means.
One important distinction has been made between the emotional and cogni-
tive aspects of happiness. In general, the former is seen as an emotional
or
feel-
ing state, or preponderance of positive affect over negative affect (Bradburn,
1969), whereas the latter refers to a more cognitive or judgmental process (Veen-
hoven, 1991). Researchers in the area usually choose to study one of the aspects
of happiness. Similarly, there have been a number
of
measures of happiness,
although none has been widely accepted and most have included either the emo-
tional aspect or the cognitive aspect of happiness (see Diener, 1984; Strack,
Argyle,
&
Schwarz, 1991, for comprehensive reviews). One exception has been
the Oxford Happiness Inventory (OHI; Argyle, Martin,
&
Crossland, 1989),
which was developed with an underlying conceptualization of happiness consist-
ing of (a) life satisfaction, (b) positive affect, and (c) absence
of
negative affect.
The OH1 asks participants to rate their experiences of 29 potential sources
of happiness on a scale ranging from
0
to
3.
To do justice to the positive nature
of the happiness construct, the designers of the
OH1
positively skewed the rating
scales (Diener, 1984). The OH1 has good reliability and validity (Argyle
&
Lu,
1995). Researchers who performed factor analyses on the
OH1
with several
groups of participants (young and old, male and female, students and communi-
ty residents) found a relatively stable structure consisting of seven components
of happiness: (a) positive cognition, (b) social commitment, (c) positive affect,
(d) sense of control, (e) physical fitness,
(f)
satisfaction with self, and
(0
mental
alertness. This list conveys a sense of the intrapersonal focus of happiness, that
is, internal evaluation and contentment. Social commitment is the only compo-
nent that reflects the interpersonal sphere of happiness. There is, then, a bias
toward individualistic values in the happiness research to date, and almost all
research in the area has been conducted by Western scholars and with Western
participants, except for a few cross-cultural studies that were performed using
Western concepts and measures. Therefore, it remains to be seen whether the
Western conception
of
happiness, and consequently its scientific measurements,
can be universally applied regardless of cultural variations; culture and value sys-
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Lu
&
Shih
183
tems may have a profound impact on the conception of happiness and on per-
ceived sources of happiness in life.
It is important to ask whether the happiness of Chinese people differs from
that of Western populations. Because there is little empirical work on the happi-
ness of Chinese people, we reviewed Chinese philosophical teachings to explore
two related issues: (a) What is meant by happiness in a traditional Chinese cul-
ture? and (b) How can happiness be achieved?
The word
happiness
did not appear in the Chinese language until recently.
Fu,
orfu
qi,
is perhaps the closest equivalent of happiness in Chinese ancient
writings. However, its definition, which is extremely vague, usually means “any-
thing positive and good in life”
(Xin
Hua
Dictionary,
1987, p. 127). Wu (1991)
pointed out that longevity, prosperity, health, peace, virtue, and a comfortable
death are among the best values in life, namely,fu
qi.
Roughly, the Chinese peo-
ple’s conception of happiness includes material abundance, physical health, vir-
tuous and peaceful life, and relief from death anxiety.
Confucianism has been the dominant value system in Chinese societies and
the most powerful influence shaping the Chinese culture and the conceptions of
Chinese people for thousands of years. Confucian philosophy presupposes that
the life of each individual is only a link in that person’s family lineage and that
an individual is a continuation of his or her ancestors. The same reasoning can be
applied to an individual’s offspring. Although this teaching does not necessarily
imply belief in reincarnation, it does put one’s family in the center of one’s life
and everyday existence. Unlike Christianity-dominated Western cultures, Chi-
nese culture does not proclaim the pursuit of salvation in the next life as the ulti-
mate concern; rather, it advocates that one should strive to expand and preserve
the prosperity and vitality of one’s family.
To
achieve this goal, one must work
hard and be frugal to accumulate material resources, obtain respectable social
status, suppress selfish desires, lead a virtuous life, and fulfill one’s social duties.
The emphasis on social interaction found in Confucianism provides a basis for
understanding the Chinese conception of happiness.
Yang and Cheng (1987) divided the Confucian values, still well preserved in
Taiwan, into four groups. Family factors include family responsibilities and obe-
dience to one’s elders. Group factors include accepting the hierarchical structure
of society; trust in and obedience to authority; and commitment to the solidarity,
harmony, and norms of the group. Job-orientation factors include education, skill
learning, hard work, and frugality. Disposition factors include austerity, calm-
ness, humility, and self-control. Putting these values into practice should lead to
happiness in life.
Wu (1992) asserted that Confucian happiness is achieved though “knowl-
edge, benevolence, and harmony of the group” (p. 31). Confucian philosophy
stresses the collective welfare of the family, or clan (extending to society and the
entire human race) more than individual welfare. Under this collectivist orienta-
tion, Chinese culture emphasizes sharing the fruits of individual success with the
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of
Social Psychology
group. Contributing to society is the ultimate happiness, whereas hedonistic
striving for happiness is regarded as unworthy and even shameful.
Some views of happiness are shared by the Chinese people and Western
populations, and some are uniquely Chinese. Both cultures view the ultimate
state of life and the inner, positive nature of experience as part of their concep-
tion of happiness; thus, the nature of happiness and its state of experience
are
universal. The differences between the Western and Chinese views of happiness
lie in the potential sources of happiness, or the means to achieve happiness.
Western culture values individual striving, control, and achievement. According
to Chinese philosophy, constant personal introspection, improvement, self-con-
trol, and practicing of moral virtues are important paths leading to meaning in
life and, ultimately, happiness. Thus, happiness goes far beyond the individual
sphere of life into the group, community, and societal spheres of existence. This
view of happiness reflects collectivistic values and concerns. Researchers study-
ing the happiness of Chinese people should consider more distinct sources
of
happiness that are not covered in Western measures such as the
OHI.
Our pur-
pose in the present article was twofold: (a) to explore perceived sources of hap-
piness among residents of Kaohsiung, Taiwan, and (b) to compare them with
those of Western populations.
Method
Participants
We interviewed 54 community residents of Kaohsiung, Taiwan. Because
previous research has indicated that sources of happiness may be heavily influ-
enced by the individual’s lifestyle or age group (Argyle, 1987), we limited our
sample to adults between the ages of
18
and 60. The sample consisted of 26 per-
sons
aged 18-29 (48.1%), 16 persons aged 30-39 (29.6%), 12 persons aged
40-49 (22.2%), and
10
persons aged
50-59
(18.5%).
Among those interviewed, 34 were men (63%) and 20 were women (37%).
One person was illiterate (1.8%),
9
had completed primary school (16.2%), 14 had
completed junior school (25.2%),
8
had completed high school (14.4%), and 22
had a college education or above (39.6%). The average educational attainment of
the participants was high school graduation, which is close to the national average.
Procedure
To reflect the exploratory nature of the study, we adopted a qualitative
approach. The second author conducted semistructured interviews at a large
square in the center of town, a popular location for leisure pursuits and public
meetings. Data reported here
are
mainly responses to two questions: (a) “What
is happiness?” and (b) “What sort of things will make you happy?’
No
time limit
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was set; instead, we applied the saturation principle, and the researcher termi-
nated an interview when the respondent stopped providing new information.
Tape-recorded interviews were transcribed; then, possible sources of happi-
ness were extracted and recorded on a separate list to form the final transcript for
analysis. Altogether, the respondents supplied
180
sources of happiness. We had
preset the desired level of analysis by developing a classification scheme to orga-
nize the reported sources of happiness into meaningful categories. To achieve this
objective, we formed a research group consisting of three psychologists and one
sociologist. After reading the transcript many times, interpreting meanings, look-
ing for themes, and organizing these themes, each researcher developed a tenta-
tive classification plan. The research group then engaged in a thorough discus-
sion, comparing and revising these tentative plans. Eventually, the group reached
a consensus on a master classification scheme consisting of nine categories. This
discussion and revision process was necessary to achieve intersubjectivity, hence
ensuring acceptable reliability and validity for the study.
Results and
Discussion
The nine-category classification scheme for sources
of
happiness was as follows:
1. Gratification of need for respect, for example, “being praised and respect-
2.
Harmony of interpersonal relationships, for example, “having a warm
3.
Satisfaction of material needs, for example, “having enough money to
4.
Achievement at work, for example, “work offering a sense of achieve-
5.
Being at ease with life, for example, “submissive to fate” or “understand-
6.
Taking pleasure at others’ expense, for example, “having a holiday, while
7.
Sense of self-control and self-actualization, for example, “achieving one’s
8.
Pleasure and positive affect, for example, “a relaxed mood” or “nothing to
9.
Health, for example, “no illness.”
We compared the empirical data on sources
of
happiness with the Chinese
philosophical teachings, especially Confucian values. First, we used interperson-
al interaction as a framework and found that happiness was manifested by grati-
fication
of
the need for respect through others’ positive recognition of one’s con-
duct or success. The conception
of
happiness as harmony in interpersonal
relationships conveys a desire for solidarity and loyalty, especially within the
ed by others” or “being looked up to.”
family” or “offspring having high achievements.”
spend” or “making lots of money.”
ment” or “being creative at work and achieving goals.”
ing meaning of life.”
others are working hard.”
goals in life” or “trying one’s best and getting desired feedback.”
make one angry.”
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Psychology
family or clan. Satisfaction of material needs and achievement at work are two
means
of
serving one’s family and glorifying one’s clan.
Second, the Chinese philosophical ideal of a virtuous life and peace in under-
standing the meaning of life were also evident in our data. Sense of self-control and
self-actualization refer mainly to practicing moral virtues through self-monitoring
and self-improvement. Being at ease with life, which may reflect a depth compo-
nent of happiness, corresponds to the traditional Chinese philosophy of submission
to, rather than control over, the environment. It also represents the desirable end-
state of life, namely, harmony among heaven, earth, and people.
Third, in Chinese society, longevity has always been regarded as a
fu
qi,
almost as a virtue. Health as a source
of
happiness reflects this traditional value.
There were some discrepancies between the traditional philosophical teach-
ings and values and the modern conception of happiness in Taiwan. In a tradi-
tional society, aspirations such as glorifying one’s family or clan and benefiting
society could be fulfilled through an oficial career-typically after extensive
study and passing many examinations. In modem Chinese society, especially in
a heavily industrialized society like Taiwan, the same underlying motive and
value still exist, but specific goals have shifted from careers in government ser-
vice to careers in business. Hence, the pursuit of money and material affluence
was salient in this classification of sources
of
happiness.
Another unexpected finding was that taking pleasure at others’ expense was
considered as a source of happiness. In fact, the phenomenon is within most peo-
ple’s realm
of
experience; downward social comparison is a common form of
interpersonal judgment.
A
Chinese idiom dubs it
angry at others’ haves, laughing
at others’ have-nots.
Of course, this darker side of happiness is not to be found in
idealistic teachings of the Chinese philosophers. It does, however, underscore the
importance of comparing theoretical frameworks and empirical evidence.
We found some age differences in terms of sources of happiness. The
sources of happiness that were mentioned most frequently were pleasure and
positive affect for respondents aged
16-20;
satisfaction of material needs for
those aged
20-30;
achievement at work for those aged
30-40;
gratification of
need for respect for those aged
40-50;
and being at ease with life for those
older than
50.
This pattern of apparent differential importance in sources of
happiness corresponds to specific concerns relevant to particular stages in life.
However, the importance of family and interpersonal relationships was not
affected by age, a finding that is consistent with the Chinese emphasis on the
social being.
In conclusion, the Western conception of happiness seems to place greater
emphasis on intrapersonal or internal evaluation and contentment, whereas the
Chinese conception emphasizes interpersonal or external evaluation and satis-
faction. This split is consistent with Triandis’s (1994) distinction between indi-
vidualism and collectivism. However, the Chinese and the Western conceptions
of
happiness do have some similarities, such as pleasure and positive affect.
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Shih
187
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