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Anthropological insights for creating non-warring social systems

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Abstract

Cross-cultural studies show that most, but not all, human societies engage in warfare. Some non-warring societies cluster as peace systems. The existence of peace systems, and non-warring societies more generally, shows that warfare is not an inevitable feature of human social life. This article considers three peace systems in some detail: Brazil's Upper Xingu River basin tribes, Aboriginal Australians, and the European Union. A primary goal is to explore features that contribute to peace in each of the three non-warring systems. What do these peace systems suggest about how to prevent war? Provisionally, key elements would seem to be the promotion of interdependence among the units of the peace system, creation of cross-cutting links among them, the existence of conflict resolution procedures, and belief systems (including attitudes and values) that are anti-war and pro-peace.
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... A recurring assumption is that all societies engage in war (Wilson, 2001;Wright, 1942). However, anthropological data show that this is not the case (Fry, 2006;Montagu, 1978;Sponsel, 2018;Souillac andFry, 2014, 2015). In some cases, non-warring societies are organised into peace systems, defined as clusters of neighbouring societies that do not make war with each other, and sometimes not at all (Fry, 2006;2012;Souillac and Fry, 2015). ...
... However, anthropological data show that this is not the case (Fry, 2006;Montagu, 1978;Sponsel, 2018;Souillac andFry, 2014, 2015). In some cases, non-warring societies are organised into peace systems, defined as clusters of neighbouring societies that do not make war with each other, and sometimes not at all (Fry, 2006;2012;Souillac and Fry, 2015). An ethnographically comparative view suggests that over time reciprocal prosocial relationships develop and link the nonwarring societies within a larger common social system wherein cooperation and unity prevail and war among the members simply becomes unfathomable. ...
... Anthropology shows that peace systems can be found in different parts of the world and at various levels of social organisation. Anthropological and historical descriptions of nonwarring social systems include Australian Aborigines of the Great Western Desert, mobile foragers of Canada's Labrador Peninsula, tribes of Brazil's Upper Xingu River basin, the Iroquois Confederacy, the Swiss cantons that unified into Switzerland in 1848, and the United States since 1865, among others (Dennis, 1993;Fry, 2006Fry, , 2009Fry, , 2012Gregor, 1994;Hendrickson, 2003;Parent, 2011;Souillac and Fry, 2015). When speaking of peace systems as lacking warfare, we are defining war as "relatively impersonal lethal aggression between communities," a definition of intergroup violence that applies across social types from bands and tribes to kingdoms and nations (Fry, 2006: p. 91). ...
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A comparative anthropological perspective reveals not only that some human societies do not engage in war, but also that peaceful social systems exist. Peace systems are defined as clusters of neighbouring societies that do not make war with each other. The mere existence of peace systems is important because it demonstrates that creating peaceful intergroup relationships is possible whether the social units are tribal societies, nations, or actors within a regional system. Peace systems have received scant scientific attention despite holding potentially useful knowledge and principles about how to successfully cooperate to keep the peace. Thus, the mechanisms through which peace systems maintain peaceful relationships are largely unknown. It is also unknown to what degree peace systems may differ from other types of social systems. This study shows that certain factors hypothesised to contribute to intergroup peace are more developed within peace systems than elsewhere. A sample consisting of peace systems scored significantly higher than a comparison group regarding overarching common identity; positive social interconnectedness; interdependence; non-warring values and norms; non-warring myths, rituals, and symbols; and peace leadership. Additionally, a machine learning analysis found non-warring norms, rituals, and values to have the greatest relative importance for a peace system outcome. These results have policy implications for how to promote and sustain peace, cohesion, and cooperation among neighbouring societies in various social contexts, including among nations. For example, the purposeful promotion of peace system features may facilitate the international cooperation necessary to address interwoven global challenges such as global pandemics, oceanic pollution, loss of biodiversity, nuclear proliferation, and climate change.
... Peace systems consisting of neighboring societies that do not make war on each other, and sometimes not with outsiders either, have been described in various parts of the globe. In addition to the Iroquois confederacy, ethnographic examples of peace systems include the tribes of the Upper Xingu River basin in Brazil, the societies of the Nilgiri Hills and Plateau in India, the indigenous peoples of Peninsular Malaysia, and the Western Desert Aborigines of Australia, and, as we shall soon see, the European Union, or EU (Fry, 2006(Fry, , 2007(Fry, , 2009(Fry, , 2012Miklikowska & Fry, 2010). ...
... Th e ten tribes of the Upper Xingu River peace system, for instance, representing four diff erent language groups, have converted divisive Us-Th em perceptions of each other into a unifi ed vision of their broader social system by "Expanding the Us" to a new level (Fry, 2006(Fry, , 2009(Fry, , 2012. Th ese peoples still have their own tribal identities, but they also see their tribes as belonging to something greater. ...
... Th e approach these founding fathers took was to visualize and move toward a level of sovereignty above the level of the nation-state by increasing the interdependence among the national economies so as to make Europe progressively more and more economically integrated (Fry, 2009;Reid, 2004). Th ey began in the early 1950s by placing coal and steel-critical resources in times of peace and war-under supranational control. ...
... Peace systems consisting of neighboring societies that do not make war on each other, and sometimes not with outsiders either, have been described in various parts of the globe. In addition to the Iroquois confederacy, ethnographic examples of peace systems include the tribes of the Upper Xingu River basin in Brazil, the societies of the Nilgiri Hills and Plateau in India, the indigenous peoples of Peninsular Malaysia, and the Western Desert Aborigines of Australia, and, as we shall soon see, the European Union, or EU (Fry, 2006(Fry, , 2007(Fry, , 2009(Fry, , 2012Miklikowska & Fry, 2010). ...
... Th e ten tribes of the Upper Xingu River peace system, for instance, representing four diff erent language groups, have converted divisive Us-Th em perceptions of each other into a unifi ed vision of their broader social system by "Expanding the Us" to a new level (Fry, 2006(Fry, , 2009(Fry, , 2012. Th ese peoples still have their own tribal identities, but they also see their tribes as belonging to something greater. ...
... Th e approach these founding fathers took was to visualize and move toward a level of sovereignty above the level of the nation-state by increasing the interdependence among the national economies so as to make Europe progressively more and more economically integrated (Fry, 2009;Reid, 2004). Th ey began in the early 1950s by placing coal and steel-critical resources in times of peace and war-under supranational control. ...
... Values are connected to selfhood (Smith, 1991; Feather, 1992), constitute a core of one's personal identity (Bilsky and Schwartz, 1994; Hitlin, 2003), and hence can be viewed as distal determinants of attitudes and decisions (Hitlin, 2003; Hitlin and Piliavin, 2004; Lönnqvist, Leikas, Paunonen, Nissinen and Verkasalo, 2006; Rohan, 2000; Verplanken and Holland, 2002). A consideration of cultural beliefs, attitudes, norms, and values is crucial for understanding why certain social groups favor nonviolent methods of resolving conflicts whereas other societies are more open to the use of violence (Bonta and Fry, 2006; Fry, 2009; Miklikowska and Fry, 2010 ). Research shows that value priorities constitute a motivational context within which violence and warfare are perceived as either legitimate or illegitimate . ...
... Yet, whether this potential becomes an enacted reality depends on the specific cultural setting (Howell and Willis, 1989). Close observation of peaceful and nonwarring societies draws attention to the role of values in maintaining social tranquility (Bonta and Fry, 2006; Dentan, 1978; Fry, 2009; Huesmann, 1988; Miklikowska and Fry, 2010). Cultural settings wherein Self-Transcendence values dominate seem to pattern social behavior in a peaceful way (Staub, 1996). ...
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There is an oft-voiced proposition within evolutionary psychology that over the course of evolutionary time, natural selection favored human males who have killed over those men who have not. The implication is that killing has been favorably selected as a fitness enhancing strategy. Interestingly, the impetus for this proposition in large part stems from one particular article on the tribal Yanomamö people of Brazil and Venezuela published in 1988. In this article, Chagnon (1988) reports that Yanomamö men who have participated in a killing out-reproduced their same-aged peers. If a Yanomamö man participates in a killing, he must undergo a purification ritual and henceforth wears the cultural label unokai. In a series of publications, Chagnon (1990: 95, 1992a: 205, 1992b: 239-240; see also Chagnon, 2010) reiterated that unokais average more than two-and-half times the number of wives and more than three times the number of offspring as non-unokais of the same age. Pinker (2002: 116) concludes that "if that payoff was typical of the pre-state societies in which humans evolved, the strategic use of violence would have been selected over evolutionary time." A careful re-examination of the Yanomamö unokai findings and the inferences that have been drawn from them are important because they have been broadcast far-and-wide and have been uncritically accepted within evolutionary psychology and other fields. [...] The basic evolutionary logic runs as follows. There is variability in a population: Some men are killers and some are not. Certain individuals out-reproduce their neighbors, and, based on the Yanomamö study, killers appear to have more offspring. Traits, such as killing, are to some degree heritable and thus can be passed to succeeding generations. Therefore, humans have evolved to be natural born killers. In this chapter, we argue that this dramatic interpretation of human nature is probably 180 degrees off course and that the killers-have-more-kids proposal is unfounded.
... Gregor applies the concept peace system to ten neighboring tribes of the Upper Xingu River 38 . Peace systems can be defined as clusters of neighboring societies that do not make war on each other, and sometimes not with outsiders either 39 . A completely warless system is illustrated by Malaysian societies such as the Batek, Btsisi, Chewong, Jahai, and Semai, whose nonviolent practices including their nonwarring tradition are well established 40 . ...
... Societies constituting peace systems do not make war with each other (and often not with any outsiders either). Examples of nonwarring systems include the indigenous bands of the Labrador Peninsula in Canada, the peoples of the Nilgiri Hills in India, the tribes of the Upper Xingu River basin in Brazil, the Inuit of Greenland, and, as we shall see later in this article, the Aborigines of Australia's Western Desert (Fry, 2006Fry, , 2007Fry, , 2009 Fry et al., 2008). For example, of the 10 neighboring tribes of the Upper Xingu River basin, Gregor (1990) explains, What is striking about the Xinguanos is that they are peaceful. ...
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Schwartz’s model of basic human values conceptualizes self-enhancing and selftranscendence as opposing value dimensions. Self-enhancing values include striving for power and achievement; hence, they are individual-centric, whereas self-transcendence values include benevolence and universalism, which pertain to a concern for other people and society. As deeply rooted and socially shared conceptions of what is good, values provide a basis for the development of attitudes and motivate individuals to behave in certain ways. This article suggests that self-transcendence values run counter to violence and warfare. Two anthropological case studies, one from Malaysia and the other from Australia, are presented to illustrate how self-transcendence values contribute to peace. Special attention is paid to egalitarianism, affiliation, nurturance, cooperation, sharing, and interdependence as self-transcendence values that are congruent with and supportive of peace. The broader implications of how self-transcendence values enhance peaceful social interaction within and among social groups are considered.
... Societies constituting peace systems do not make war with each other (and often not with any outsiders either). Examples of nonwarring systems include the indigenous bands of the Labrador Peninsula in Canada, the peoples of the Nilgiri Hills in India, the tribes of the Upper Xingu River basin in Brazil, the Inuit of Greenland, and, as we shall see later in this article, the Aborigines of Australia's Western Desert (Fry, 2006Fry, , 2007Fry, , 2009 Fry et al., 2008). For example, of the 10 neighboring tribes of the Upper Xingu River basin, Gregor (1990) explains, What is striking about the Xinguanos is that they are peaceful. ...
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In this chapter we explore how the Culture of Peace can be and in some cases is being actualized. First, noting that the United Nations resolutions on a Culture of Peace call for shifts in values, attitudes, and behaviors, we give attention to values that are supportive of peaceful attitudes and behavior. Second, we consider the nature and flexibility of social identity and how it relates to promoting a Culture of Peace. We suggest that humans are fully capable of forming multiple social identities, and drawing upon this ability, the promotion of a global identity in addition to lower levels of social identity can facilitate the development of a Culture of Peace. Third, and not totally separate from a consideration of values and identity, we focus on the role of interdependence and cooperation in promoting a Culture of Peace. A key point is that the promotion of a Culture of Peace does not exist merely in social science theory or in utopian dreams: The creation of a Culture of Peace is already an ongoing real-world process, and we consider several examples, such as the Mediterranean Action Plan (MAP) and the European Union (EU) as a regional peace system, to highlight this point.
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Peace is much more than simply the absence of war. This so-called negative peace concept has been supplanted with more holistic and inclusive conceptions of positive peace that include such features as human rights, sustainable development, and access to justice. At a UNESCO congress in 1989, the idea of promoting a Culture of Peace that could provide a contrast to a culture of war was embraced (De Rivera, 2009). UNESCO recommended and subsequently the UN General Assembly adopted a resolution calling for nations and citizens to promote values, attitudes, and behaviors that reject violence, address the root causes of conflict, and focus on the resolution of disputes through discussion and negotiation (United Nations General Assembly, 1997). Boulding (2000, p. 1) expresses that such a Culture of Peace “includes lifeways, patterns of belief, values, behavior, and accompanying institutional arrangements that promote mutual caring and well-being as well as equality that includes appreciation of difference, stewardship, and equitable sharing of the earth’s resources among its members and with all human beings.” To shift thinking and action away from a culture of war and its various manifestations toward a Culture of Peace, UNESCO and the UN developed a Declaration on a Culture of Peace that elaborates eight areas of concentration as part of an action plan. These action areas include: education, sustainable development, human rights, gender equality, democratic participation, advancement of understanding, tolerance, and solidarity, support of communication and information-sharing, and, explicitly, promotion of international peace and security (United Nations General Assembly, 1998). These areas of action for a Culture of Peace are inextricably interwoven and reflect a conception of positive peace. The Declaration calls for cooperation within and among nations to create such a Culture of Peace. In this chapter we explore how the Culture of Peace can be and in some cases is being actualized. First, noting that the UN resolutions on a Culture of Peace call for shifts in values, attitudes, and behaviors, we give attention to values that are supportive of peaceful attitudes and behavior. Second, we consider the nature and flexibility of social identity and how it relates to promoting a Culture of Peace. We suggest that humans are fully capable of forming multiple social identities, and drawing upon this ability, the promotion of a global identity in addition to lower levels of social identity can facilitate the development of a Culture of Peace. Third, and not totally separate from a consideration of values and identity, we focus on the role of interdependence and cooperation in promoting a Culture of Peace. One take-home message is that the promotion of a Culture of Peace does not exist merely in social science theory or in utopian dreams: The creation of a Culture of Peace is already an ongoing real-world process and we consider several examples to highlight this point.
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An emerging evolutionary perspective suggests that nature and human nature are less "red in tooth and claw" than generally acknowledged by a competition-based view of the biological world. War is not always present in human societies. Peace systems, defined as groups of neighboring societies that do not make war on each other, exist on different continents. A comparison of three peace systems--the Upper Xingu River basin tribes of Brazil, the Iroquois Confederacy of upper New York State, and the European Union--highlight six features hypothesized to be important in the creation and maintenance of intersocietal peace: (i) an overarching social identity, (ii) interconnections among subgroups, (iii) interdependence, (iv) nonwarring values, (v) symbolism and ceremonies that reinforce peace, and (vi) superordinate institutions for conflict management. The existence of peace systems demonstrates that it is possible to create social systems free of war.
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Addresses the relationship between boundaries, band organization, and territoriality through an individual oriented, processual approach to mobility, land use, and land ownership among Pintupi Aborigines of the Gibson Desert in Australia. -from Author
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There are those who feel science is above politics, but nothing is above politics. Science is influenced by politics as much as is art, the media, religion, or any other aspect of human activity. It is not being aware of those influences that can undermine the value of the scientific enterprise. There has been much resistance to the concept of peaceful societies. In the first part of this chapter, Douglas Fry looks at that resistance and attempts to redress an imbalance and promote scientific debate. In the second part, Fry reviews conflict management in the peaceful societies discussed in this book, examining common themes in the creation and maintenance of peace. He finishes by exploring some lessons that peaceful societies might offer for developing and maintaining peace.
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The literature about 24 peaceful peoples was examined to determine if their ways of conflict resolution differ from the approaches to conflict found in other, more violent, societies. While the strategies for managing conflicts employed by these peoples are comparable to those used in many other small-scale societies, their world-views of peacefulness and the structures they use to reinforce those world-views do distinguish them from other societies. Several common notions about conflict and conflict resolution that are asserted by Western scholars can be questioned in light of the success of these societies in peacefully resolving conflicts: namely, that violent conflict is inevitable in all societies; that punishment and armed force prevent internal and external violence; that political structures are necessary to prevent conflicts; and that conflict should be viewed as positive and necessary. The contrary evidence is that over half of the peaceful societies have no recorded violence; they rarely punish other adults (except for the threat of ostracism); they handle conflicts with outside societies in the same peaceful ways that they approach internal conflicts; they do not look to outside governments when they have internal disputes; and they have a highly negative view of conflict.
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Most of the world's nonviolent societies base their peaceful worldviews on cooperation and an opposition to competition. Although they have nurturant, affiliative societies, many raise their children to be hesitant and fearful about the intentions of others so that they will internalize nonviolent values and never take their peacefulness, or that of others, for granted. The children in these societies lack competitive games; although they are loved as babies, by the time they are 2 or 3 years old. they are made to feel no more important than others. These societies devalue achievement because it leads to competition and aggressiveness, which leads to violence they feel. Their rituals reinforce their cooperative. harmonious beliefs and behaviors. They have internalized their peaceful, cooperative values so that their psychological structures accord with their beliefs in nonviolence. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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In this study, three categories of variables—social structure, political organization, and intersocietal relations—are examined for their influence upon the occurrence of internal war (warfare between culturally similar political communities). A sample of fifty societies is used to test hypotheses that relate variables drawn from the three categories to the frequency of such war. It is demonstrated that fraternal interest groups and unauthorized raiding parties influence the frequency of internal war in uncentralized political systems, but not in centralized ones. It is also shown that the frequency of external war (warfare between culturally different political communities) does not influence the frequency of internal war. In conclusion the results of this study are compared with those obtained in a cross-cultural study of feuding.