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Politics of Exception and Unease: Immigration, Asylum and Terrorism in Parliamentary Debates in the UK

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Abstract

This article analyses how the British political elite has securitised migration and asylum since 9/11 by looking at when and how parliamentary debates linked counter-terrorism to immigration and/or asylum. The findings suggest that there is considerable reluctance within the political elite to introduce or especially sustain the connection between migration and terrorism too intensely in public debate. The parliamentary debates also show that for understanding the securitising of migration and asylum one cannot focus exclusively on the main security framing that is found in counter-terrorism debates, which we name ‘the politics of exception’. There is at least one other format, which we call ‘the politics of unease’, that is central to how the British political elite securitises migration and asylum, and contests it, in the public realm.

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... Attempts to unpack why this has happened broadly follow two theoretical trends: namely, the Copenhagen and Paris Schools. Scholars following the Copenhagen School have predominantly focused on the discursive construction of migration as a security threat (Huysmans, 2000;Huysmans and Buonfino, 2008;Van Munster, 2009). Securitization is here understood as the process whereby a political actor employs the rhetoric of existential threat to push an area of 'normal' politics into the security realm, thereby legitimizing the use of exceptionalist measures (Buzan et al., 1998: 23). ...
... Securitization is here understood as the process whereby a political actor employs the rhetoric of existential threat to push an area of 'normal' politics into the security realm, thereby legitimizing the use of exceptionalist measures (Buzan et al., 1998: 23). While some insist that European states began to frame migrants as security threats in the early 1990s (Huysmans, 2000), most critical security scholars agree that the 11 September attacks provided an opportunity for legitimizing exceptionalist measures targeting migrants (Guild, 2003;Huysmans and Buonfino, 2008;Karyotis, 2007). ...
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Over the last two decades, the European border regime has become the subject of a growing body of scholarship in critical security studies. In this article, I draw on Stuart Hall’s work on racialized policing, authoritarian populism and conjunctural analysis to argue that this literature has paid insufficient attention to the close relationship between racism, capitalism and state violence. Writing at the dawn of Thatcherism and neoliberal globalization, Hall theorized the growth in repressive state structures as a revanchist response to breakdowns in racial hegemony. Revisiting these insights, the article argues that the ongoing expansion of the European border regime is a hegemonic strategy of racialized crisis management. The imposition of ever more restrictive immigration policies, increased surveillance and heightened forms of deportability are attempts to defend white bourgeois order and to police a (neoliberal) racial formation in crisis. The migrant ‘crisis’ is ultimately the result of one racialized world order collapsing, and another struggling to be born.
... In this case, security grammar becomes institutionalised. Instead of a state of urgency, a state of vigilance is reproduced through routinised bureaucratic language and practice (Bigo, 2002;Huysmans & Buonfino, 2008). This paper evaluates the policy outcomes of securitising moves with respect to both the conditions of politics of unease and politics of exception. ...
... The state of emergency following 9/11 led to a spillover of anti-terrorism legislation into immigration law. Although legislated through 'normal' political processes, anti-terrorism measures gave the executive extraordinary powers, indicating a politics of exception, especially between 2001 and 2004 (Huysmans & Buonfino, 2008). Another reason was the perceived cost to the economy and public order. ...
Article
This paper analyses the securitisation of the socio-political integration of British Muslims by mainstream British politics from 2001 to 2015. The discourse and policy of consecutive Labour and Conservative-led governments regarding integration are evaluated concerning the securitisation criteria of the Copenhagen School, as revised by the Paris School. The institutionalisation of a common discourse to legitimise policy was analysed by examining the intertextuality between political and bureaucratic discourse, and party positions while in government and opposition. The findings demonstrate that British mainstream politics has been dominated by securitisation of Muslim integration in the form of a 'politics of unease' rather than a 'politics of exception'. Muslims have been othered, first as immigrants by a 'logic of equivalence' (2001-2005) and then as integrated Muslims versus potential terrorists by a 'logic of difference' (2005-2015). Although this approach appears inclusive of Muslims, its securitisation framing inhibits the desired integration due to its othering characteristics.
... What undermined the immigration-terrorism linkage even more, was the fact that in the post-9/11 years, European Muslim nationals were involved in terrorist attacks (2007: 598). By analysing parliamentary debates in the UK after September 11, Huysmans and Buonfino (2008) have shown that it is difficult in public discourse to maintain the linkage between terrorism and migration. It does not mean that migration and asylum are not securitised: asylum and immigration in general actually "featured significantly in the political framing of the problem of terrorism" (2008: 768). ...
... As shown by Huysmans and Buonfino (2008), in parliamentary debates in the UK after the 9/11, asylum and immigration in general "featured significantly in the political framing of the problem of terrorism" (2008: 7). The authors argue that there are at least two ways through which migration and asylum can be politically embedded within security debates (2008: 7). ...
... Yet, the party's response is attributed not just on public concerns but pressures emanating from a demand of economic growth and maintenance of international reputation (Bale, 2013). Exploration into the securitization of migration and asylum since 9/11 exploring parliamentary debate revealing the politics of 'exception' and 'unease' employed in public debate (Huysmans & Buonfino, 2008). Finding that migration and asylum were not explicitly stated but embedded within security frames, linking the presence of illegal practices to necessitate governmental technologies (Huysmans & Buonfino, 2008). ...
... Exploration into the securitization of migration and asylum since 9/11 exploring parliamentary debate revealing the politics of 'exception' and 'unease' employed in public debate (Huysmans & Buonfino, 2008). Finding that migration and asylum were not explicitly stated but embedded within security frames, linking the presence of illegal practices to necessitate governmental technologies (Huysmans & Buonfino, 2008). ...
Thesis
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The UK's departure from the European Union in January-2020 and discontinued access to the EU's asylum mechanisms, has impacted Britain's approach to the current Asylum system. Emphasizing its current 'exploited' use by asylum seekers and migrants, the UK government has put forth a series of restricted measures in the form of the New Plan for Immigration and legislation in the Nationality and Border Bill that aim to deter the increasing asylum applications received in the UK. However, such measures have been identified by researchers (Huysmans, 2006; Leonard, 2010) to position those it targets as security issues and justifying the employment of 'emergency measures' to counter such threat. Using qualitative methods, three types of threat identified in the Securitization theory literature analyzed how asylum seekers and refugees were constructed by the UK government to threaten Internal Security, Cultural Security and Welfare. These were identified in speeches, policy and legislation in which Priti Patel, being the Home Secretary and in a position to declare a security issue, were analyzed. Analysis showed significant attention was given to the discourse of legality with 'illegal' arrivals that arrive in the UK via irregular means securitized as criminalized. While subject to differential treatment through legislation the government desires to implement. Evidently there was a preference for those arriving through 'legal' 'safe' routes which the UK government controlled, in which these were position as a lesser threat to Internal Security, Cultural Security and Welfare. Considering the critiques on the theory of Securitization, the audience was given particular attention in this study which revealed a greater effort to persuade Parliament members on the justification of the measures. Regularly using the British public, their attitudes, concerns and apparent desires to justify. Non-government organizations were recognized in analysis for their resistant voices and thus were included in analysis to identify the utilization of de-securitization to counter the UK governments securitizing moves. Analysis showed the adoption of various strategies used with education given their close affiliation with asylum seekers and refugees, employed to diminish the perception of threat in their communities. Key words: securitization, de-securitization, refugee, asylum seeker, UK, legislation, government, NGO, Content Analysis.
... With this new wave came the emergence of a discourse about danger with reference to chaos, disorder, and a "clash of civilizations", where fear is primarily about "the different, the alien, the undocumented migrant, the refugee, the Muslim, the 'non-European,'", essentialized into the figure of the migrant (Ceyhan & Tsoukala, 2002, p. 22). These public fears were only exacerbated by the 9/11 terrorist attacks (Guild, 2003;Huysmans & Buonfino, 2008;Karyotis, 2007). 1 The discourse around the supposed negative effects of migration has since been a way of summarizing and explaining away some of Western Europe's problems by moving the issue of migration from economics and socio-cultural analysis-which frequently presents findings dismissing these threats (see Karyotis, 2012, p. 390)-into the realm of security, under the umbrella concept of "new security challenges". This process of shifting the discourse on migration towards that of objective security threats is an instance of the logic of securitization and has been addressed by a number of authors both in its European and global context (Huysmans, 2000;Léonard, 2011;Mistri & Orcalli, 2014;Waever et al., 1993;Wunderlich, 2012). ...
... Nacos and Torres-Reyna (2003), for example, found that, after 9/11, US newspaper and television coverage of Muslim Americans became more balanced, and negative framing was far outweighed by the increase in favourable reporting. Huysmans and Buonfino (2008) found that political debates over terrorism in the UK between 2001 and 2005 did not sustain a strong nexus between terrorism and migration. British political elites were generally reluctant to instrumentalize the threat of terrorism, or at least managed to contain such attempts. ...
Article
Over the last few years, terrorist attacks in European cities, together with the so-called ‘refugee crisis’, have (re)ignited a debate on whether there is an association between the two issues. Drawing on sociological approaches to risk and uncertainty, I claim that the discursive construction of causal linkages connecting refugees and migrants to terrorist activities is a fundamental passage in the process of social construction of migration as a threat. To identify the terrorism–migration linkages constructed in/through the media, this article examines the coverage of migration issues in two Italian and two German newspapers in 2015 and 2016, combining computer-assisted and qualitative content analysis. My findings reveal, firstly, how and in what circumstances the discourse on the terrorism threat is conflated with the discourse on migration. Then, the in-depth analysis of causal links in the coverage of four main terror attacks in Europe shows the predominance of a chain of causation linking terrorism to new migrants and refugees. Given the limited empirical research informing the debate over the migration–terrorism nexus, this study contributes to a better understanding of the process of social construction of migrants as threat objects.
... 31 (Neal 2009;Karyotis 2007;Adamson 2006). 32 (Huysmans and Buonfino 2008;Waever et al. 2008). ...
Article
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This article examines how international law in form of treaties deals with the intersection of the three concepts. Our hypothesis is that international law, in the form of treaties, has been reluctant to engage with national security when dealing with migration, leaving this to national law. Instead, the intersection of national security—most commonly in the form of concerns about terrorism and migration—takes place in political discourse, which acts as a passerelle for various types of state violence against people classified or suspected of being migrants. We examine this mechanism that we call an insecurity continuum driven by the politics of fear in a European context. This is a politics that takes place outside of international law but has the effect of limiting access by individuals to international law protections, particularly in the case of people who claim international protection against persecution or torture.
... Furthermore, the UK has extensive provisions in place to provide protection to persons seeking asylum and to individuals who may be exploited. Over time, the UK has changed the procedures and practices related to asylum seekers (Huysmans and Buonfino, 2008). Table 2 below illustrates relevant legislative changes over time in the UK. ...
... It is very common for politicians of various nations to claim that their nation has long traditions of hospitality and tolerance. In contrast to this positive self-representation, refugees and immigrants in general are presented negatively as potential security threats, economic burden or a threat to national culture and identity (Huysmans, 2000;Huysmans & Buonfino, 2008;Karyotis & Patrikios, 2010;Squire, 2009). In Turkey, at least in AKP discourse, the negative 'Other'-representation is less about the Syrian refugees than the West. ...
Article
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Turkey hosts the world’s largest community of displaced Syrians. According to UNHCR, there are more than 3 million registered Syrians in Turkey as of 2018. Since the beginning of the conflict in Syria in 2011, Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) has followed an open-door policy, which was accompanied by a discourse emphasizing religious solidarity and humanitarian values. However, the arrival of Syrian refugees has become entangled with the existing identity debates and conflicts in Turkish politics. The AKP’s discourse on Syrian refugees has become intertwined with its positive self-representation as the defender of all oppressed people (mazlum) and its attempts to reconstruct the Turkish nation along more Islamic lines. The article analyses parliamentary debates and presidential speeches in order to unravel AKP discourses on Syrian refugees. Drawing upon the Discourse Historical Approach in Critical Discourse Analysis, the article puts forward two arguments. First, the refugee issue has become a constitutive component of AKP identity and a discursive tool to reconstruct the nation along more Islamic lines. Second, Turkey’s refugee policy has become a source of pride and enabled the AKP to claim moral superiority both vis-à-vis the West and its political opponents at home.
... Processes of depoliticisation of migration issues are also at play when governments address population movements and border controls through technical considerations and the general idea of management (Cuttitta, 2018;Pécoud, 2015). More generally, these framings in terms of humanitarianism and management reify restrictive migration policies that mix compassion and securitisation (Huysmans & Buonfino, 2008). As shown by Aradau (2004) and Cuttitta (2018), this shows how concerns about "pity" and "risk" complement each other and create a depoliticised framework that "presents policy-making as a neutral, necessary and indisputable process, in which the possibility to choose between different political (not merely technical) alternatives, as well as that for disagreement and contestation, is limited or denied" (Cuttitta, 2018: 634). ...
Article
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This article examines how refugee support volunteers based in Britain and in France negotiate the boundaries between charity (or humanitarian) action and social activism since the 2015 ‘refugee crisis’. Scholarly literature has often separated charity and humanitarian action from social activism, as the former is seen as lacking the goal of social and political change that characterises the latter. The set of 147 in-depth interviews we conducted in different British and French refugee support charities and networks reveals the complex relationship between charity and protest. Through the focus on the moral dilemmas that participants encounter throughout their experience in the field, this article aims to highlight the ambivalences of their engagement as well as its transformative potential. Our analysis shows how participants develop new cognitive frames, emotions and interpersonal relations that transform their engagement and lead them to link charity/humanitarian action with broader objectives of social and political change. More generally, our analysis highlights the processes through which participants construct political narratives that aim to challenge state-driven policies and discourses of “migration management”. This article aims to contribute to the reflection about the informal character of the forms of participation analysed in this special issue, through the focus on the moral dilemmas and the “quiet” and “unexceptional” politics of volunteering.
... Domestic human rights are therefore neither particularly popular, nor particularly well supported within British political life (Webber 2012). Despite a number of high profile exceptions (see Graham et al. in this volume), in the UK human rights are often cast as an assumed legal norm which does not warrant further discussion, or as a dangerous and prohibitive limit on the rights of governments to deport 'aliens' and manage and control populations (see Darling 2014;Huysmans and Buonfino 2008). Despite this, however, many social movements and organisations still draw explicitly on a language of human rights in making claims to the British state. ...
Chapter
Introduction As we made our way through the narrow alleys that cut across Nima and Maamobi, two adjacent low-income communities in Accra, Ghana, Joe, a local human rights activist, updated me about some of the recent events in the community. We passed concrete and plywood homes and small shops, while navigating around livestock and the deteriorating open drains that bisect many of the walkways. There are only a few roads in the community that are large enough for vehicles, so residents generally travel by way of the labyrinth of paths that wind through the densely populated neighbourhoods. Nima and Maamobi, although not officially separate municipalities, joined together to become a self-designated human rights city. In addition to their status as a human rights city, the two neighbourhoods are united by the fact that they are often perceived by outsiders as being distinct from the surrounding city. In contrast to the rest of Accra, which is largely Christian and relatively wealthy, Nima and Maamobi have a large Islamic population and many residents are significantly poorer than other Accra residents. The neighbourhoods of Nima and Maamobi are unplanned and have long carried the reputation of being migrant communities. In 1973, Grindal estimated that 90 per cent of the communities’ population ‘is ethnically non-indigenous, consisting of northern tribesmen and a significantly large proportion of non-Ghanaians from northern Togo and Upper Volta’ (1973: 335). Some residents feel that the ethnic, religious, and economic diversity of the area has led them to be treated by policy makers as non-indigenous and transitory, and therefore less worthy of much-needed development funds. In this chapter, I argue that the status of the Nima and Maamobi human rights city (as a ‘city within a city’ (White 2011: 275)) poses unique challenges for local human rights activists. One of the primary challenges faced by local activists is how to pursue large-scale community development projects using the human rights framework rather than the system of political patronage, which is prevalent in Ghana. Although common across Ghana (Hasty 2005; Lentz 1998; Nugent 1995), strong patronage relationships are particularly prevalent in unplanned communities where residents often find difficulty accessing things like employment, credit, and government officials (Fox 2014).
... Besides, social and economic changes are also important causes of terrorist attacks. Economic growth and sustainable development can largely avoid the terrorist attacks (Freytag et al., 2011). ...
Article
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Terrorist attacks, which have been intensified by migration recently, have a significant adverse impact on social and economic development. In this paper, we utilize Poisson regression model to explore the relationship between migration fear, migration policy uncertainty, and terrorist attack. Empirical results show that migration policy uncertainty has a significant positive impact on the occurrence of terrorist attacks, which displays similarity in different sample countries. However, there is a substantial difference in the effect of the migration fear on the terrorist attack, the impact of migration fear on the terrorist attacks is positive in traditional migration country (such as the U.S.), which is opposite with European migration countries. This paper further separates the full sample into two subsamples by using 9.11 Attack as exogenous structural break and concludes that after the 9.11 Attack, the impact of migration fear on terrorist attack increases and the result of migration policy uncertainty on terrorist attack decreases, which is consistent with stringent immigration censorship system in the U.S. Therefore, to strengthen international security, we should give more attention to the migration fear and the uncertainty of immigration policy.
... Accessed February 13 2018.20 On reluctance among politicians to associate terror with immigrants, seeHuysmans and Buonfino (2008). 21 See http://edition.cnn.com/2016/09/04/europe/germany-alternative-fur-deutschland-afd-angelamerkel/index.html. ...
Article
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The political-economy view of public policy is that policies that do not have majority support among voters arise because of a principal-agent problem that impedes voter disciplining of policy decisions of political representatives. We study a case in which voter disciplining could take place and the policy decision was a choice between electoral popularity and the prospect of winning the Nobel Peace Prize. The background for our model is the electorally-unpopular open-door refugee policy of German chancellor Angela Merkel. Our study motivates the question whether, because of the compromise of democratic accountability, it should be permissible for the Nobel Peace Prize to be awarded to politicians, either as incumbents or after they have left political office.
... Accessed February 13 2018.20 On reluctance among politicians to associate terror with immigrants, seeHuysmans and Buonfino (2008). 21 See http://edition.cnn.com/2016/09/04/europe/germany-alternative-fur-deutschland-afd-angelamerkel/index.html. ...
Conference Paper
The political-economy view of public policy is that policies that do not have majority support among voters arise because of a principal-agent problem that impedes voter disciplining of policy decisions of political representatives. We study a case in which voter disciplining could take place and the policy decision was a choice between electoral popularity and the prospect of winning the Nobel Peace Prize. The background for our model is the electorally-unpopular open-door refugee policy of German chancellor Angela Merkel. Our study motivates the question whether, because of the compromise of democratic accountability, it should be permissible for the Nobel Peace Prize to be awarded to politicians, either as incumbents or after they have left political office.
... 'I think to myself, "bloody hell, terrorists! We're going to blow up!"' Viktor was parroting familiar associations between immigrant diversity and terrorism found not only in the tabloid media (Goodman, Sirriyeh and McMahon 2017) but also in political debate (Huysmans and Buonfino, 2008). For Anna, the Polish shopkeeper, it was Syrian refugees who couldn't be trusted. ...
Article
East Europeans are integrating into life in the UK. This entails learning to get along with their new neighbours, but it also involves not getting along with certain neighbours. Integration is not confined to benevolent forms of everyday cosmopolitanism, multiculturalism and conviviality; it can also include more pathological forms, like racism. Whilst integration is generally seen as desirable, the learning that it entails necessarily includes less desirable practices and norms. The aim of this article is to show how East Europeans in the UK have been acquiring specifically British competencies of racism. This doesn't mean all East Europeans are racist or they always use racism; it does mean, however, that racism is a part of the integration equation. We focus on the racist and racializing practices of Poles, Hungarians and Romanians in Bristol in the UK. These East Europeans are using racism to insert themselves more favourably into Britain's racialized status hierarchies. This is a kind of integration.
... The non-exhaustive list of such policies and practices includes systematic, indiscriminate, and/or prolonged detention of third-country nationals; extraordinary rendition and return policies; the use of new practices and technologies of border management and control; extended powers of law enforcement agencies; lack or absence of transparency and accountability mechanisms in border management and control; disproportionate empowerment of executive powers; the denial of due process and access to courts; acceleration of asylum procedures; limitation of access to international protection; restrictions on refugees' and asylum seekers' movement; interception of private communications; conditions of quasi-isolation; inhuman or degrading treatment; and torture (see Ceyhan and Tsoukala 2002;Jabri 2006;Tsoukala 2006;Aradau 2008;Basaran 2008;Bigo and Tsoukala 2008;Ceyhan 2008;Huysmans and Buonfino 2008;Guild, Groenendijk, and Carrera 2009;Bigo, Bonditti, and Olsson 2010;Topak 2014;Skleparis 2016). Hence, repressive and controversial policies and practices that bend or break the rules of international protection did not appear across Europe in the face of the 'refugee crisis'; rather, they are routinised, banal, everyday practices of law and the normal mode of government of liberal regimes (see . ...
Article
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In the face of the ‘refugee crisis’, many European governments, even in traditionally liberal states, unilaterally introduced a number of restrictive and, often, controversial migration, asylum, and border control policies. The author argues that past legal-bureaucratic choices on migration and asylum policies, ongoing developments in international relations at that time, the structural and perceived capacity of receiving states to cope with the refugee influx, and long-standing migration-related security concerns influenced the responses of many European governments amid the mass population movement. However, the author also suggests that the surfacing of particular policies across Europe was related to the newly elected Greek government’s attempted U-turn from similar repressive and controversial policies during that time. In this regard, the author maintains that repressive and controversial migration, asylum, and border control policies cannot simply be abolished within the context of the EU common market and interdependence of EU internal and external controls.
... Hungary) and in others by a sense of unease (e.g. Germany) (see Huysmans and Buonfino, 2008) -was to lower the attractiveness of mainland member states as destination countries. ...
Article
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It has been commonly argued that amid the so-called 'migration crisis' in 2015, Greece ignored its Dublin Regulation obligations due to unprecedentedly high migration flows, structural weaknesses, fears and uncertainty. However, this narrative deprives the Greek government of agency. In contrast, this article puts forward an alternative analysis of Greece's attitude. It argues that the Greek government's policy choices in the realms of border controls, migration and asylum in 2015, prior to the 'EU-Turkey deal', manifested a well-calculated desecuritisation strategy with a twofold aim. In this respect, this article provides an analysis of why and how the newly elected SYRIZA-led coalition government embarked on a desecuritising move and assesses the success/effectiveness of this move and the desecuritisation strategy. It argues that although the government's desecuritising move was successful, overall, its desecuritisation strategy failed to produce the anticipated results vis-à-vis the government's twofold aim and intended outcomes.
... While all of these approaches have taught us much about the origins and evolution of counter-terrorism policies, only a few studies have explored the role of domestic politics in the construction of (counter)terrorism and the politicisation of this policy field (Tsoukala 2006;Huysmans and Buonfino 2008;Neal 2012). That is all the more surprising against the backdrop of the 'domestic turn' (Gourevitch 2002;Kaarbo 2015;Krebs 2018) in the overall International Relations (IR) literature and the research on the domestic-political explanation of foreign and security policy (Fearon 1998). ...
Article
Why do political actors prefer one counter-terrorism policy over another? We apply discourse network analysis and the advocacy coalition framework to the recent debate on counter-terrorism measures in Austria and argue that actors’ positions are based not so much on objective security factors and international or structural causes but on domestic politics and three interdependent variables. Political actors choose specific counter-terrorism policies because of: (1) a sense of ownership; (2) ideology; and (3) anticipated political gains. We show how different actors in Austria exploit the counter-terrorism debate to shield themselves from being blamed for being passive, to promote their ideological views, and/or to gain politically.
... Other media however, such as the Rheinische Post, warned: 'Don't make the mistake and compare terrorists with refugees'; xxvii also right-conservative TV-channels regretted that the Paris attacks started 'an attack on the welcoming-culture'. xxviii Yet, the topos (fear and panic) that was influential in political discourses in the past (Huysmans & Buonfino 2008;Vollmer 2014Vollmer , 2016b seemed to be back in charge. Although, it comparatively gained less power and the discursive effects had only moderate implications for the overall discourse in Germany, the negative trend, mentioned above however continued. ...
Article
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The anti-immigration continuum of public attitude-media-politics has undergone changes in the course of the “refugee crisis” in Germany. By examining migrant representations and discursive events taking place in 2015 and early 2016, we will show the volatility of the recent discourse on refugees. A historical/critical discourse analysis will show how new topoi arose and old topoi of the security/power paradigm have lastly reconquered the discourse. Using newspaper coverage, we discuss discursive events in three main sections: borders, arrival, and presence. Discursive shifts have taken place that have had an impact on the configuration of migration categories such as migrants or refugees.
... In line with Huysmans and Buonfino's (2008) thinking, the Court has been complicit in the securitization of the veiled Muslim woman through the politics of exception and unease (Ati, 2019). Through a combination of security fear and available technology anyone who defies surveillance is automatically a security risk. ...
Article
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This article examines how judicial human rights in Europe have adopted the security politics that have swept across Europe in recent years and how, through the European Court of Human Rights’ (ECtHR)decision‐making over the veil they have contributed to the precarity of the Muslim woman’s body. While suffering from stigmatization through securitization of the veil (I am using ‘veil’ to describe various garments such as the hijab, niqab and burqa. For the purposes of this article, this is a useful shorthand), covered Muslim women’s (The concept of Muslim women is a misnomer because it suggests that Muslim women constitute a homogeneous group when they are not. Without denying their heterogeneity, its use here is suggestive of the way it is used by securitizing agents and narratives) attempts at strategic human rights litigation against bans on their clothing, including landmark cases such as SAS v. France, have failed. Institutional human rights in Europe have hijacked national governments’ security narratives and thus been complicit in furthering the bodily vulnerability of covered Muslim women by sanctioning the public stripping of their clothing. This transgresses human rights’ fundamental, normative, commitment to preventing bodily wounding. It exposes the conditionality and limitation of judicial human rights and endorses an idealized version of the exposed woman as free and equal. Moreover, by abandoning its role as neutral arbiter or audience, the ECtHR exposes human rights’ ongoing link with neo‐colonialism. The Court’s decision‐making raises the question of how veiled women might mobilize to desecuritize the veil. I suggest a return to the politics of rights combined with the “rebellious cosmopolitanism” resonant with Camus’ politics to mount relentless protests against governance feminism and the Eurocentrism of institutional human rights for a return to “normal politics”.
... Even though corpus studies of discourse have grown into a major area of modern research, there have been comparatively few empirical investigations into parliamentary debates (see Baker 2004, Baker 2009, Findlay 2017, Huysmans and Buonfino 2008. In this study I provide a new perspective on discourse analysis of parliamentary debate suggesting a comparative cross-linguistic approach to study of conflict discourse. ...
Book
Exploring the ways in which language and conflict are intertwined and interrelated, this volume examines the patterns of public discourse in Ukraine and Russia since the beginning of the Ukrainian Crisis in 2014. It investigates the trends in language aggression, evaluation, persuasion and other elements of conflict communication related to the situation. Through the analysis of the linguistic features of salient discourses and prevalent narratives constructed by different social groups, Language of Conflict reflects competing worldviews of various stakeholders in this conflict and presents multiple, often contradictory, visions of the circumstances. Contributors from Ukraine, Russia and beyond investigate discursive representations of the most important aspects of the crisis: its causes and goals, participants and the values and ideologies of the opposing factions. They focus on categorization, stance, framing, (de)legitimation, manipulation and coping strategies while analysing the ways in which the stress produced by social discord, economic hardship, and violence shapes public discourse. Primarily focusing on informal communication and material gathered from online sources, the collection provides insight into the ways people directly affected by the crisis think about and respond to it. The volume acknowledges the communicators' active role in constructing the (often incompatible) discursive images of the conflict and concentrates on the conscious and strategic use of linguistic resources in negative and aggressive communication.
... This theoretical framework is applied on all available Croatian parliamentary debates held between 2003 and 2018. The paper builds on a tradition of parliamentary studies that deals with political discourse combining qualitative and quantitative approach in European (Broughton and Palmieri 1999;Auel and Raunio 2014;Huysmans and Buonfino 2008) as well as the US context (Jacobs and Sobieraj 2007;Thomas, Pang, and Lee 2006;Pearson and Dancey 2011). Moreover, the paper expands on the literature on war-related agenda in national parliaments (Lowande, Ritchie, and Lauterbach 2019;Horowitz and Stam 2014;Stadelmann, Portmann, and Eichenberger 2015) and combines it with the context of Southeast Europe (Koren 2011;Banjeglav 2012;Subotić 2013). ...
Article
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The paper analyses almost fifteen years of Croatian parliamentary debates and identifies a discourse of war legacies. Using the latest advancements in natural language processing, the paper utilizes models based on latent semantic analysis and discusses how politicians talk about war in terms of common narratives and shared frameworks. Using a complex vector representation of war-related concepts, the paper specifically focuses on their framing in the context of right-wing authoritarianism. The results show a negative trend of pushing the most frequent war-related concepts to more extreme framing as a potential reflection of their political abuse and ongoing mythologization.
... In general, they highlight the dangers of the prioritization of references to security and public welfare by democratic parliamentarians when dealing with emergency situations. By doing so, democratic MPs might create a vacuum which is conveniently filled by extreme political actors, who use the neglect of human rights justifications to appropriate the 'rights talk' and 1 Previous studies considered the invocation of actual or perceived emergencies by speeches and debates in the legislatures, particularly in the context of restricting migrant and refugee rights and securitizing migration processes (Huysmans and Buonfino 2008;Rojo and van Dijk 1997). For a recent article covering a selection of Western European countries, see Louwerse et al. (2021). ...
Article
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During the COVID-19 pandemic, the protection of public health became a political priority worldwide. Slovakia’s COVID-19 response was initially praised as a global success. However, major rights restrictions were introduced in spring 2020, with some of these endorsed by the parliament. This article uses = Rossiter’s and Schmitt’s concepts of the exception and Agamben’s distinction between life and survival to highlight the risks pertaining to the framing of the protection of public health as contradictory to human rights guarantees. It investigates how human rights were discussed by Slovak parliamentarians in relation to key legislation, that introduced a COVID-19 contact tracing app and allowed repeated prolongation of health emergencies by the executive with parliamentary approval. The findings indicate that democratic parliamentarians prioritized public health considerations framed in terms of security and effectiveness rather than rights, dissociating biological survival from political life. In contrast, extreme political actors became outspoken critics of emergencies, referring to human rights. As such, the deliberations represent a missed opportunity by democratic legislators to justify public health protection via a human rights lens and risk undermining democracy in Slovakia.
... Second, related to legal precarity, migration is increasingly criminalized (Stumpf 2006;García Hernández 2014;Atak and Simeon 2018;Menjívar, Cervantes and Alvord 2018;Parmar 2020;Ben-Arieh and Heins 2021). Moreover, research takes place in contexts of wide-ranging "anti-terrorist" 1 laws and national security legislation (Guild 2003;Huysmans and Buonfino 2008;Savun and Gineste 2019). As a result, people in migration face heightened surveillance and scrutiny (Aiken 2000;Kerwin 2012;Moffette and Aksin 2018). ...
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Migration research poses particular ethical challenges because of legal precarity, the criminalization and politicization of migration, and power asymmetries. This paper analyzes these challenges in relation to the ethical principles of voluntary, informed consent; protection of personal information; and minimizing harm. It shows how migration researchers — including those outside of academia — have attempted to address these ethical issues in their work, including through the recent adoption of a Code of Ethics by the International Association for the Study of Forced Migration (IASFM). However, gaps remain, particularly in relation to the intersection of procedural and relational ethics; specific ethical considerations of big data and macrocomparative analyses; localized meanings of ethics; and oversight of researchers collecting information outside of institutional ethics boards.
... The UK authorities have engaged in a three-pronged practice to achieve the exclusion of irregularly present migrants from accessing work. First, over the past 20 years, there has been an increasingly virulent rhetoric against 'illegal' migration (Huysmans et al. 2008). This has been coupled with a public policy approach of blaming intermediaries for assisting and organising illegal migration. ...
Article
Decent work for migrants has been a preoccupation of a number of international organisations, in particular the International Labour Organisation (ILO), for more than a decade. The ILO’s Fair Migration Agenda was boosted by the publication of its ‘Fair Migration: Setting an ILO Agenda’ in 2014 followed by a Protocol in 2014 to its Forced Labour Convention (no. 29, 1930). The UK was enthusiastic in its support and ratified the Protocol in 2016. But between the ILO standards and UK implementation inconsistencies have appeared. In this paper, we use the UK example to analyse this implementation gap by examining how delivering decent work for migrants has proven elusive. We examine how the objective of decent work for migrants has been implemented in the UK from 2014 to 2016, dates of showcase pieces of legislation to counter labour exploitation of migrants yet limiting access to work. The outcome would be that irregularly present migrants have few remedies and diminished access to them as a result of changes which post-date the UK’s commitment to the Fair Migration Agenda and ratification of the Forced Labour Protocol.
Article
This article addresses the question of how draconian counter-terrorism policies are legitimized in long-established democracies. Being the heartland of liberal rights, the UK comes to the fore as a striking case where some of the most controversial security policies have been enacted. The study undertakes a systematic frame analysis of UK parliamentary debates with the help of ATLAS.ti, which allows the analyst to trace and map out recurrent concepts, themes, and arguments as well as their overall distribution. While demonstrating the workings of securitization in the formulation of key counter-terrorism legislation, the study unearths how the security narrative in the UK context evidently relies on the language of rights in invoking legitimacy. The study suggests that far from negating the indispensable status of human rights, security narrative resorts to the latter’s moral power and mimics rights language, heralding the weight of these international norms even in hard-core security matters.
Article
This paper considers the role of historical context in initiating shifts in word meaning. The study focusses on two words – the translation equivalents separatist and separatism – in the discourses of Russian and Ukrainian parliamentary debates before and during the Russian–Ukrainian conflict which emerged at the beginning of 2014. The paper employs a cross-linguistic corpus-assisted discourse analysis to investigate the way wider socio-political context affects word usage and meaning. To allow a comparison of discourses around separatism between two parliaments, four corpora were compiled covering the debates in both parliaments before and during the conflict. Keywords, collocations and n-grams were studied and compared, and this was followed by qualitative analysis of concordance lines, co-text and the larger context in which these words occurred. The results show how originally close meanings of translation equivalents began to diverge and manifest noticeable changes in their connotative, affective and, to an extent, denotative meanings at a time of conflict in line with the dominant ideologies of the parliaments as well as the political affiliations of individuals.
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Unpacking the common stereotypical descriptions of the "criminal male sub-Saharan African refugee" in contrast to the "helpless trafficked women" in the European media, this paper questions contemporary European perspectives on migration, with references to gender. The research is based on a critical exploration of the representation of male and female refugees in German and British media outlets. It links predominant gender regimes to the gendered presentation of refugees within the migration-security nexus in the media. Using Feminist Security Studies as a theoretical foundation, the paper explains the assignment of specific roles and behaviours to the genders. The paper shows that there are indeed discrepancies in the presentation of refugees according to their gender even though they are not as striking as one would expect. Variation between media in Germany and the UK is minor. The findings demonstrate that Europe-wide gender norms prevail over differences in security settings between the UK and Germany. Furthermore, the results intriguingly show the portrayal of male refugees in the roles of criminals or perpetrators and the connected prevalent European gender regime in public discourse which influences decision-making in EU border and migration politics. Unpacking gendered notions of male and female migrants is crucial to understand (competing) interests in migration governance. The results also highlight the explanatory potential of Feminist Security Studies for Refugee Studies.
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This article analyses the verbal display and role of emotions in the European Parliament (EP). Contributing both to European Studies and Parliamentary studies, this article shows how emotions are expressed and how they reflect power and status dynamics. Emotions are indeed used differently depending on the power position of Members of the EP (MEPs). This article also reveals that emotions may play a role in crisis situations by constraining the choices and policy solutions under consideration. This qualitative study compares parliamentary debates on two of the most relevant recent crises before 2020: the refugee crisis (2014–2017) and the economic crisis (2009–2014). Empirical evidence is drawn from the systematic in-depth content analysis of 25 EP debates.
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As a contentious, multidimensional issue, migration attracts significant media attention in affluent societies. While analysts have assessed coverage in traditional outlets, less is known about social media – digital platforms that facilitate the creation and sharing of content online. Working with a unique dataset of tweets from the 2019 Canadian federal election, this study analyses migration's representation within visible digital spaces. Employing content analytic methods, it offers new insight into the patterns of participation, claims‐making and engagement associated with the topic's online depiction. Alongside documenting significant lay involvement and creativity, it reveals communications were slightly negative and, reflecting the contemporary political climate, significantly more likely to feature identity‐based issues than economic and redistributive concerns. Messages from professional broadcasters, as well as, those featuring negative sentiments and referencing cultural matters generated greater engagement. The implications of these results and recommendations for future research are considered.
Article
This study examines the securitization of the European refugee crisis in Greece from the perspective of the Copenhagen School’s analytical framework as advanced with novel methodological tools. Building on primary data consisting of interviews with, among others, Greek ministers of migration, this study argues that between 2012 and 2015 the central-right government of New Democracy securitized successfully the immigration crisis. This study further maintains that from 2015 to 2018 the government led by the radical-left SYRIZA meta-securitized the securitization tactics of other actors.
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This chapter explores how the clash between security and health concerns has manifested through two case studies in the UK and considers the impact of security policies on the mental health of asylum seekers and refugees. The first case study is among asylum seekers in detention, while the second focuses on the asylum process and struggles for housing, employment, and access to healthcare experienced by forced migrants in their everyday lives. Using the UK as a pertinent example, this chapter highlights the mechanisms by which mental health problems among forced migrants are created and exacerbated by policies intended to prioritise security concerns, both worsening the mental health status for these persons and further impeding access to necessary mental health services. Ironically, this prioritisation of security issues seems to have provided neither health benefits nor benefits to security. The system is thus in need of major reform, using an intersectoral approach enshrined in the right to health.
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Britische RechtspopulistInnen konnten durch Opposition gegen Einwanderung immer wieder kurzfristig erfolgreich die politische Stimmung im Vereinigten Königreich für sich nutzen. In den 1960er Jahren waren es die ZuwanderInnen aus den karibischen, afrikanischen und asiatischen Ländern, die zum Politikum wurden. Der rechtsradikale Rand hatte aber längerfristig keine Chance, sich politisch zu etablieren.
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This article reports on a discourse analysis of high circulation news media sources in the United Kingdom, around six key events relating to migration in 2015–2016. This article argues that the dominant discourse in UK media constructed the increase in movements of people and applications for asylum as a ‘crisis of borders’. In this context, Europe’s borders were deemed problematically porous in enabling large numbers of people to enter. This porosity was painted as leading to an ongoing crisis for people in Europe, with the assumption being that allowing more people to enter would threaten European borders, security forces, people, and identity. These discursive constructions serve to marginalise considerations of insecurity and dangers that asylum seekers and refugees face in conflicts, and instead paint them not as experiencing violence, but rather as perpetrators of crisis themselves.
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This book demonstrates the difficulties the law is likely to encounter in regulating the expressive activities of the state, particularly with regard to the stigmatization of vulnerable groups and minorities. Freedom of speech is indispensable to a democratic society, enabling it to operate with a healthy level of debate and discussion. Historically, legal scholars have underappreciated the power of stigmatization, instead focusing on anti-discrimination law, and the implicit assumption that the state is permitted to communicate freely with little fear of legal consequences. Whilst integral to a democratic society, the freedom of a state to express itself can however also be corrosive, allowing influential figures and organizations the possibility to stigmatize vulnerable groups within society. The book takes this idea and, uniquely weaving legal analysis with extant psychological and sociological research, shows that current legal approaches to stigmatization are limited. Starting with a deep insight into what constitutes state expressions and how they can become stigmatizing, the book then goes on to look into the capacity the law currently has to limit these expressions and asks even if it could, should it? This fascinating study of an increasingly topical subject will be of interest to any legal scholar working in the field of freedom of expression and discrimination law.
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A growing body of evidence documents that Islamophobia is a significant social issue in the UK. This evidence also reveals an empirical link to “Islamist” terrorism, revealing a nexus between security and the social emergence of prejudice. Drawing on critical approaches to security and applying them to the case of the UK in 2017, this article explores this nexus conceptually and empirically. To do so, it examines the discourses of various governance institutions (including the media, the political elite, and security professionals) as they respond to “Islamist” terrorist events. It argues that these governance institutions individually and collectively – and often unwittingly – stigmatised and securitised “Muslim” identity. The structural emergence (i.e., the institutionalisation) of Islamophobia in the UK, this article contends, can largely be understood through these processes. This article therefore offers an illustration of some of the logics of how prejudice is embedded in societal structures, which has normative implications for how these processes might be successfully contested.
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The configuration of state sovereignty has been historically constituted through a spatial distinction between an inside—the space of domesticity—and an outside—the space of anarchy and war. Yet, post-9/11, scholars have raised our attention to how the Global War on Terror has increasingly blurred this spatial division. This chapter, however, analyses the overlap between these two dimensions by placing them inside a longer historical trajectory. Through an investigation of Italian state responses to the Sicilian mafia, this chapter shows how the logic of war has been inscribed into the logic of domestic security since the Italian unification in the nineteenth century. By adopting a legal-historical perspective, this analysis exposes that the exceptionality of this inscription shows itself to be a process of normalization that led to a progressive militarization of security discourses and practices. Analysing exceptionalism from this ‘decentred position’ does not imply reducing the importance of post-9/11 exceptionalism, nor does it deny its increasingly pervasive nature. It requires us, however, to frame it within a long-term historical and institutional framework to capture its emergence and conditions of possibility.
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The use of sortition accompanies the renewal of debates on democracy. In this chapter, following a brief overview of a few general traits pertaining to the political use of sortition, we will study its fundamental contributions on three levels. First of all, we will analyze how random selection can contribute to renewing the debate about the knowledge necessary to participate politically. For that we will develop four logical possibilities following the discussion between Socrates and Protagoras in Plato’s homonymous dialogue, and, subsequently, they will be exemplified through the debate regarding sortition in the Spanish political party Podemos as context for reference. Secondly, we will address the problem of sortition and its double potential to motivate participation and demotivate unwanted behavior and profiles. In this case, illustrative examples will be taken stemming from the authors’ own ethnographic experience. Lastly, it will be argued that sortition serves to produce a particular moral content within political participation, based on the idea that politics are a civic virtue, essential to the development of human capabilities, that must be stimulated and distributed en masse. This perspective contrasts with logics deeply rooted in activist environments that often hinder the declared objectives of those who are members of them, specially the alternation, when we think of political participation, between the ideology of the gift and the professional ideology, that is, the alternation between the militant’s apology of voluntary dedication and the advocacy of politics as a professional activity depending on the context.
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Moral panic theory continues to be applied to a range of phenomena, allowing sociologists to refine our understanding of negative societal reaction aimed at people who are easy to identify and easy to dislike. Whereas the prevailing notion of moral panic rests on its noisy features, there are constructions that occur under the public radar. In such instances, government officials quietly institute policies and practices that adversely affect a targeted group. Moral panic over so-called bogus asylum seekers in the UK represents a noisy construction whereby claims making is loud and public. In the USA, however, that construction is remarkably quiet and does not resonate openly; still, much like their British counterparts, American officials have resorted to the use of confinement. This work explores the differences between the UK and the USA in the realm of moral panic over asylum seekers while remaining attentive to their shared consequences, the unjust detention of those fleeing persecution. Implications to social control and human rights in a post-11 September world are discussed throughout.
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If, as W. E. B. Du Bois observed, the problem of the twentieth century was the problem of the color line, the problem of the twenty-first century may be one that reaches back to premodernity: religious identity. Even before 9/11 it was becoming evident that Muslims, not blacks, were perceived as the "other" most threatening to Western society, even in a relatively pluralist nation such as Britain. In Multcultural Politics, one of the most respected thinkers on ethnic minority experience in England describes how what began as a black-white division has been complicated by cultural racism, Islamophobia, and a challenge to secular modernity. Tariq Modood explores the tensions that have risen among advocates of multiculturalism as Muslims assert themselves to catch up with existing equality agendas while challenging some of the secularist, liberal, and feminist assumptions of multiculturalists. If an Islam-West divide is to be avoided in our time, Modood suggests, then Britain, with its relatively successful ethnic pluralism and its easygoing attitude toward religion, will provide a particularly revealing case and promising site for understanding.
Book
James Hampshire explores the politics of immigration in postwar Britain and shows how ideas of race, demography and belonging intertwined to shape immigration policy. It is the first book to explain immigration in terms of the politics of demographic governance - how states manage and regulate their populations - and provides a much needed historical context to current debates. In addition, the book develops new perspectives on the ways in which racialized ideas influenced politics and policy-making.
Book
The book critically engages with theoretical developments in international relations and security studies to develop a fresh conceptual framework for studying security.Contents 1. Politics of insecurity, technology and the political2. Security framing: the question of the meaning of security3. Displacing the spectre of the state in security studies: From referent objects to techniques of government4. Securitizing migration: Freedom from existential threats and the constitution of insecure communities5. European integration and societal insecurity6. Freedom and security in the EU: A Foucaultian view on spill-over7. Migration, securitization and the question of political community in the EU8. De-securitizing migration: Security knowledge and concepts of the political9. Conclusion: the politics of framing insecurity
Article
Immigration has always been at the heart of controversy in the history of human societies and, most recently, in the history of nation‐states. The aim of this article is, first, to help get to the heart of the “problem” of mass migration in Europe by investigating how the “politicization” of migration is created at the national level and discussing the mutually conditioning relationships between public opinion, mass media, identity politics and fear in the evolution of immigration policy discourse in the Member States of the European Union (emphasis on the UK and Italy). Secondly, the article questions how and why the conceptualization of migration as a security concern has become dominant in European countries and whether there has been a shift between the way immigration is addressed in Member States' policies and the way the European Union is now confronting the issue (post‐Amsterdam treaty). Is the European Union approaching immigration with a “new vision”? Adopting a discourse‐theoretical approach, the article argues that the inevitability of the politicization of immigration derives from the inescapable contradiction between democratic equality and plurality and that the discourse type of securitization of migration has emerged as the hegemonic discourse in the Member States, produced by the interplay of publics, media and governments and aimed at the preservation of existing power structures and socio‐political boundaries. The article then concludes that the national discourse on immigration as a security concern is reflected and re‐adopted (but carefully re‐articulated) by the European Union.
Article
The symbiotic relationship between refugees and the police is increasing around key zones of global exclusion: the US/Mexico border, the European Union and the Southeast Asian/Australasian rim.1 Examining these relationships uncovers the contradictory yet stunted deployment of sovereignty‐led responses of the Global North to refugees, particularly those responses that cluster around the frontier, marking and patrolling the border. Moreover, the police/refugee relationship and the discourses underpinning it have prepared the way for problematic constructions of, and responses to, terrorism as it is patrolled at the border. Refugees are not just a problem, but a policing problem. Terrorism is not a problem, but a counter‐terrorism policing problem. Increasingly the securitisation of borders explicitly and implicitly conflates these two ‘policing’ problems. This article will examine the discursive resources underpinning border‐policing efforts against refugees and terrorism, and the repercussions for the law enforcement apparatus. In the case of Australia, it will argue that the border‐policing effort has become a site for the recrafting of federal law enforcement with significant consequences for regional governance as policing becomes unshackled from territory and merged with military functions. In making this argument in relation to Australia within the Southeast Asian region, the article will also draw on evidence from Europe and North America.
Article
In perhaps unexpected ways Britain has become quite closely linked to key aspects of EU migration and asylum policy. This could be a rather surprising outcome given that the UK is outside Schengen, opted out of the free movement, asylum and migration provisions of the Amsterdam Treaty and remains fixed on the maintenance of border controls at ports of entry to the UK. However, the differential and conditional engagement that has developed with EU migration and asylum policy has been described by Tony Blair as ‘getting the best of both worlds’. What could it mean to get the best of both worlds? Can the ‘two worlds’ of Britain and Europe be so neatly distinguished? To answer these questions the article surveys the extent of British engagement with EU migration and asylum policy and explains when, how and why the UK has opted into key aspects of it, particularly the more coercive components concerned with asylum and border controls.
Article
The greatest threat to U.S. homeland security comes from illegals who enter the country through its porous borders in order to attack. The tide of illegal immigration must be stemmed in order to secure the United States against terrorism. It is all too easy for illegal immigrants to slip in beneath the radar, eschewing the legalization process and never being detected and deported. And as long as the benefits of illegally immigrating outweigh the costs, the influx will continue. Legal immigration itself needs reform, too; particularly the visa-waiver program and the rules governing dual citizenship, which pose further security challenges. Federal government officials must overcome their fear of alienating ethnic voters and American business, enhance border security, and reform the nation's immigration policies.
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All European states have the legal right to grant asylum but only Germany is obliged by law to do so. Liza Schuster contributes to the asylum debate primarily in the area of comparative politics in this study of British and German policies on asylum practice.
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This article aims to question the relationship between security and liberty that lies at the heart of the current debates on European counter-terrorism policies. It analyses the statements reported in the press made by defenders of the emergency rules thesis and their rivals in the UK and France from September 2001 to June 2003. The findings reveal that, in both cases, the legitimation of the emergency measures rests upon a set of sovereignty-related arguments that reframe the notion of freedom and the place of human rights in contemporary democracies. The defenders of the human rights thesis denounce the reframing of civil liberties but fail to address the freedom issue.
National Security and Immigration, Stanford The Use and Abuse of Political Asylum in Britain and Germany
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Rudolph, C. (2006) National Security and Immigration, Stanford, Stanford University Press. Schuster, L. (2003) The Use and Abuse of Political Asylum in Britain and Germany, London, Frank Cass.
Selling fear? The framing of terrorist threat in elections
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Oates, S. (2005) Selling fear? The framing of terrorist threat in elections. in C. Browning (ed) Security, Terrorism and the UK. ISP/NSC Briefing Paper 05/01. London: Chatham House, pp. 7-8.
Polices en Réseaux. L'expérience européenne
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Bigo, D. (1996) Polices en Réseaux. L'expérience européenne, Paris, Presses de Sciences Po.
Defining the terrorist threat in the post-September 11th Era. Illiberal Practices of Liberal Regimes: The (In)security Games. Paris: L'Harmattan/Centre d'Etudes sur les Conflits
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Tsoukala, A. (2006a) Defining the terrorist threat in the post-September 11th Era. Illiberal Practices of Liberal Regimes: The (In)security Games. Paris: L'Harmattan/Centre d'Etudes sur les Conflits, pp. 51-109.
Exclusion, terrorism and the refugee convention
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Zard, M. (2002) 'Exclusion, terrorism and the refugee convention', Forced Migration Review, (13), 32-34.
Immigration, Asylum, Terrorism. A Changing Dynamic of European Law
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Brouwer, E., Catz, P. and Guild, E. (2003) Immigration, Asylum, Terrorism. A Changing Dynamic of European Law., Nijmegen, Instituut voor Rechtssociologie/Centrum voor Migratierecht.
Controlling Frontiers. Free Movement into and within EuropeExclusion from refugee protection: serious non-political crimes after 9
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Bigo, D. and Guild, E. (eds) (2005) Controlling Frontiers. Free Movement into and within Europe, Aldershot, Ashgate. Blake, N. (2003) 'Exclusion from refugee protection: serious non-political crimes after 9/11', European Journal of Migration and Law, 4(4), 425-47.
Taking liberties. The Spectator
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Steyn, M. (2005) Taking liberties. The Spectator.
Integration and the question of social identity. Immigration and integration: a new centre left agenda
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The liberalism of fear
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Shklar, J. N. (1989) The liberalism of fear. in N. L. Rosenblum (ed) Liberalism and the Moral Life. Cambridge: Havard University Press.
When the eyes don't have it
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Zaba, C. (2005) When the eyes don't have it. New Statesman.
Securitization and desecuritization
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Waever, O. (1995) Securitization and desecuritization. in R. Lipschutz (ed) On Security. New York: Columbia University Press, pp. 46-86.
Introduction', Forced Migration Review
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Newland, K., Patrick, E., Van Selm, J. and Zard, M. (2002) 'Introduction', Forced Migration Review, (13), 4-7.
Parliamentary Briefing: Immigration, Asylum and Nationality Bill Counter Terror Clauses
Refugee Council (2006) Parliamentary Briefing: Immigration, Asylum and Nationality Bill Counter Terror Clauses.
Integration and the question of social identity. Immigration and integration: a new centre left agenda
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Buonfino, A. (2007) Integration and the question of social identity. Immigration and integration: a new centre left agenda. Policy Network UK.
The Identity Project: An Assessment of the UK Identity Cards Bill and Its Implications
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LSE, T. (2005) The Identity Project: An Assessment of the UK Identity Cards Bill and Its Implications. London: London School of Economics.
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