Stability Operations and State-Building: Continuities and Contingencies

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The purpose of this academic colloquium was to identify principles and supporting policies of state-building that will enhance America's ability "to win the peace" while stabilizing chaotic regions. Basic to the concept of the colloquium was the idea that just as there are acknowledged principles of war that enhance the possibility of victory on the battlefield, there should be principles that, if applied during the state-building process, will enhance the chances of "winning the peace." The idea that principles should constitute the foundation of state-building and that supporting policies and procedures then flow from those principles was fundamental to the colloquium's process. The participants included scholars from a wide range of academic disciplines, active duty military personnel, nongovernmental organization staff, and governmental administrators. The colloquium's sponsors endeavored to blend the expertise of civilian academics and military professionals. Each speaker was asked to nominate several principles of peace that represent parallel ideas to the principles of war. As expected, some duplication in naming the principles occurred. The speakers addressed their respective lists of principles during their presentations. After all scheduled presentations, six independent breakout groups distilled the consolidated list of principles to a common core for each group. Next, a plenary session considered the resulting six lists of principles for further consolidation into a core list of six principles. Those principles are as follows: (1) rule of law, (2) security (military, economic, and civil), (3) legitimacy, (4) development (the encouragement thereof), (5) self-empowerment/self-sufficiency, and (6) communications (intergovernmental and international). In the process of refining these principles, the group also identified 15 specific policies and procedures which will serve to assist in implementing the principles.

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... 2 of 20 develop both their capability and capacity [2,10] to become an emerging society [4,9,11]. An extensive example of such nation-building efforts was the stability operations in Afghanistan, in which the United States Government (USG) invested enormous amounts of funds and military resources for reconstruction (i.e., restoration of war-torn societies) and infrastructure development (i.e., creation of new institutions) since 2002 [12,13]. ...
... Fundamental requisites for nation-building efforts typically include establishing basic services and functional security, governance, and economic and infrastructure systems in conflict zones [1][2][3][4][5][6][7][8][9]. The constructive outcomes from these extensive efforts are deeply interrelated for encouraging conflict-ridden states to develop and attain stable, safe communities that can enable sustainable development. ...
... Nearly two-thirds of the security forces killed by insurgent attacks between January 2007 and July 2008 were Afghan police [52]. In the midst of the Afghanistan effort from 2002 to 2014, scholars from a wide range of disciplines outlined various ways to improve security while creating alliances and gathering support from local people [52][53][54], and defined the principles of state building as enhancing "winning the peace" while stabilizing chaotic regions [9] and suppressing violence, preserving life, liberty, and property [55,56]. Fluctuating security forces in Afghanistan has impacted public confidence. ...
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The notion of sustainable infrastructure for the delivery of social services is to fulfill basic human needs; in war-torn societies, human safety is a critical basic need. The relationship between sustainable infrastructure development and human safety remains underresearched in Afghan neighborhoods. Therefore, this study examined the effectiveness of the police facilities constructed for stability enhancement in Afghan communities. To do so, this study used Afghans’ polling datasets on the police presence and the public safety perceptions, including newly collected survey data related to the influence of the police facilities on human safety and other factors contributing to the neighborhoods’ well-being. The datasets are organized with a multilevel structure in which different individuals are sampled within neighborhoods and analyzed using a multilevel model approach to capture the randomness of the responses. The results showed that police facilities are more important to perceptions of safety in less safe areas and that Afghans in villages perceived themselves as safer than in urban areas, relative to their own immediate region. Those perceiving themselves as being safer were older, more highly educated, and widowed respondents. Overall, Afghans perceived the police facilities as institutional symbol for promoting improvements and opportunities for fulfilling basic human safety needs.
Post-conflict infrastructure reconstruction can consume billions of dollars and require years of commitment if strategic objectives are to be met in a lasting way. The United States has a mixed record of both success and failure in its history of post-conflict infrastructure reconstruction since World War II. Analysis of this fairly-recent history reveals a set of six criteria that can be used by planners and decision makers as they evaluate conditions on the ground to determine feasibility and the chances of success in a particular endeavor. These six criteria are: presence of a functioning government and government capacity, pre-war level of development, level of wartime destruction and type of destruction, local construction capability and capacity, security, and the human dimension. Of these six, a functioning government and security are primary--without these two, reconstruction eventually ends in failure. The remaining four are strong enablers to a successful reconstruction process. These criteria can also be used to articulate-- to the host nation's people and government, to domestic and international audiences--clear expectations for actions required by each target audience to achieve success.
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The American foreign policy establishment has identified a new national security problem. Over the past two decades, foreign-policy scholars and popular writers have developed the ideas that "failed states" present a global security threat, and that accordingly, powerful countries like the United States should "fix" the failed states. However, the conventional wisdom is based on a sea of confusion, poor reasoning, and category errors. Much of the problem stems from the poor scholarly standards that characterize the research on state failure. The definitions of a ?failed state? are now nearly as numerous as the number of studies about the subject. That ambiguity confounds analyses that seek to correlate threats with the ?failedness? of states. Nevertheless, the idea received a boost after the terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001. Analysts concluded en masse that since Afghanistan was both a failed state and a threat, failed states were threatening. Interest in remedying state failure grew after the United States toppled the rickety structure of the Iraqi state, when it became clear that attempting to administer a failed state was difficult. Believing these difficulties can be overcome, many analysts suggest that if the United States can prevent state failure or repair failed states, it can reap gains not just in terms of international development but also in national security.
Policy and doctrine require the U.S. Army to provide certain capabilities during the conduct of stability operations. The Department of Defense now considers stability operations as critical to success as offensive and defensive operations. Operations that require technical engineer capabilities, specifically infrastructure reconstruction operations, require a portion of the engineer officer corps to possess a technical engineering education. Trends in officer accessions and retention indicate a shortfall in technical engineering education among the engineer officer corps, casting doubt in the ability of the Engineer Regiment to meet anticipated future requirements. Senior engineer leaders identified these conditions and initiated a campaign to increase technical competence within the regiment. This monograph contributes to this effort by identifying factors that affect the retention of engineer officers who possess engineering degrees. The results of a survey of engineer officers at Fort Leavenworth reveal these officers possess lower job satisfaction than officers who possess non-engineering degrees and officers across the Army. These officers are more likely to believe their experiences in the Army did not match their pre-commissioning expectations contributing to perceived “psychological contract violations.” The monograph suggests leaders conduct a series of studies over time to assess the effects of initiatives to increase technical competence within the Engineer Regiment.
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This article examines how social researchers have evaluated the rise of institutions to create `national reconciliation' in countries emerging from authoritarianism and state repression. Reconciliation has been counter-posed to retributive justice by new political and religious elites, who have instead sought to construct a new notion of the national self and psyche, and in so doing used organic models of state and society and metaphors of illness and health in the body politic. Intellectuals such as the legal scholar Minow have applauded these efforts as attempts to transcend the limitations of law and legal discourse in order to construct a different kind of public space and collective memory, and to engage in emotional and psychological healing. Anthropologists have taken a more mixed and critical view. Some such as Buur and Ross have asserted that truth commissions are not free of the positivism which characterizes the legal process and which excludes certain types of voice and subjectivity and creates silences of its own. Others such as Borneman and Wilson have criticized reconciliation strategies for undermining the rule of law and they have asserted that democratizing regimes must instead attempt to rebuild accountability, and thereby state legitimacy, through retributive justice.
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Capitalism is indeed at a crossroads, facing international terrorism, worldwide environmental change, and an accelerating backlash against globalization. Companies areï¾ atï¾ crossroads, too: finding new strategies for profitable growth is now more challenging. Both sets of problems are intimately linked. Learn how to identify sustainable products and technologies that can drive new growth while also helping to solve today's most crucial social and environmental problems.ï¾ Hart shows how to become truly indigenous to allï¾ markets -- and avoid the pitfalls of traditional 'greening' and 'sustainability' strategies. This book doesn't just point the way to a capitalism that is more inclusive and more welcome: it offers specific techniquesï¾ to recharge innovation, growth, and profitability.
The principal impediment to Latin America’s competitiveness is the lack of credible commercial law, especially concerning property. Good property law is the foundation of free, impersonal, contract-based economies in the West. Without property law, entrepreneurship, commerce, and growth are stifled. Were the Latin American states able to create a modern legal environment, their transformation would open enormous new commercial markets with significant purchasing power that would demand First World goods and services.
Claims-making about social problems is a persuasive activity, subject to rhetorical analysis. I use Toulmin's categories, which classify statements as grounds, warrants, and conclusions, to examine the rhetoric of claims made about the missing children problem. In particular, the grounds for missing children claims included a broad definition of the problem, horrific examples, and large estimates of the problem's scope, while references to the priceless, blameless nature of children and the evils threatening missing children provided key warrants. Rhetorical devices analogous to those identified in this case study appear in claims-making about other social problems. I also identify some patterns in rhetorical work, conditions favoring rhetorics of rectitude or rationality. The relationship between rhetoric and the cultural context within claims emerge deserves further study.
This study addresses the effects of Operation JUST CAUSE in Panama. It raises questions about where post-conflict activities belong in the planning and execution processes. The author demonstrates the interaction of the Active Components and the Reserve, both day-today and in extraordinary circumstances. He explores the interagency arena and uncovers the weakness of the interaction between the military and other government agencies. While he shows that the Unified Command system is eminently well adapted to achieving operational success, he points out that, in the complex post-cold war world, it is not adequate to the task of independently effecting strategic success. The study challenges the military reader to look beyond the purely military in seeking ways to apply military resources effectively to the termination of conflict. It challenges the civilian reader to see military resources as among the tools available to the U.S. Government during the transition from war to peace as well as in the twilight world of low intensity conflict. Finally, the study demonstrates that post-conflict activities are perhaps the critical phase of the military campaign. In that case, achieving the strategic political-military objectives will depend on the extent of integrated, effective interagency planning for the conduct of the war and the associated civil-military operations. Panama; Operation JUST CAUSE; post-conflict activities; civil-military operations.
The U.S. armed forces have engaged in a number of military operations other than war since the Vietnam War. The latest of these are Kosovo and East Timor. None of these conflicts has conformed to traditional wars. These conflicts are not the continuation of diplomacy by other means. Diplomacy and military action co-exist in the modern theater of war. Another type of involvement is that similar to the intervention in Macedonia-where foreign troops have been inserted to prevent the breakout of fighting. These types of conflicts do not contain the certainties that accompanied World Wars I and II. Here, success and failure are more ambiguous. It may be said that the end-state of hostilities may not have been achieved in any of these places. Macedonia remains at risk given the high level of ethnic tensions. None of these places is peaceful. The author of this monograph provides us with a new way of thinking about peace and how to achieve it. Peace, he argues, arrives only when domestically centered progress is established in a post-conflict environment. The end of hostilities is only the end of the shooting. It is not the end of danger. It is not the end of the animosities or typically the conditions leading to the hostilities. As a result, the end of hostilities represents the beginning of a transition to peace-not peace itself.
This article develops linkages between business associations and economic growth viewed through the prism of new institutional economics. The literature on economic regulation, collective choice, and rent-seeking often portrays interest groups as redistributing wealth. In this article we present an alternative image of interest groups, focusing on business associations, whose actions are not necessarily a zero-sum or a negative-sum game. By promoting a better business climate, market-enhancing business associations can help to build the foundation for economic growth. We provide examples from the transition economies of Central and Eastern Europe in the 1990s and 2000s.
Efforts to improve national and international capabilities to plan and manage post-conflict reconstruction operations are underway in many countries and are high on the agenda of several multilateral institutions. The international community has learned lessons from the numerous post-conflict reconstruction and nation-building operations that it has engaged in since the end of the Cold War but Iraq represented the most difficult and ambitious operation undertaken to date. Although the coalition effort in Iraq had many unique features, we can nonetheless draw lessons from the tenure of the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) both for the ongoing effort in Iraq and more broadly for future post-conflict reconstruction operations.This article discusses the challenges of post-conflict reconstruction planning and mission management and assesses what happened under the CPA. It draws lessons for the future international effort in Iraq and for the international community as it considers how to plan and organize future such missions.
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49. This often happens in the case of technology. The new technology, in turn, then turns around and influences the culture until a new stability is achieved (if it is). 50 . "Technology" is used is the loose sense to include "technique
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The Rise of Global Civil Society: Building Communities and Nations from the Bottom Up
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