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Diploma Attainment among Teen Mothers. Fact Sheet. Publication #2010-01

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Kate Perper
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Jennifer Manlove at Child Trends
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Recently released government data show that in 2006, the U.S. teen birth rate began to increase, marking the end of a 14-year period of decline. More specifically, these data show that between 2005 and 2007, the teen birth rate climbed five percent. This trend reversal is a cause for concern, given the negative consequences of teen childbearing for the mothers involved and for their children especially. For example, research indicates that children of teen mothers fare worse on cognitive and behavioral outcomes than do their peers with older mothers. Teen mothers are more likely than older mothers to be dependent on public assistance after giving birth and to experience turbulence in their family structures--even taking into account the fact that teen mothers tend to be from disadvantaged backgrounds. In addition, teen mothers are at a particularly high risk of dropping out of school, although previous research has found that they are more likely to be having problems in school prior to their pregnancy. In light of teen mothers' heightened risk of becoming high school dropouts, Child Trends used recently released national survey data to explore high school diploma and GED attainment among women who had given birth as teens. Particularly, we looked at whether they had earned these educational credentials by the time that they reached their early twenties. Our findings show that slightly more than one-half of young women who had been teen mothers received a high school diploma by the age of 22, compared with 89 percent of young women who had not given birth during their teen years. Furthermore, results of our analyses show that young women who had a child before the age of 18 were even less likely than were those who had a child when they were 18 or 19 to earn a high school diploma before the age of 22, although the rates of GED attainment in the former group were slightly higher. We also found differences in educational attainment among teen mothers by race/ethnicity. (Contains 4 figures.)
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Publication #2010-01 4301 Connecticut Avenue, NW, Suite 350, Washington, DC 20008
Phone 202-572-6000 Fax 202-362-8420 www.childtrends.org
FACT SHEET
Diploma Attainment Among Teen Mothers
By Kate Perper, M.P.P., Kristen Peterson, B.A., and Jennifer Manlove, Ph.D. Ja nuar y 2 010
OVERVIEW.Recently released government data show that in 2006, the U.S. teen birth rate began to
increase, marking the end of a 14-year period of decline. More specifically, these data show that
between 2005 and 2007, the teen birth rate climbed five percent.1,2 This trend reversal is a cause for
concern, given the negative consequences of teen childbearing for the mothers involved and for their children
especially. For example, research indicates that children of teen mothers fare worse on cognitive and behav-
ioral outcomes than do their peers with older mothers. Teen mothers are more likely than older mothers to be
dependent on public assistance after giving birth and to experience turbulence in their family structures—
even taking into account the fact that teen mothers tend to be from disadvantaged backgrounds.3In
addition, teen mothers are at a particularly high risk of dropping out of school,3although previous research
has found that they are more likely to be having problems in school prior to their pregnancy.
In light of teen mothers’ heightened risk of becoming high school dropouts, Child Trends used recently
released national survey data to explore high school diploma and GED attainment among women who had
given birth as teens. Particularly, we looked at whether they had earned these educational credentials by the
time that they reached their early twenties.
Our findings show that slightly more than one-half of young women who had been teen mothers received a
high school diploma by the age of 22, compared with 89 percent of young women who had not given birth
during their teen years. Furthermore, results of our analyses show that young women who had a child before
the age of 18 were even less likely than were those who had a child when they were 18 or 19 to earn a high
school diploma before the age of 22, although the rates of GED attainment in the former group were slightly
higher. We also found differences in educational attainment among teen mothers by race/ethnicity.
FINDINGS
Teen mothers have lower high school diploma attainment than those who did not have
a teen birth.
■Young women who had been teen mothers were less likely than other young women to earn a
high school diploma by the age of 22 (see Figure 1). Almost nine in 10 (89 percent) young women
who had not given birth as a teen earned a high school diploma before the age of 22. By comparison,
only about one in two (51 percent) young women who had been a teen mother earned a high school
diploma by that age.
© 2010 Child Trends
Figure 1
Teen Birth (age 19 or younger)
Diploma
51%
Neither
34%
GED
15%
No Teen Birth
D
Diploma
89%
Neither
6%
GED
5%
Source: Child Trends’ analyses of data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth—1997 Cohort
Diploma/GED Attainment by Age 22
■A higher proportion of young women who
had been teen mothers earned a GED (15
percent) than did their counterparts who
had not experienced a teen birth(5 percent).
■One in three (34 percent) young women who
had been teen mothers, however, earned
neither a diploma or a GED, compared with
only 6 percent of young women who had not
had a teen birth.
Younger teen mothers are less likely than
older teen mothers to earn a diploma.
■Young women who gave birth before the
age of 18 (traditionally the age at which an
adolescent completes high school) were far
less likely than were those who gave birth
between the ages of 18 and 19 to earn a high
school diploma. Among young women who
had a child before the age of 18, only 38
percent earned a high school diploma by
the age of 22, compared with 60 percent of
those who were 18 or 19 at the time that
they had their first child (Figure 2).
■Young women who gave birth as a younger
teen were more likely than those who gave
birth as an older teen to earn a GED. Almost
one in five (19 percent) young women who
had a child before the age of 18 earned a
GED, compared with 13 percent of those who
were between the ages of 18 and 19 when
they first gave birth. Nevertheless, young
women in the younger age group were less
likely than were those who gave birth at
18 or 19 to have earned any educational
credential by the age of 22. Specifically, 43
percent of young women who were under
the age of 18 when they first gave birth had
earned neither a diploma nor a GED by the
age of 22, compared with 27 percent of young
women who were between the ages of 18 and
19 when they first became mothers and only
6 percent of young women who did not have
a child in their teen years.
Some teen mothers attain credentials after a
school-age birth.
■Some young women who had a child before
the age of 18 earned a diploma or GED after
the child was born.4,5 For these women, a
slightly higher proportion earned a GED than
earned a high school diploma between the
ages of 18 and 22 (see Figure 3). Specifically,
the proportion earning a high school diploma
rose 7 percentage points between the ages
of 19 (31 percent) and 22 (38 percent). In
comparison, the proportion earning a GED
rose by 9 percentage points—from 10 percent
before the age of 19 to 19 percent before the
age of 22. Thus, almost one-half of former
teen mothers who completed a GED did so
after the age of 18.
Black teen mothers are more likely than
Hispanic or white teen mothers to earn a
diploma/GED by age 22.
■Teen childbearing is more prevalent among
black and Hispanic teens than among white
teens. In our sample, 31 percent of black
women and 28 percent of Hispanic women
gave birth before the age of 20, compared
with 15 percent of white women (analyses
not shown).
■Black women who gave birth as teens were
more likely to earn a high school diploma or
GED by the age of 22 than were their white
2
© 2010 Child Trends
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
Total, 57%
Total, 73%
GED, 19%
GED, 13%
Diploma, 38%
Diploma, 60%
Birth before age 18 Birth at ages 18-19
0
Figure 2
Diploma/GED Attainment
Before Age 22, by Age
at First Birth
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
31%
Before 19
36% 38% 38%
10%
14% 17% 19%
Before 20 Before 21 Before 22
Diploma
GED
Figure 3
Cumulative Percent Attaining
Diploma/GED By Select Ages
Among Those Who Had A
Teen Birth Before Age 18
Source: Child Trends’ analyses of data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth—1997 Cohort
Source: Child Trends’ analyses of data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth—1997 Cohort
and Hispanic peers. Among those who had
a child before the age of 18, 46 percent of
black young women earned high school
diplomas, compared with 35 percent of white
and 34 percent of Hispanic young women
(see Figure 4).
■Among those who had a child before the age
of 18, white and black young women earned a
GED at higher rates than did their Hispanic
peers. Approximately one in five black and
white young women (21 percent and 20
percent, respectively) earned a GED before
the age of 22, compared with only 12 percent
of Hispanic young women.
■Overall, more than two-thirds (67 percent) of
black women who had a child before the age
of 18 earned either a high school diploma or
GED, compared with 55 percent of white
women and 46 percent of Hispanic women
in this category.
SUMMARY
Only one-half of women in our study sample who
had been teen mothers had earned a high school
diploma by the age of 22, compared with almost 9
in 10 (89 percent) young women in our study
sample who had not given birth as a teen. Our
analyses are descriptive, and we cannot make
cause-and-effect inferences from the results. Past
studies have found, however, that many teens who
become mothers lag behind in school academically
and that a substantial percentage drop out before
their pregnancy.6,7
Still, previous research suggests that teen mothers’
reduc ed lik elihood of a tta ining a h igh sc hoo l
education could result in a number of negative con-
sequences for them and for their children. First,
completing a high school education (earning a
diploma or GED) reduces the risk of subsequent
teen pregnancy, which has been linked to even
poorer outcomes among teen mothers and their
children.8,9 Second, as the share of the population
with a college degree grows, the number of attrac-
tive jobs within reach of those with only a high
school diploma or GED decreases, while those with-
out either credential are left even further behind.10
Third, even though 15 percent of all young women
in our sample who were teen mothers went on to
earn a GED (including 19 percent who had a child
before the age of 18), a GED does not seem carry
the same weight as a regular high school diploma.
For instance, research has found that workers with
GEDs earn less money than those with a high
3
© 2010 Child Trends
0
20
40
60
80
100
Total, 55%
Total, 67%
GED,
20%
GED,
21%
Diploma
35%
White Black
Diploma
46%
Total, 46%
GED, 12%
Diploma
34%
Hispanic
Figure 4
Diploma/GED Attainment
Among Teen Mothers Before
Age 22 by Race/Ethnicity
Source: Child Trends’ analyses of data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth—1997 Cohort
ABOUT THE DATA SOURCE AND METHODOLOGY USED IN THIS FACT SHEET
Data used in this Fact Sheet were drawn from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth—1997
Cohort (NLSY97). The NLSY97, sponsored and directed by the Bureau of Labor Statistics, U.S. Depart-
ment of Labor, is a nationally representative sample of 8,984 young people who were between the ages
of 12 and 16 on December 31, 1996 (baseline). Respondents are followed annually, and fertility history
and educational attainment information are updated in each round of the survey. To establish whether
or not a respondent had earned an educational credential by the age of 22, we used a measure of the
date of high school diploma or GED receipt from the last round of available data when all respondents
were 22 or older (Round 11, 2007). We used fertility history information provided in each round to
establish our sample of teen mothers. We then compared the educational attainment of young women
who had a baby before the age of 18 (traditionally the age at which an adolescent would earn her high
school diploma) to those who did so when they were 18 or 19. We also compared young women who had
given birth as a teen to young women who never had a teen birth for the full sample and across
racial/ethnic subgroups.
school diploma.11 Moreover, GED recipients are less
likely to go on to a two- or four-year college than
are people with a high school diploma.11 Finally,
higher parental educational attainment is linked to
improved cognitive and behavioral outcomes among
children 12-14 that may reduce their risk of early
sexual activity and teen pregnancy13 thus reducing
intergenerational cycles of disadvantage.
Child Trends thanks the William and Flora Hewlett
Foundation for its support of this Fact Sheet.
Editor: Harriet J. Scarupa
REFERENCES
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9Klerman JA, Another chance: Preventing additional births
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10Kerckhoff AC. The transition from school to work. In
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11Cameron SV, & Heckman JJ, The nonequivalence of high
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12Borkowski JG, Ramey SL, & Bristol-Power M, Parenting
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Summary of "What Works" in Adolescent Development.
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4
© 2010 Child Trends
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... Future scholarship should further examine and actively work to reduce sexual health disparities among Black adolescent females through targeted intervention that address individual and structural level factors that present risk to this population. Several scholars establish associations between experiencing a teen birth and dire consequences related to social determinants of health, particularly for young women living among extreme economic disadvantage (Crittenden, Boris, Rice, Taylor, & Olds, 2009;Francesconi, 2008;Lewis, Faulkner, Scarborough, & Berkeley, 2012;Lipman, Georgiades, & Boyle, 2011;Perper, Peterson, & Manlove, 2010;Polit & Kahn, 1986). Frequently teen mothers, like their own mothers, are unable to complete high school (Barber, Kusunoki, Gatny, & Melendez, 2017;Perper et al., 2010;Manlove et al., 2002;Meade, Kershaw, & Ickovics, 2008) and subsequently fail to earn a living wage, further widening the gap of generational poverty (Fletcher & Wolfe, 2008). ...
... Several scholars establish associations between experiencing a teen birth and dire consequences related to social determinants of health, particularly for young women living among extreme economic disadvantage (Crittenden, Boris, Rice, Taylor, & Olds, 2009;Francesconi, 2008;Lewis, Faulkner, Scarborough, & Berkeley, 2012;Lipman, Georgiades, & Boyle, 2011;Perper, Peterson, & Manlove, 2010;Polit & Kahn, 1986). Frequently teen mothers, like their own mothers, are unable to complete high school (Barber, Kusunoki, Gatny, & Melendez, 2017;Perper et al., 2010;Manlove et al., 2002;Meade, Kershaw, & Ickovics, 2008) and subsequently fail to earn a living wage, further widening the gap of generational poverty (Fletcher & Wolfe, 2008). Moreover, the stresses associated with parenting in circumstances of economic hardship often place single mothers at risk for poor psychological and social well-being (Jackson & Preston, 2018). ...
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... Adolescent childbearing is a critical contributor to high-school dropout among girls and leads to high rates of poverty, stigma, and social isolation [1,2]. Among adolescent mothers in the U.S., only about half receive a high school diploma by age 22, compared to 90% of girls who do not give birth during adolescence [2,3]. Adolescent pregnancy also increases neonatal health risks, including prematurity and low birth weight [4]. ...
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... 4,5 To address the negative consequences associated with unplanned teen pregnancy, health officials and policymakers have prioritized the identification of effective teen pregnancy prevention (TPP) strategies. 6,7 The U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) began conducting a systematic review of evaluation studies in 2009 to identify programs shown to be effective at reducing teen pregnancy, STIs, and other related behavioral risk factors, as well as gaps in the existing evidence base. 8,9 Given the increase of risk behaviors in high school, the social and educational costs of unplanned teen pregnancy, and the amount of time teens spend in school, one of the most glaring gaps subsists in the lack of evidence on effective schoolbased interventions designed especially for high school settings. ...
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  • Jul 2022
  • CHILD YOUTH SERV REV
Context With over one-third of detained girls experiencing teenage pregnancy, it is critical that the juvenile justice system better addresses the sexual and reproductive health (SRH) needs of youth. Although pregnancy attitudes and intentions (PAI) are associated with pregnancy outcomes among the general adolescent population, this relationship has not been examined among justice-involved youth. Methods Participants were drawn from a longitudinal study characterizing trajectories of behavioral and reproductive health and recidivism among newly justice-involved youth in a Northeast family court. Baseline and four-month follow-up data from 288 justice-involved youth (JIY) were analyzed to characterize PAI; examine associations between pregnancy intentions and unprotected sexual activity (i.e., no hormonal, intrauterine, or barrier protection against pregnancy); and explore the relationship between pregnancy intentions and psychiatric symptoms. Results At baseline, 39% of JIY youth were sexually active, 44% of these youth reported inconsistent condom use and 14% had not used birth control at last sexual intercourse. Nearly half of sexually active youth reported some intent around pregnancy and those with any pregnancy intentions were more likely to report depression, low self-esteem, substance use, and trauma history. Pregnancy intentions at baseline predicted higher rates of unprotected sexual activity at four months (OR: 16.9, CI = 2.48–115.7). Conclusions This study highlights the importance of developing and implementing more comprehensive SRH assessments and brief interventions for youth entering the justice system.
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Early Childbearing, Family Support, and Staying in School in a Northern Plains American Indian Reservation
Article
  • Mar 2022
American Indian youth experience teen birth and school dropout at higher rates than other racial and ethnic groups in the United States. Early childbearing is associated with adverse health and socioeconomic outcomes, including attenuated education. However, kinship childrearing norms among Northern Plains tribes can support positive experiences of early childbearing. Using a community based participatory research framework, this mixed methods exploratory study engaged high school students from a Northern Plains reservation community to examine youth perceptions of family support and belief in ability to stay in school should they have a child. We elicited youth observations of facilitators and inhibitors to academic achievement for young parents. This research supports the need for strengths-based, gender specific, and family inclusive sexuality education to support young people in their reproductive choices in reservation settings. We highlight the utility of including youth as coauthors and coresearchers in future studies.
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Parenting and the child's world: Influences on academic, intellectual, and social-emotional development. Monographs in parenting.
Article
  • Jan 2001
Stimulated by the publication of The Nurture Assumption by Judith Rich Harris, this book was conceived around the notion that there are multiple sources of inlfuence on children's development, including parenting behavior, family resources, genetic and other biological factors, as well as social influences from peers, teachers, and the community at large. The contributors describe when, where, and how parenting matters and the major antecedents and moderators of effective parenting. The chapters focus on the major conceptual issues and empirical approaches that underlie our understanding of the importance of parenting for child development in academic, socioemotional, and risk-taking domains. Additional goals are to show how culture and parenting are interwoven, to chart future research directions, and to help parents and professionals understand the implications of major research findings. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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Subsequent Fertility Among Teen Mothers: Longitudinal Analyses of Recent National Data
Article
  • May 2000
  • J MARRIAGE FAM
A sample of high school age mothers was followed from 1988 to 1994 in order to examine factors associated with having a second teen birth or a closely spaced second birth. The study incorporates a life-course perspective. Factors associated with postponing a subsequent birth include characteristics measured prior to the first birth, at the time of the first birth, and after the first birth. Analyses suggest that a combination of young teen mothers staying in school, living at home with their parents, and (among older teen mothers) being engaged in educational or work activities might help reduce the risk of a second untimely birth. Those teenage mothers who were able to complete their high school diploma, or even their GED, were less likely to have a second teen birth.
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The Non-Equivalence of High School Equivalents
Article
  • Feb 1993
  • J LABOR ECON
This article analyzes the causes and consequences of the growing proportion of high-school-certified persons who achieve that status by exam certification rather than through high school graduation. Exam-certified high school equivalents are statistically indistinguishable from high school dropouts. Whatever differences are found among exam-certified equivalents, high school dropouts and high school graduates are accounted for by their years of schooling completed. There is no cheap substitute for schooling. The only payoff to exam certification arises from its value in opening postsecondary schooling and training opportunities, but completion rates for exam-certified graduates are much lower in these activities than they are for ordinary graduates. Copyright 1993 by University of Chicago Press.
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The Influence of High School Dropout and School Disengagement on the Risk of School-Age Pregnancy
Article
  • Feb 1998
Using data from a recent longitudinal cohort of 8th graders, I found that factors relevant to teens' school experiences - including characteristics of their school and classroom, their family background, and individual engagement - were associated with the risk of school-age pregnancy leading to a live birth. The research tested whether high school dropout status, or other measures of school engagement, similarly influenced the likelihood of school-age pregnancy among White, Black, and Hispanic teens. A set of proportional hazards models indicated that for all racial and ethnic groups, high levels of school engagement were associated with postponing pregnancy. Among White and Hispanic teens, dropouts - especially young dropouts - were more likely to have a school-age pregnancy, net of other family and educational factors. Although African American teens did not show a relation between dropping out and the risk of pregnancy, other measures of engagement were important predictors of having a school-age pregnancy for this group.
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