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The Somali Bantu: Their History and Culture. Culture Profile
Abstract
This booklet is a basic introduction to the people, history, and cultures of the Somali Bantu. It is designed primarily for service providers and others assisting Somali Bantu refugees in their new communities in the United States. It focuses on: "Introduction"; "Land"; "People" (place in society and social structures); "History" (colonial period, slavery, social impact of slavery, after slavery, 20th century, civil war, in refugee camps, and post-civil war); "Religious Life"; "Daily Life and Values" (family life, marriage and children, community life, festivities and ceremonies, diet, dress, and art, literature and music); "Language and Literacy" (Af Maay dialect and literacy); "Education"; "Resettlement Challenges" (housing, work and finances, health care, mental health, education, learning English, style of communication, special needs of women, and relations between Bantu and other Somalis); and "Af Maay Glossary." (Adjunct ERIC Clearinghouse for ESL Literacy Education.) (Contains 23 references.) (SM)
... The Somali-Bantu is an ethnic minority group with a lower-caste clan status in Somalia. They were brought to work as slaves in Somalia in the nineteenth century (Van Lehman and Eno 2003). Beginning in the 1990s, Somali-Bantus fled to refugee camps in Kenya because of civil war, ethnic persecution, and denied access to schooling. ...
... As a result of their displacement and resettlement, Somali-Bantus often speak multiple languages, including Maay-Maaywhich does not exist in a written formas well as Somali, Swahili, Zigua, and others (Roy and Roxas 2011;Van Lehman and Eno 2003). Due to exclusion from formal schooling in Somalia and limited access to education in the camps, approximately less than 24% of Bantu arrivals in the U.S. have print literacy skills and 5% of them are proficient in English (Van Lehman and Eno 2003). ...
... As a result of their displacement and resettlement, Somali-Bantus often speak multiple languages, including Maay-Maaywhich does not exist in a written formas well as Somali, Swahili, Zigua, and others (Roy and Roxas 2011;Van Lehman and Eno 2003). Due to exclusion from formal schooling in Somalia and limited access to education in the camps, approximately less than 24% of Bantu arrivals in the U.S. have print literacy skills and 5% of them are proficient in English (Van Lehman and Eno 2003). ...
This narrative case study examines the multilingual practice and identity of Haben, a refugee-background Somali-Bantu in a larger one-year (2019-2020) ethnography with refugee arrivals in coping with new linguistic and cultural environment in a northeastern U.S. city. Framed by the entangled transnational-translocal approach to multilinguals, languages, and identities, this study finds Haben’s African languages and English were acquired and used as resources for survival and thrival and weaponized against bullying and discrimination in his early and later life in diaspora. Haben’s multilingual identity was (re)produced by the sociocultural and linguistic flows across national boundaries and his responses to local needs. This study indicates multilingual identity as a discursive spatio-temporal entanglement that blurs the boundaries between transnational-translocal, past-present, human-nonhuman. This study challenges deficit discourse that perceives immigrant multilingualism as a deficit.
... Even as it was closing the border and forcibly repatriating refugees out west, the government admitted Somali refugees and hosted them in the Mkuyu camp in northeastern Tanzania. Some arrived on their own by boat, having moved further south after passing through Mombasa, while others were formally resettled to Tanzania from Dadaab (Bannon & Wolfcarius 2009;Lehman & Eno 2003). In 2003, there were more than 3,000 Somali refugees remaining in Tanzania. ...
... The important twist in this case, however, is the historical connection that these particular Somalis had to Tanzania. In the eighteenth century, when much of the East African coast was controlled by the Sultanate of Zanzibar, slaves were captured in present-day Tanzania and Mozambique and taken to what is now Somalia (Lehman & Eno 2003). Although slavery has long since ended, the descendants of these slaves, known as Somali Bantu, continued to face marginalization and persecution due to their cultural and physical differences; many spoke the languages of their ancestors and did not integrate into Somali society (Lehman & Eno 2003). ...
... In the eighteenth century, when much of the East African coast was controlled by the Sultanate of Zanzibar, slaves were captured in present-day Tanzania and Mozambique and taken to what is now Somalia (Lehman & Eno 2003). Although slavery has long since ended, the descendants of these slaves, known as Somali Bantu, continued to face marginalization and persecution due to their cultural and physical differences; many spoke the languages of their ancestors and did not integrate into Somali society (Lehman & Eno 2003). When violence broke out and people fled Somalia in the 1990s, a small fraction of refugees traced their ancestry to ethnic groups in Tanzania (Besteman 2012;Menkhaus 2010). ...
Host governments have responded to the migration of Somali refugees throughout Africa in recent decades in different ways. Kenyan policymakers have treated Somalis primarily as a security threat, imposing restrictions on them that especially target this group. In South Africa, where economic and political competition fuel xenophobia, Somalis are part of a larger foreign national population that is seen as having disproportionate economic influence. However, Somali Bantus have been welcomed in Tanzania, which granted them citizenship even as it limited the mobility and activities of other refugees. A comparative analysis suggests that the relative balance among security, economic, political, and normative considerations shapes the extent and scope of host government policies.
... The Bantu have a complex history, and their identity as a distinct group is forged from both community ties and a common experience of discrimination and marginalization in Somalia (Besteman, 2012;Menkhaus, 2003). Although Bantu can be divided into subgroups based on their original geographical origins, the majority of them came to Somalia as slaves in the 19th century (Lehman & Eno, 2003). After the abolition of slavery in Somalia by Italian colonialists in the early 20th century, the majority of Bantu settled in the south of Somalia in the Juba River Valley and became subsistence farmers (Lehman & Eno, 2003;Menkhaus, 2003). ...
... Although Bantu can be divided into subgroups based on their original geographical origins, the majority of them came to Somalia as slaves in the 19th century (Lehman & Eno, 2003). After the abolition of slavery in Somalia by Italian colonialists in the early 20th century, the majority of Bantu settled in the south of Somalia in the Juba River Valley and became subsistence farmers (Lehman & Eno, 2003;Menkhaus, 2003). Their primary occupation was a product of their location but was reinforced by government policies that systematically prevented Bantu from social, political, and economic advancement (Lehman & Eno, 2003). ...
... After the abolition of slavery in Somalia by Italian colonialists in the early 20th century, the majority of Bantu settled in the south of Somalia in the Juba River Valley and became subsistence farmers (Lehman & Eno, 2003;Menkhaus, 2003). Their primary occupation was a product of their location but was reinforced by government policies that systematically prevented Bantu from social, political, and economic advancement (Lehman & Eno, 2003). The vast majority of Somali Bantu converted to Islam in Somalia both as a means to obtain freedom and because of the strong Islamic influence of the Somali majority (Lehman & Eno, 2003). ...
Objectives:
Refugee populations are at risk of adverse mental health outcomes. It is important to identify refugee strengths at the community level that can be leveraged to overcome barriers to well-being. In pursuit of this goal, this study focuses on identifying what promotes community resilience among Somali Bantu refugees in the United States.
Method:
Researchers used snowball-sampling strategies in a large New England city to recruit 81 Somali Bantu youth and adults to participate in 14 focus groups conducted between 2011 and 2013. Researchers used principles of thematic content analysis to analyze data specific to the construct of community resilience.
Results:
Authors identified 2 main components of Somali Bantu community resilience: independence and cultural preservation. There were 2 themes related to promoting community resilience among Somali Bantu: commitment to community, and religion and spirituality.
Conclusions:
We discuss the importance of identifying culturally informed components of community resilience that can be used to develop services for refugee populations. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).
... Consequently, many of the Somali Bantu fled to a refugee camp provided by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in Dadaab, Kenya [8], where they continued to face severe discrimination and violence [5]. For example, prior to a firewood collection program funded by the United States, refugee women were routinely sexually assaulted when gathering firewood after reportedly being asked about their specific clan affiliation, putting Bantu women at a particular risk for such assaults without the protection of such clan affiliations [5]. ...
... Consequently, many of the Somali Bantu fled to a refugee camp provided by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in Dadaab, Kenya [8], where they continued to face severe discrimination and violence [5]. For example, prior to a firewood collection program funded by the United States, refugee women were routinely sexually assaulted when gathering firewood after reportedly being asked about their specific clan affiliation, putting Bantu women at a particular risk for such assaults without the protection of such clan affiliations [5]. Still in spite of facing ongoing violence in the Dadaab refugee camp, the Bantu, known for being particularly resilient and motivated to adapt to new surroundings [ [5]. ...
... For example, prior to a firewood collection program funded by the United States, refugee women were routinely sexually assaulted when gathering firewood after reportedly being asked about their specific clan affiliation, putting Bantu women at a particular risk for such assaults without the protection of such clan affiliations [5]. Still in spite of facing ongoing violence in the Dadaab refugee camp, the Bantu, known for being particularly resilient and motivated to adapt to new surroundings [ [5]. The Somali Bantu remained in the refugee camp in Dadaab in hopes of resettlement in Tanzania from 1994, and later in hopes of resettling in Mozambique prior to consideration for resettlement in the United States in 1999 [4]. ...
African refugees are among the fastest-growing
populations in the United States and nearly half of these refugees
come from Somalia, many of whom are Somali Bantus, the most
marginalized group in Somali society. Yet limited research is
available on Somali Bantu refugees. In this paper, Empowerment
Theory is used to guide an in-depth exploration of the potential
benefits of using community kitchen gardens to increase community
food security among Somali Bantu refugees. In addition,
recommendations for future research, policy and practice are offered
following existing scholarly and grey source literature guidelines as
informed by an Empowerment perspective to best meet the needs of
this under-researched and underserved yet growing population.
For more information, the full text can be located through the following link:
https://waset.org/publications/10009389/promoting-community-food-security-and-empowerment-among-somali-bantu-refugees-a-case-for-community-kitchen-gardens
... Somali history has been particularly difficult for the Somali Bantu, an ethnic minority group that is most concentrated in the southern region of the country. Most Somali Bantu are descendants of slaves captured by Arabs in the 19th century and are seen as physically distinct and culturally inferior by many ethnic Somalis (Lehman & Eno, 2003). During colonial rule, as well as after independence, Somali Bantu communities were highly marginalized within civil society, forced into a lifestyle of subsistence farming due to lack of access to employment, education, health care, and other services. ...
... One manifestation of this discourse is the frequent conflating of Somali Bantu with other Somali groups, despite the aforementioned differences in ethnic identity and lived experience. This discursive homogenization becomes its own form of deficit discourse, as it may prevent understanding of differences in social and economic outcomes among groups (Lehman & Eno, 2003; see also Shapiro, 2014). When Somali Bantus are distinguished from ethnic Somalis, the former are often portrayed as more psychologically and economically "needy." ...
... The juxtaposition of these descriptors and the contrast with other refugee groups suggest that refugees of Somali Bantu heritage are backward, undeveloped, and/or resistant to assimilation. One can see here how deficit discourse often precludes discussions of resiliency, resourcefulness, and solidarity, despite the fact that such assets have allowed the Somali Bantu to survive and adapt in the face of persistent oppression and displacement (Huisman, Hough, Langellier, & Toner, 2011;Lehman & Eno, 2003). Deficit discourse therefore serves to "erase" particular identities for Somali Bantu students and families (Ricento, 2013) and to overlook the forms of social and cultural capital (Bourdieu, 1986) they bring to their experiences of displacement and resettlement (Erel, 2010). ...
This article examines how a refugee-background student of Somali Bantu heritage employs linguistic resources to make sense of his experience with forced migration, resettlement, and formal education. Much of the educational research on refugee-background students (and other groups of English learners) propagates a deficit orientation in which educational gaps and challenges, rather than educational resources and potential, are the central focus. In contrast, this student’s written and oral narratives construct a different identity, reframing his experience in terms of asset rather than deficit. Our discussion of asset discourse focuses on three central themes: agency, critical awareness, and contribution. This analysis suggests broader implications for research in educational linguistics and related fields.
... During the 1800s as many as 50,000 Bantu, living in Tanzania and Mozambique, were captured as slaves and were transported to Somalia to work on farms for the Somali people (Lehman & Eno, 2003). By the 1840s many of these slaves had escaped from their slave owners or had been released from slavery through legal means. ...
... Due to starvation and killings, approximately 10,000 Bantu fled the area and made their way across the border into Kenyan refugee camps. In the camps they found relative safety, but they continued to live their lives socially separated from the Somali majority present in the camps (Barnett, 2003;Lehman & Eno, 2003). ...
... Somali Bantu have relied on members of their community for sustenance and protection for generations in Somalia and, at least to some degree, in the refugee camps (Barnett, 2003;Lehman & Eno, 2003). Besteman (1999) described the extensive family and clan affiliations and social networks that defined Gosha society and the necessity of these networks for survival. ...
Somali Bantu began arriving with refugee status in the United States in 2003, moving into a foreign culture without familial connections to the community and without the financial resources and human capital skills needed to participate effectively in a US context. This resulted in significant challenges for the Bantu and local resettlement agencies. One form of capital they possess within their own communities is social capital. Social capital theories were used to examine to what degree Somali Bantu social capital changed across settings including Somalia, Kenyan refugee camps, and in one US city. Interviews with 11 members of the Somali Bantu community were analyzed in a qualitative study using constructivist grounded theory methods. The results reveal that Somali Bantu social support systems have in some ways remained intact but in other ways have been disrupted by constraints imposed by the environment they now live within. Few are able to bridge to the broader community and are relied on heavily to share their knowledge of American systems. Results provide an example of how social network patterns can influence participation in everyday occupations and how particular occupations based on prior social support systems can be modified to fit within new socio-cultural contexts.
... There are those who are indigenous to Somalia; those who were brought to Somalia as slaves from Bantu-speaking tribes but integrated into Somali society; and those who were brought to Somalia as slaves but maintained, to varying degrees, their ancestral culture, Bantu languages, and sense of southeast African identity." 5 Most of the Somali Bantus were farmers whose land was taken over during the civil war, which has not yet ended. ...
... Their physical features differ from those of the Somali nomads, which subjects them to additional discrimination. 5 The average Bantu family consists of four to eight children with an extended family that includes grandparents, aunts, uncles, and other relatives. Many Bantu men practice polygamy in Africa and continue that practice in the United States. ...
... Typically the young children remain with the mother, but the older children may go with the father. 5 According to VanLehman and Eno, "Due to their exclusion from formal education and positions in Somalia that require literacy, the Bantu have remained largely illiterate." 5 It is estimated that only 5% of all Bantu refugees have received formal education. This low literacy rate presents problems in healthcare when it is necessary to provide these patients with culturally relevant written teaching material. ...
With an estimated 803,500 refugees residing in the United States, many NPs will encounter patients who do not speak, read, or understand English. Many of these patients have challenging health issues such as parasitic diseases and chronic or acute diseases not commonly seen in the United States and NPs will need to be prepared for these challenges.
... A large community of Somali Bantu refugee families have resettled in the New England area as well. "Somali Bantu" is an imperfect umbrella term for ethnic minorities in Somalia who were both indigenous to the country and those forcibly brought as enslaved people from other African regions starting in the nineteenth century [37]. The Somali Bantu mostly settled in farming communities along the Jubba and Shabelle rivers [37]. ...
... "Somali Bantu" is an imperfect umbrella term for ethnic minorities in Somalia who were both indigenous to the country and those forcibly brought as enslaved people from other African regions starting in the nineteenth century [37]. The Somali Bantu mostly settled in farming communities along the Jubba and Shabelle rivers [37]. Following the collapse of the Somali government in 1991, much of the Somali Bantu population escaped the violence and fled to refugee camps in Dadaab and Kakuma, Kenya. ...
Pre- and post-migration stressors can put resettled refugee children at risk of poor mental health outcomes. The Family Strengthening Intervention for Refugees (FSI-R) is a peer-delivered preventative home visiting program for resettled refugees that aims to draw upon families’ strengths to foster improved family communication, positive parenting, and caregiver-child relationships, with the ultimate goal of reducing children’s risk of mental health problems. Using an explanatory sequential mixed methods design, this study draws upon qualitative interviews with caregivers (n = 19) and children (n = 17) who participated in a pilot study of the FSI-R intervention in New England, as well as interventionists (n = 4), to unpack quantitative findings on mental health and family functioning from a randomized pilot study (n = 80 families). Most patterns observed in the quantitative data as published in the pilot trial were triangulated by qualitative data. Bhutanese caregivers and children noted that children were less shy or scared to speak up after participating in the FSI-R. Somali Bantu families spoke less about child mental health and underscored feasibility challenges like language barriers between caregivers and children. Interventionists suggested that families with higher levels of education were more open to implementing behavior change. In both groups, families appreciated the intervention and found it to be feasible and acceptable, but also desired additional help in addressing broader family and community needs such as jobs and literacy programs.
... The United Nation reports that approximately 24% of Somali Bantu refugees arriving in the United States have language literacy skills, only 1% are literate in functional English, and about 5% have been formally educated (Van Lehman, 2002). Few refugees in the camps were observed to be literate, and some speculate that the literacy rate for Somali Bantus is well below that reported by the United Nations (Van Lehman, 2002). ...
... The United Nation reports that approximately 24% of Somali Bantu refugees arriving in the United States have language literacy skills, only 1% are literate in functional English, and about 5% have been formally educated (Van Lehman, 2002). Few refugees in the camps were observed to be literate, and some speculate that the literacy rate for Somali Bantus is well below that reported by the United Nations (Van Lehman, 2002). However, it is important to note that Somali adults and children often speak multiple languages, including their native language, Maay Maay, as well as Somali, Arabic, English, and others. ...
This article explored the range in teacher expectations held for Somali Bantu refugees using content analysis of one-on-one interviews with teachers who taught Somali Bantu students at an elementary school in Chicago. Analyses revealed the emergence of five categories of expectations: (a) general acculturative expectations around language and knowledge (b) behaviors, (c) internal attributes, (d) classroom behaviors, and (e) family/home. These findings raise questions about the potential danger of teacher’s expectations that might suggest assimilation to oppressive racial statuses. Implications for teachers and future research are discussed. Limitations and generalizability are also discussed.
... "Somali Bantu" is a term for a number of groups of East Africans who comprise about 5% of the Somali population [26]. In Somalia, these groups experienced considerable marginalization [27]. Historically, the Somali Bantu were taken as slaves from other parts of Africa to work in Somalia [28]. ...
... Historically, the Somali Bantu were taken as slaves from other parts of Africa to work in Somalia [28]. The Bantu in Somalia were treated as second-class citizens and suffered significant discrimination, which contributed to widespread poverty, lack of access to schools, and limited land and political rights [27,29]. Such rights violations intensified when the civil war broke out in 1991 and the Somali Bantu were exposed to high levels of war violence including killings, rape and forced military recruitment [28,30]. ...
Somali refugees are resettling in large numbers in the US, but little is known about the Somali Bantu, an ethnic minority within this population. Refugee youth mental health is linked to the functioning of the larger family unit. Understanding how the process of culturally adjusting to life after resettlement relates to family functioning can help identify what kind of interventions might strengthen families and lead to better mental health outcomes for youth. This paper seeks to address the following research questions: (1) How do different groups of Somali Bantu refugees describe their experiences of culturally adapting to life in the US?; and (2) How, if at all, do processes of cultural adaptation in a new country affect Somali Bantu family functioning? We conducted 14 focus groups with a total of 81 Somali Bantu refugees in New England. Authors analyzed focus groups using principles of thematic analysis to develop codes and an overarching theoretical model about the relationship between cultural adaptation, parent-child relationships, and family functioning. Views and expectations of parent-child relationships were compared between Somali Bantu youth and adults. Cultural negotiation was dependent upon broader sociocultural contexts in the United States that were most salient to the experience of the individual. Adult and youth participants had conflicting views around negotiating Somali Bantu culture, which often led to strained parent-child relationships. In contrast, youth sibling relationships were strengthened, as they turned to each other for support in navigating the process of cultural adaptation.
... In Africa, the Bantu-speaking peoples make up a major part of the population of nearly all African countries south of the Sahara. They belong to over 300 groups, each with its own language or dialect [15]. Despite the diverse culture and ethnic groups in SSA, still, most societies are dominated by the Bantu culture and believe [15]. ...
... They belong to over 300 groups, each with its own language or dialect [15]. Despite the diverse culture and ethnic groups in SSA, still, most societies are dominated by the Bantu culture and believe [15]. Therefore, TM in the SSA region is rational in the context of Bantu cultures and is like theories in western medicine. ...
The population residing Sub-Sahara Africa (SSA) continues to suffer from communicable health problems such as HIV/AIDS, malaria, tuberculosis, and various neglected tropical as well as non-communicable diseases. The disease burden is aggravated by shortage of medical personnel and medical supplies such as medical devices and minimal access to essential medicine. For long time, human beings through observation and practical experiences learned to use different plant species that led to the emergence of traditional medicine (TM) systems. The ancient Pharaonic Egyptian TM system is one of the oldest documented forms of TM practice in Africa and the pioneer of world's medical science. However, the medical practices diffused very fast to other continents being accelerated by advancement of technologies while leaving Africa lagging behind in the integration of the practice in formal health-care system. Challenging issues that drag back integration is the development of education curricula for training TM experts as the way of disseminating the traditional medical knowledge and practices imbedded in African culture. The few African countries such as Ghana managed to integrate TM products in the National Essential Medicine List while South Africa, Sierra Leone, and Tanzania have TM products being sold over the counters due to the availability of education training programs facilitated by research. This paper analyses the contribution of TM practice and products in modern medicine and gives recommendations that Africa should take in the integration process to safeguard the SSA population from disease burdens.
... Patient Education and Counseling 66 (2007) [337][338][339][340][341][342][343][344][345] in the patrimonial clan family. Most of the early refugees belonged to this clan system [6,7]. Despite variations in ethnic or clan identification, nearly all Somalis are Muslim (>99%); gender-specific roles, responsibilities, and traditions are the norm. ...
... As descendants of former slaves captured in the early 19th century [8] the Somali Bantu were marginalized and never integrated or married into the customary Somali clan system. As a result they fell outside of the major clan lineage divisions and often experienced discrimination and deprivation of basic rights such as education and political representation [6,7]. The Intergovernmental Organization for Migration (IOM) estimates that only about 5% of Somali Bantu refugees (mostly male) are proficient in English; literacy levels are also low for Maay Maay, the commonly spoken language for the Somali Bantu [9]. ...
We sought to identify characteristics associated with favorable treatment in receipt of preventive healthcare services, from the perspective of resettled African refugee women.
Individual, in-depth interviews with 34 Somali women in Rochester, NY, USA. Questions explored positive and negative experiences with primary health care services, beliefs about respectful versus disrespectful treatment, experiences of racism, prejudice or bias, and ideas about removing access barriers and improving health care services. Analysis was guided by grounded theory.
Qualities associated with a favorable healthcare experience included effective verbal and nonverbal communication, feeling valued and understood, availability of female interpreters and clinicians and sensitivity to privacy for gynecologic concerns. Participants stated that adequate transportation, access to healthcare services and investment in community-based programs to improve health literacy about women's preventive health services were prerequisite to any respectful health care system.
Effective communication, access to healthcare services with female interpreters and clinicians, and community programs to promote health literacy are themes associated with respectful and effective healthcare experiences among Somali women.
Adequate interpreter services are essential. Patient-provider gender concordance is important to many Somali women, especially for gynecological concerns.
... The Somali Bantu have been a marginalized and persecuted minority group in Somalia. Their literacy level is lower than that of the larger Somali population; the International Organization for Migration estimates that 5% of Somali Bantu are literate (Van Lehman & Eno, 2003). The Somali Bantu have distinct cultural traditions and linguistic differences that distinguish them from other resettled Somali refugees in the United States (Van Lehman & Eno, 2003). ...
... Their literacy level is lower than that of the larger Somali population; the International Organization for Migration estimates that 5% of Somali Bantu are literate (Van Lehman & Eno, 2003). The Somali Bantu have distinct cultural traditions and linguistic differences that distinguish them from other resettled Somali refugees in the United States (Van Lehman & Eno, 2003). Ethnic and racial disparities exist in the provision of preventive services to various minority groups (Fiscella, 2003;Fiscella, Franks, Gold, & Clancy, 2000;Gornick et al., 1996). ...
We explored conceptualizations of health promotion and experiences with preventive health services among African refugee women. We asked 34 resettled Somali refugee women about their beliefs and experiences regarding health promotion and common preventive health care services in the United States. Interviews were audiotaped, transcribed, and analyzed using a grounded theory approach. Key themes were the importance of good hygiene, an adequate source of food and water, access to a regular source of health care, spirituality, traditional practices, and functioning well at home. All participants were familiar with the process and rationale for immunizations and routine medical examinations; few understood cancer screening services.
... Few research exists in dealing with educational adjustment (Roy and Roxas, 2011). In a study on a Somali Bantu culture, Lehman and Eno (2003) cover the general dimension and the specificities of Bantu Somali culture. Other studies have also concentrated on community mobilisation and "resilience" (Frounfelker, 2020). ...
We are in the midst of epochal crises of self, society, culture, and civilizations now which call for new social, cultural, and spiritual movements. This calls for new movements of thinking, being, and consciousness. It also calls for creating new knowledge of creative experiments in self, society, culture, and the world. Pluriverse of Creativity brings together cutting-edge developments in humanities and social sciences from around the world. It helps us realize our vocations as creative and responsible children of our Mother Earth which is the other name of planetary realizations which is calling us.
... These migrants include Ethnic Somalis, the ethnic majority group, and Somali Bantu, the largest non-ethnic minority who have been marginalized by a history of slavery and displacement in Somalia [3][4][5]. Due to differences in appearance, language, and culture, Somali Bantus are often considered distinct from Ethnic Somalis; these differences are suspected of having an adverse impact on pre-and post-migratory experiences and health [6]. ...
Background:
Female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C) is associated with adverse sexual, reproductive and psychological sequelae. The aim of this study was to quantitatively explore factors related to satisfaction with FGM/C-related care in the US focusing on access to care, health service utilization, and women's experiences.
Methods:
A community-based survey of 879 Ethnic Somali and Somali Bantu women using snowball sampling was conducted in Arizona. Bivariate, multivariable and ordered logistics analyses assessed the relationship between the aforementioned factors measured along six dimensions: non-discrimination, physical, economic, informational, health system accessibility and individual-level health service use factors.
Findings:
Most participants possessed FGM/C (77.4%), namely Type III (40.2%). FGM/C related health service use was low (14.3%). Perceived discrimination was associated with reduced satisfaction in care (OR = 0.22; CI 0.13-0.37). For FGM/C-specific variables, only recollection of adverse physical or psychological events at the time of circumcision predicted service use (OR = 3.09; CI 1.67-5.68). Somali Bantu (OR = 0.10; CI 0.02-0.44) and highly acculturated women (OR = 0.39; CI 0.17-0.86) had lower odds of service use.
Conclusions:
Achieving respectful care and outreach to women affected by FGM/C has contextual complexity. However, the clinical implications and insights provided may have broader impacts on advancing health equity for FGM/C-affected women.
... Somali Bantu refugees are a subgroup of the Somali population displaced after Somalia's civil war broke out in 1991 (Besteman, 2012;Cavallera et al., 2016). Comprising roughly 5% of the Somali population, Somali Bantu have diverse geographical origins, but most share a common history of having been brought to Somalia from other African countries as slaves in the 19th century (Lehman & Eno, 2003;Menkhaus, 2003). Somali Bantu faced discrimination in Somalia even after being freed in the early 20th century, and this treatment continued in Kenyan refugee camps (Besteman, 2016). ...
Somali refugees have resettled in the United States in large numbers. The focus of this study was specifically on the Somali Bantu refugees, an ethnic minority group from Somalia. The goal of this study was to understand the following: (a) jinn (invisible beings or forces in Islamic theology) and related health problems resulting from jinn possession affecting Somali Bantu refugees, (b) types of traditional healing practices integrated into help-seeking behavior, and (c) pathways of care utilized to address health problems. In total, 20 participant interviews were conducted with Somali Bantu refugees resettled in the United States. Overall, participants described types of jinn and associated health problems. In addition, participants identified different pathways of care, including formal and informal health care. Participants accessed these pathways both concurrently and sequentially. Somali Bantu utilize complex and varied health care services based on their understanding of the causes of health problems and experiences with care providers.
... Gender, educational, and economic factors indicate the sample of adults participating in the interviews included more females than males; the majority were married; and very few had a formal education; all findings which are consistent with current literature (Lehman & Eno, 2003;Seicean, n.d.;Springer et al., 2010). The majority of the sample was in the poverty income level. ...
... They have been viewed as outsiders and marginalized by ethnic Somalis due to their linguistic, cultural, and physical differences. To lessen the impact of discrimination, many have become Muslim, but some still hold to animistic beliefs (Van Lehman & Eno, 2003). Thus, our study targeted for focus these two distinct groups among the Somali refugee population. ...
Despite being the largest African group to resettle in the United States, there is a dearth of literature examining the influence of religion on health behaviors and beliefs among Somali refugees. Using purposive sampling methods, we examined how religious beliefs informed health behaviors among twenty Somali refugees. Using inductive analysis and coding, three primary themes were uncovered: (a) the Quran as treatment, (b) God's will, and (c) religious prohibitions to healthcare. These findings highlight the need for social work and healthcare practitioners to be cognizant of Somali cultural practices and religious beliefs in appropriately addressing their needs.
... Assign students to learn about the historical context of the refugee populations mentioned in the case. Alternately, assign one or more readings below about this (e.g., Lehman & Eno, 2002; Cultural Orientation Resource Center, n.d.) ...
... Assign students to learn about the historical context of the refugee populations mentioned in the case. Alternately, assign one or more readings below about this (e.g., Lehman & Eno, 2002; Cultural Orientation Resource Center, n.d.) ...
... This decision further isolated and hindered those in the south, including Bantu, from participating in mainstream Somali politics, government services and education. 69 The Bantu Mushunguli language has been preserved largely by particular Gosha communities. While the main language in the Juba River valley is Af-Maay, some Bantu in traditional villages do not understand it. ...
... An important part of my new work has been working with public school educators, both Somali and non-Somali, who want to improve the educational experience of children of the Somali Diaspora. In preparing the teachers' workshop mentioned above, I examined books and other materials that had been written for non-Somali educators who work with Somali children and families (e.g., Fahin & McMahan, 2004;Kahin, 1997;Lynch, 2008;Putman & Noor, 1999;Van Lehman & Eno, 2002). All the materials made qur'aniC sChooling in maroua Fulbe children in Maroua, Cameroon, attended Qur'anic school to learn to recite, read, and write the Qur'an, the core religious text of Islam that is believed to be the word of God, revealed in Arabic to the Prophet Mohammad. ...
Political violence has uninterruptedly afflicted Somalia since its independence. That amounts to 60 years of uninterrupted conflict, quite a record in contemporary history. For that reason, Somalia has been considered as one of the epitomes of what is known as an intractable conflict and Intractable Conflict Theory (ICT) has used the country as a laboratory to test its frameworks. However, we contend that systemic and very overarching frameworks such as ICT are not very useful to understand the intractability of Somalia’s conflict. This paper proposes instead a historically grounded structural-processual analysis that explains the conflict as the result of the chronological accumulation and dysfunctional overlapping of several sets of structures an actors within Somalia’s society itself and the Horn of Africa leading to the creation of very deep fault lines that create a criss-crossed fabric of conflicting interests, separating and pitting social actors against each other.
When refugees first arrive in the United States, they often come with valuable prior experiences and great potential but few earthly possessions. Some of the new refugees’ greatest needs over their first few months after arrival are housing and basic material needs such as items with which to set up their new homes. Many need assistance learning how to use basic amenities such as electricity and running water. In addition, because these people arrive with the desire to contribute to their new country and have upward mobility, they often need English lessons, opportunities to pursue their GEDs, job skills, open doors for creating enterprises and viable platforms from which to grow these enterprises, and solvency in order to put down roots for the long-term.
Primary Research Questions:
1.What are the critical sectors where communication resources are deemed necessary for a refugee population that is new and systematically/structurally unsupported?
2. What bottlenecks exist for creating and scaling communication resources among refugees in critical sectors, and how do these bottlenecks create restrictions that affect integration?
3. What are some possible solutions for addressing these bottlenecks and restrictions?
Research was conducted via interviews with stakeholders, literature review, and focus groups with 5% of the population of the community in focus, the Rohingya.
This research presents the findings of qualitative and quantitative analysis and proposes solutions to meeting the needs identified.
The goal of this report was to determine bottlenecks to communication resources among refugees in the Dallas/Fort Worth Metroplex, with particular focus on pre-literate language communities. In the first phase of the study, ILAD conducted interviews with individuals and organizations in order to better understand the scope of refugee services being offered in the Dallas/Fort Worth Metroplex. Through these interviews, ILAD identified the Rohingya of Myanmar as a community of focus and conducted a case study among other US Rohingya communities to observe effective strategies for successful integration. Finally, the last phase of the report proposes solutions that aim to prioritize simplicity, sustainability, and scalability for use among the Rohingya in Dallas/Fort Worth and the larger refugee community.
Somali refugees are resettling in large numbers in the US, but little is known about the Somali Bantu, an ethnic minority within this population. Refugee youth mental health is linked to the functioning of the larger family unit. Understanding how the process of culturally adjusting to life after resettlement relates to family functioning can help identify what kind of interventions might strengthen families and lead to better mental health outcomes for youth. This paper seeks to address the following research questions: (1) How do different groups of Somali Bantu refugees describe their experiences of culturally adapting to life in the US?; and (2) How, if at all, do processes of cultural adaptation in a new country affect Somali Bantu family functioning? We conducted 14 focus groups with a total of 81 Somali Bantu refugees in New England. Authors analyzed focus groups using principles of thematic analysis to develop codes and an overarching theoretical model about the relationship between cultural adaptation, parent–child relationships, and family functioning. Views and expectations of parent–child relationships were compared between Somali Bantu youth and adults. Cultural negotiation was dependent upon broader sociocultural contexts in the United States that were most salient to the experience of the individual. Adult and youth participants had conflicting views around negotiating Somali Bantu culture, which often led to strained parent–child relationships. In contrast, youth sibling relationships were strengthened, as they turned to each other for support in navigating the process of cultural adaptation.
Aims and objectives:
To explore Somali Bantu refugee women's reproductive health decision making, as influenced by their resettlement in the U.S.
Background:
Available literature on reproductive health of refugee women is mostly from the healthcare provider perspective, neglecting the lived experience of the population.
Design:
Qualitative Descriptive.
Methods:
A purposive sample of 30 women was recruited for five focus groups. Data was collected via demographic survey and semi-structured focus group discussion. Content analysis was used to analyze the data.
Results:
Our study revealed that Somali Bantu women considered children as wealth. Reproductive health decision making was influenced by three main factors: family influence, cultural/religious ideas, and experience with various hormonal birth control methods.
Conclusions:
Nurses and other healthcare providers would better serve refugee women if equipped with a more nuanced understanding of factors in their reproductive healthcare decision-making. This study can inform tailored and cultural relevant interventions to improve reproductive health among those at greatest need.
Relevance to clinical practice:
Our findings can serve to guide nurses and other healthcare providers' clinical approach to a subset of the population whose cultural beliefs and practices regarding reproductive health may be unfamiliar. Incorporating the perspective of the Somali Bantu women will facilitate the provision of person-centered care and ensure women receive appropriate, efficient, and quality care that meets their needs, which may potentially reduce financial costs to the healthcare system. This article is protected by copyright. All rights reserved.
This paper investigates recollections of place attachments among a sample of Somali Bantu women refugees who have resettled in a town in New York State, USA. Using photo-elicitation and narrative interviews we explored their recollections of place attachments in Somalia, their home of origin, in Kenya, where they lived in refugee camps for more than a decade and in community gardens in New York State. We asked about memories of farms in Somalia, of gardens in the Kenyan camps and of the community gardens in resettlement because we were interested in the role of green space in their experiences of displacement and resettlement. Green spaces were important in all three locations but especially with respect to the therapeutic, restorative and spiritual capacities in the gardens in both the camps in Kenya and in resettlement in the United States. The results of this research suggest that emplacement and meaning making in green spaces through farms and gardens in Somalia, in camps, and in community gardens in resettlement served a variety of palliative functions. 2016
From 2006 to 2008, refugee resettlement agencies brought 4018 refugees to Chicago, Illinois. Using the example of the challenges faced by 14 refugee students from Burundi in adjusting to the U.S. school system, the authors call the attention of schools to the distinction between educating English Language Learners (ELL) and Educating Culturally Displaced Students with Truncated Formal Education (CDS-TFE). These authors also question the appropriateness of social promotion practices by which these students with truncated formal education are placed several grade levels above their actual educational attainment in U.S. schools, regardless of their school interruptions or limited school readiness. Principles and strategies for responsive integration of CDS-TFE in the U.S. educational systems are also explored.
Somali society has long since been considered ethnically homogenous. The better known
pastoral-nomadic section of society was perceived as representative. Politics and economy
throughout the twentieth century were controlled by ‘majority’ clan members. ‘Minority
group’ members were generally marginalized and sometimes even oppressed and
exploited; during the civil war from 1991 onwards, they became easy victims for majority
group militias. Previously respected religious or occupational ‘castes’ also fell victim to
the general insecurity and lawlessness during that period. The civil war not only had
enormous negative consequences for minority group members; in some cases, it increased
the self-consciousness of minority groups and led to the formation of new identities that,
in combination with international organizations and their human rights policies, provided
members of certain groups with chances for resettlement or made them actively demand
more rights.
The historical comparative-linguistic analysis of Bantu culinary vocabulary reveals that the stiff porridge widely consumed in Central and Southern Africa today as principal starch food was already known to the first Bantu speech communities. The preparation method changed over time. The early Bantu speakers prepared porridge as a mash from yams and later from plantains. The Proto-East and Proto-Southwest Bantu speech communities knew cereals and made porridge from cereal flour. When cassava was introduced after the Columbian Exchange, this cereal preparation was applied to a tuber in Central Africa. Many communities living in the northwest of the Bantuphone region, however, never adopted the preparation of flour porridge. Moreover, in many communities living in the equatorial rainforest, porridge— be it from cereals or other crops—never attained status as the staple and remained one of many starch food preparations.
This article examines key setting events and personal factors that are associated with support for either non-violent activism or violent activism among Somali refugee young adults in the United States. Specifically, this article examines the associations of trauma, stress, symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), posttraumatic growth (PTG), strength of social bonds, and attitudes towards legal and non-violent vs. illegal and violent activism. Structured interviews were conducted with a sample of Somali refugee males ages 18–25 living in the northeastern United States (N = 79). Data were analyzed using multiple linear regressions and path analysis. Greater exposure to personal trauma was associated with greater openness to illegal and violent activism. PTSD symptoms mediated this association. Strong social bonds to both community and society moderated this association, with trauma being more strongly associated with openness to illegal and violent activism among those who reported weaker social bonds. Greater exposure to trauma, PTG, and stronger social bonds were all associated with greater openness to legal non-violent activism.
The Somali Bantu are a recently arrived group of refugees with a history of severe oppression and discrimination in their native Somalia. Most are from rural farming backgrounds, while some may have worked as mechanics, drivers, or manual laborers in local cities. Virtually all have limited exposure to Western cultures and lifestyles. Although they are learning quickly about the U.S., the process of acculturation typically takes years. It is critically important for child welfare and other service providers to be aware of this group's cultural background to avoid unnecessary interventions and to make needed services as effective as possible. Traditional medical practices that leave cuts, burns, and scars can easily be misinterpreted as abuse. The traditional practice of allowing children to play outdoors without parental supervision can easily be misinterpreted as intentional neglect (the entire community raises the child in rural Somalia). Read on for more information and for helpful suggestions for working with these refugees.
Reproductive health problems are the leading cause of women's morbidity and mortality worldwide. In the United States, officially sponsored refugee women continue to face challenges in accessing reproductive health programs despite having access to health insurance.
The objective of this study was to explore the reproductive health experiences of 1 such population--Somali Bantu women in Connecticut--to identify potential barriers to care experienced by marginalized populations. The study was qualitative, consisting of key informant interviews, a focus group session, and a semistructured survey.
Although all the women in the study reported having access to reproductive health care services, they also reported having unmet health needs resulting from barriers to care that included ethnic distinction/language barriers, passive acceptance of incorrect care, cultural discordance in family planning services, patient-provider sex discordance, and desire but limited scope for ownership in health care outcomes. The root cause of the various types of patient-provider discordance was the lack of recognition that the Somali Bantu are distinct in culture, language, and solidarity from ethnic Somalis, resulting in Language Line translation services being conducted in a Somali language that the Somali Bantu women did not understand.
The results of the study primarily highlight the larger issue of information asymmetry within the health care system that, if left unaddressed, will persist as new vulnerable populations of refugees arrive in the United States.
A phenomenological study of the resettlement experiences and mental health needs of Somali Bantu refugee women
This article offers a new reconstruction of Bantu, Galla and Somali migrations in the Horn of Africa, with particular reference to the area between the Juba and the Tana rivers. It is suggested that Garre or proto-Garre Somali gained control of the area between the Juba and the Tana rivers before the Galla arrived in this area, and that in the process the Garre were responsible for pushing Bantu-speaking peoples back to the river Tana. However, it is also argued that the area initially controlled by Bantu-speaking peoples in the Horn of Africa was much more limited than is generally assumed. It is then suggested that around the sixteenth century the Orma Galla migrated to the coast from southern Ethiopia via the Lorian Swamp and the river Tana and not by the river Juba as is generally argued. The arrival of the Orma led to a further retreat of Bantu-speaking peoples towards the Sabaki river, and then to a retreat of the Somali northwards in the direction of the Juba river. In this way the nineteenth-century Somali drive southwards can be seen to some extent as a reconquest of land occupied earlier by them.
Typescript. Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of South Carolina, 1989. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 554-585).
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 63-64). Project paper (M.P.S. (Int. Dev.))--Cornell University, January 1999.
The Invention of Gosha: Slavery, Colonialism, and Stigma in Somali History
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Introduction: The Double Consciousness
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