The Idea of Supplementary Education

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This document examines the importance of access to educational resources that are supplementary to what is available in school for all students. Supplementary education is the formal and informal learning and developmental enrichment opportunities provided for students outside of school and beyond the regular school day or year. While supplementary education significantly increases students' chances for academic success, many families do not know how or are not positioned to access it. Studies of high achieving students show that they tend to have combinations of strong home and school resources to support their intellectual and personal development. They tend to participate in a wide range of supplementary educational activities and come from families of middle to high socioeconomic status. High achieving students are actively engaged in school events and extracurricular activities and maintain positive links with adults and peers who continually advocate high expectations for achievement. It is important to reduce the dissonance between hegemonic and ethnic minority cultural identities as reflected in the "fear of acting white" and fear of stereotype confirmation. Targeted strategies include facilitating cooperative learning cadres among students, facilitating social environments that nurture academic achievement as instrumental to personal and political agency, and developing facility in using electronic and digital technology. (Contains 22 references.) (SM)

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... Community-based educational spaces and the neoliberal context. In addition to this deficit framing, political rhetoric regarding after-school community programs tends to focus almost exclusively on academic achievement with the purpose of raising test scores to close the "achievement gap" between Black and Latina/o students and their White and Asian and more affluent counterparts (Gordon and Bridglall, 2002). This narrow focus is derived from the larger political context that is characterized by extension of neoliberal economic ideologies that are widely accepted across political affiliations (Apple, 2002;Lipman, 2011). ...
... These supplemental forms of education are often viewed as necessary for positive youth development. For example, the idea of supplemental education includes incidental learning, according to Gordon and Bridglall (2002). Incidental learning can be described as skills and knowledge that is learned unintentionally, as done through community programs, in family and peer groups -learning that takes place not only in community out-of-school spaces, but also religious institutions, families, and from peer groups (Weis & Fine, 2000). ...
... Early research on youth work occurring outside of schools suggested that it was essential for keeping children productively occupied until parents returned home from work and was celebrated for providing opportunities for play, language development, gendered tasks, religious education, and so on (Halpern, 2002). As this work expanded, scholars argued that these spaces provide youth with important supplementary developmental contexts to schools (Bridglall & Gordon, 2002;Halpern, 2002). Other work lauded these spaces for supporting academic achievement (Eccles & Gootman, 2002;Kataoka & Vandell, 2013), facilitating greater attachment to schools (Woodland, 2016), fostering strong youth-adult relationships (Brown, 2006;Hirsch et al., 2011;Rogoff et al., 2016;Yohalem, 2003), and promoting healing, redemption, and activism among youth (Ginwright, 2007;Ginwright & Cammarota, 2002;Kirshner, 2015). ...
Community-based youth work, through which young people are engaged in community-based educational spaces (CBES; e.g., after-school programs, out-of-school time settings, youth organizations, etc.), is celebrated for supporting youth academically, socially, culturally, and politically. However, when these spaces receive attention, their social and political complexity is often overlooked. Studying the complexity of community-based youth work in education requires interrogating the multiple systems of oppression that impact young people’s lives. It also demands examination of the sociopolitical context of youth work, including how race logics and economic pressures inform the construction of CBES and how these forces surface and intersect with market logics and educational policy reform. Building on existing scholarship on community-based youth work and my current research, I present the youthwork paradox, a framework that captures the complexity of the field and its relationship to structural forces and larger systems of oppression. I detail how this paradox does not always lead to dichotomous discourses; rather, CBES can encompass many logics at once. To illuminate the usefulness of this framework for deeper theorizing of community-based youth work, I ground this concept in an empirical case focused on Black youth workers.
... • Students benefit from access to a wide range of supplementary education experiences that support both intellective and social competencies (Gordon, Bridglall, & Meroe, 2005;Steinberg, Brown, & Dornbusch, 1996). ...
The paper discusses educational robotics’ potential to contribute to the process of societal transformation caused by the Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR). An overview of educational robotics’ questions is presented based on the authors’ experience teaching supplementary education programs to K-12 students in digital fabrication environment as well as on several external review papers. A case study is presented to reveal and confirm some of the problems common for such project-oriented creative STEM related activities in supplementary education environment. One of which being inclusion in practical technical studies of different groups of students - a common challenge for the given educational robotics context.KeywordsEducational roboticsSTEMTechnological literacyDigital fabricationInclusive educationBlended learningAssistive educationEngineeringSupplementary education
Globally, the purpose of education is becoming increasingly narrowly defined. In this context, this article proposes that supplementary schooling offers a resource for re-thinking the epistemologies and processes of schooling. Drawing on Derrida’s notion of “the supplement”, the nature and status of this under-researched and marginal sector is interrogated from a historical perspective. Our primary focus is on educational settings established by adults from Black and minority ethnic communities in urban environments in England, which are typically focused on (and societally marked by their attention to) “language”, “culture”, “heritage”, “identity” and, sometimes, “extra tuition”. Drawing on exploratory meetings held with key players and conferences, as well as some informal observations in schools, alongside a review of international literature, we highlight the role of theory in posing “better” questions about this disparate, yet vital, sector. Specifically, we discuss how the supplementary status of these schools is produced from the outset, rather than added later, such that the designation “supplementary” fails to specify its precise relationship with formal, mainstream schooling. “Supplementary” emerges as fundamentally ambiguous, and – within dominant discourse – as working to suppress sociocultural features of the “mainstream”, thereby highlighting the normative and exclusionary character of that mainstream. Two key issues emerge from this analysis: first, that the few commonalities across supplementary schooling provision may arise precisely because of its binary relationship with mainstream schooling; and, second, this analysis not only decentres the “settled” status of mainstream schooling, but also opens up for inquiry the diverse forms and functions of the mainstream.
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There are very few discussions on instructional communication analysis or known as education communication focusing on anti-corruption and local wisdom. Instructional communication may become preventive solution to prevent corruption. The study discusses local wisdom-based anti-corruption instructional communication. Local wisdom becomes the focus of the study since culture acts as facilitator for internalization of anti-corruption principles. Malang is selected as the setting as the study due to its “arek” tradition. “Arek” tradition is transparent, straightforward and assertive; these are relevant to the principles of anti-corruption. The objective of the study was to identify local wisdom in anti-corruption education. The study was explorative qualitative and the method was focus group discussion. The subjects were teachers in SDN 2 Dinoyo Malang, SD Sang Timur Malang, and SD Insan Amanah Malang. These three elementary schools were selected as the setting because they have different religious orientation. The basis for selecting these schools was to describe different integration of the local wisdom and religious orientation each of the schools have. The findings stated that local wisdom had yet been utilized to facilitate the anti-corruption education. Local wisdom was considered as government education embedded in the school activities. Some schools applied the program as a whole while some others were selective towards the program. Based on the findings, anti-corruption principles were embedded through religious and moral values that worked in the society.
The needs for strengthening the STEM pipeline in the United States have moved beyond routine concerns and acquired an unprecedented level of urgency. As a result, many educational and business entities, and government and private organizations have launched myriad initiatives targeted towards achievement of the above goal. The extant body of research, while certainly explicating the essential steps that can be actuated by educational, research, and legislative entities, has largely left out the potential role of parents. Accordingly, the primary question guiding this research was: How do parents prepare their boys and girls for the STEM pipeline? What is the range and variation of support given by fathers and mothers to their children for exploring and entering STEM fields? Based on this study's findings, I posit that parents extend support through a model of "AID: Adaptive, Incidental, and Deliberate Practices" representing the totality of their choices, decisions, perspectives, actions, and interventions. The study reveals parents' efforts within an evolving pattern of noteworthy transitions, commencing from children's early childhood years and lasting through high school. Finally, this study has identified a unique combination of characteristics underscoring parents' efforts across the above identified categories and transitions. All together, the findings of this study provide details of parents' motivations, knowledge, understandings, concerns, and ambiguities underscoring their efforts to prepare boys and girls for exploring and entering the STEM pipeline. Beyond providing insightful explanations of the parents' perspectives, this study shares invaluable understandings that may be put to further use by parents, educators, parent advocates, STEM researchers and policymakers, who are interested in the development of feasible strategies and forward leading opportunities for strengthening the STEM pipeline.
In this article we aim to explore if these interventions are powerful enough to meet their official objective, that is, to overcome educational problems and disadvantages. Our argument relies on two previous generalizations that have established the framework for wider discussion. On the one hand, some recent contributions continue the long intellectual tradition that looks for actual opportunities whereby schools can tackle inequalities and their correlative educational disadvantages. Thus, several authors highlight the importance of explicit objectives (Derouet, 1992), minority-friendly curricula (Connell, 1997), democratic participation (Apple & Beane, 1995), flat and polyvalent organization (Fullan & Hargreaves, 1996), supplementary education (Bridglall & Gordon, 2002), public-political spaces (Griffiths, 2003), and school-community collaboration (Warren, 2005) for educational justice or social inclusion. Certainly, in Spain autonomous governments and other social agents have drawn on these ideas for the design of the initiatives we have just mentioned. On the other hand, other reports and authors recently highlight that societal features influence educational disadvantage more than the concrete programs and strategies deployed by schools (UNESCO-OECD/UIS, 2003). An exhaustive recent international comparison identifies two axes of these societal effects, namely enrolment rates and performance scores (Duru-Bellat, Mons, & Suchaut, 2004). Everywhere, working-class and minority students are more likely to achieve a low score in standardized exams and drop out early, though early leaving rates and average scores vary among countries. Thus, programs explore the opportunities to foster social inclusion through school policies, but societal features can limit such opportunities and therefore become bigger challenges to social inclusion.
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