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Major memory for microblogs

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Online social networking is vastly popular and permits its members to post their thoughts as microblogs, an opportunity that people exploit, on Facebook alone, over 30 million times an hour. Such trivial ephemera, one might think, should vanish quickly from memory; conversely, they may comprise the sort of information that our memories are tuned to recognize, if that which we readily generate, we also readily store. In the first two experiments, participants' memory for Facebook posts was found to be strikingly stronger than their memory for human faces or sentences from books-a magnitude comparable to the difference in memory strength between amnesics and healthy controls. The second experiment suggested that this difference is not due to Facebook posts spontaneously generating social elaboration, because memory for posts is enhanced as much by adding social elaboration as is memory for book sentences. Our final experiment, using headlines, sentences, and reader comments from articles, suggested that the remarkable memory for microblogs is also not due to their completeness or simply their topic, but may be a more general phenomenon of their being the largely spontaneous and natural emanations of the human mind.
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Major memory for microblogs
Laura Mickes &Ryan S. Darby &Vivian Hwe &
Daniel Bajic &Jill A. Warker &Christine R. Harris &
Nicholas J. S. Christenfeld
#Psychonomic Society, Inc. 2013
Abstract Online social networking is vastly popular and
permits its members to post their thoughts as microblogs, an
opportunity that people exploit, on Facebook alone, over 30
million times an hour. Such trivial ephemera, one might
think, should vanish quickly from memory; conversely, they
may comprise the sort of information that our memories are
tuned to recognize, if that which we readily generate, we
also readily store. In the first two experiments, participants
memory for Facebook posts was found to be strikingly
stronger than their memory for human faces or sentences
from booksa magnitude comparable to the difference in
memory strength between amnesics and healthy controls.
The second experiment suggested that this difference is not
due to Facebook posts spontaneously generating social
elaboration, because memory for posts is enhanced as much
by adding social elaboration as is memory for book senten-
ces. Our final experiment, using headlines, sentences, and
reader comments from articles, suggested that the remark-
able memory for microblogs is also not due to their com-
pleteness or simply their topic, but may be a more general
phenomenon of their being the largely spontaneous and
natural emanations of the human mind.
Keywords Memory .Microblog .Facebook .
Levels of processing
The online world permits its citizens to post their every
thought as blogs, Facebook status updates, forum comments,
and the like. Not every such posting is extraordinarily inter-
esting; indeed, Facebook posts have been described as navel-
gazing ... spam(Griggs, 2009). However mundane, or even
inane, such sharing may be, it is also enormously popular. On
Facebook alone, people collectively post over thirty million
times an hour (, 2011). This popularity suggests
that something about such microbloggingresonates with
human nature. We explored this question in a series of experi-
ments examining the memorability of microblog posts. If
microblogs are as vacuous as some propose, they should
vanish quickly from ones mind. On the other hand, as such
outputs represent the natural, essentially unfiltered, emana-
tions of human minds, perhaps they also have a special place
there as input. The success of Facebook, after all, depends not
just on peoples willingness to post their thoughts, but also on
their willingness to read those posts.
Particular sorts of information may have a privileged
place in memory. Nairne and Pandeirada (2010) suggested
that our memory systems developed to solve adaptive prob-
lems and that we should see enhanced memory in tasks that
tap into the types of issues confronted in our ancestral past.
Nairne and colleagues have shown, for example, better
memory for information that would have been related to
survival needs (Nairne, Pandeirada, & Thompson, 2008;
Nairne, Thompson, & Pandeirada, 2007; see also Kang,
McDermott, & Cohen, 2008), and social information could
likewise be privileged because of our ancestral reliance on
group living. Indeed, recently Klein, Cosmides, Gangi,
Jackson, and Tooby (2009) described memory as an adap-
tive tool for sociality(p. 284). The research on social
memory thus far has focused on autobiographical memory
L. Mickes
Department of Psychology, University of California, San Diego,
La Jolla, CA 92093-0109, USA
R. S. Darby :V. Hwe :D. Bajic :C. R. Harris :
N. J. S. Christenfeld
University of California, San Diego,
La Jolla, CA 92093-0109, USA
J. A. Warker
University of Scranton, Scranton, NJ, USA
L. Mickes (*)
Department of Psychology, University of Warwick,
Coventry CV4 AL7, UK
Mem Cogn
DOI 10.3758/s13421-012-0281-6
(e.g., birthdays; Merz, Wolf, & Hennig, 2010) or facename
pairs (e.g., Takahashi et al., 2004). The popularity of micro-
blogging affords a way to investigate memory for the daily
details of social information.
Baumeister and Leary (1995) proposed that social be-
longingness is so essential in humans that it should be
considered a basic, innate motive. Humans are driven to
share their experiences with othersan inclination that
emerges early in development, with preverbal infantsuse
of pointing and eye gaze in social interactionsand this
feature seems to separate us from even our ape cousins. This
need to express and share our experiences has been various-
ly documented (see Emery, 2000). Such views support the
popularity of Facebook posts and other microblogs and
suggest that, if receiving these communications is as much
a part of our nature as making them, these reports could be
particularly memorable.
Experiment 1
In Experiment 1, we examined the strength of memory for
Facebook status updates (i.e., messages posted to friends).
We compared the memorability of such microblogs to that
for sentences from published books (Exp. 1a) and to the
memorability of human faces (Exp. 1b).
Experiment 1a
Participants Thirty-two University of California, San Diego
(UCSD) undergraduates (age: M021.00 years, SD 02.14;
27 female, five male) were randomly assigned to one of two
conditions, with half in the Facebook condition and half in
the book condition.
Materials Five undergraduate research assistants, who were
blind to the hypothesis, gathered 200 posts written by
others (from, collectively, over 3,000 friends) from their
own Facebook feeds. Each post was the most current for
its author, and none was connected with games, links, or
photos (see the Appendix for examples).
A total of 200 sentences were also selected from
books on, using the Last 30 daysoption
under the New Releasessection, including both fic-
tion and nonfiction. For each of these books for which
the Look Insidefeature was available, we used the
Surprise Me!option, and within that random page, a
single sentence was randomly selected. Sentences with
quotations, single-word sentences, and sentences that
contained more than 25 words were not selected (see
the Appendix for examples).
Of the 200 stimuli in each condition, 100 were randomly
selected as targets for each participant to memorize during the
study phase. The other 100 were reserved as lures for the testing
phase, to assess whether the participants could identify stimuli
they had seen before: (a different combination of targets and
lures per participant). Instructions and stimuli were displayed
via E-Prime (Psychology Software Tools Inc., Sharpsburg, PA; on a 22-in. monitor in 18-point Courier font.
Procedure The participants were informed from the outset
that they were participating in a memory experiment. After a
practice trial, the study phase began. During study, 100
targets were individually presented for 3,000 ms, followed
by a blank-screen interstimulus interval (ISI) of 250 ms.
Immediately after the study phase, participants took a self-
paced recognition test that consisted of the 100 targets
randomly intermixed with 100 lures. Participants indicated
their confidence that each post had been previously seen
(old) or not previously seen (new) on the study list, using a
20-point rating scale that is shown in Fig. 1(Mickes,
Wixted, & Wais, 2007). A keypress of 1indicated that
they were 100 % certain that the post had not appeared in
the study list, and a keypress of 20represented that they
were 100 % confident that an item had appeared. Thus, a
correct response for a lure would be between 1 and 10, and a
correct response for a target would be between 11 and 20.
Participants in the Facebook condition responded generally
with the highest levels of confidence and were highly accu-
rate. The average d' (anunbiasedmeasureofmemory
strength) in the Facebook condition (M02.48, SD 0
0.69) was significantly greater than the average d' in the
book sentence condition (M01.72, SD 00.54), t(30) 0
3.47, p0.002. The percent correct measure (calculated as
the number of hits plus correct rejections, divided by 200
trials), while potentially biased (Macmillan & Creelman,
2005), is intuitively appealing, and it reveals exactly the
same story: significantly greater memory for Facebook posts
(M085 %, SD 07.2) than for sentences from books (M0
76 %, SD 06.2), t(30) 03.72, p0.001.
Fig. 1 Confidence rating scale used in the experiments. A response of
1 indicated that the participant was 100 % certain that an item had not
appeared during the study phase, and a response of 20 indicated that he
or she was 100 % certain that an item had appeared. The different font
sizes visually represent the levels of confidence. This scale was pre-
sented for each test item in the experiments
Mem Cogn
To generate the receiver-operating characteristic (ROC)
plot, hit and false alarm rate pairs were computed for each
level of confidence. For example, in the Facebook condi-
tion, 56 % of the targets and 6 % of the lures received a
confidence rating of 20 (i.e., a hit rate of 56 % and false
alarm rate of 6 % for ratings of 20). Next, another hit and
false alarm rate pair was obtained by computing the percen-
tages of targets and lures that received ratings of 19 and 20.
The ratings were cumulated in this manner until we had
generated 19 separate hit and false alarm rate pairs, which
are plotted in the ROC. The farther the operating points that
make up the ROC curve are from the diagonal, or chance
line (i.e., the closer they are to the upper left corner), the
greater the discriminability between targets and lures
(Macmillan & Creelman, 2005). Figure 2displays the
ROC data, and it clearly illustrates that individuals in the
Facebook condition discriminated targets from lures much
more easily than did those in the book sentence condition.
Before investigating deeper conceptual explanations for
the advantage that Facebook posts seem to enjoy, we ruled
out various more superficial possibilities. First, we tested
whether the length of the post or sentence was a critical
factor. The Facebook posts (M011.49, SD 06.54) had
significantly, albeit slightly, more words than the book sen-
tences (M010.27, SD 04.00), t(199) 06.14, p< .001. To
adjust for this, we did a median split on the numbers of
words for the Facebook posts and book sentences (median 0
10.00 for both), and then compared the d' scores for the shorter
Facebook posts and the longer sentences. The average d' for
the Facebook posts (M02.67, SD 00.98), was still signifi-
cantly higher than that for the book sentences (M01.77,
SD 00.92), t(102) 06.86, p< .001, even with the length
confound reversed, suggesting that the Facebook posts
advantage was not due to length.
Another possibility is that Facebook posts may capitalize
on perceptual matching of surface-level differences (e.g.,
Mandler, 1979), since they are littered with irregular typog-
raphy. To test this, we separated posts that contained emo-
ticons, multiple exclamation points, all letters capitalized, or
multiple, repeated letters (e.g., Del Mar Opening Day is on
my birthday this year!!! :) Hellooo HATS) from posts that
did not. A total of 86 posts did not include any of these
components. Memory was still significantly higher for these
orthographically regular posts (d':M02.57, SD 01.18)
than for the book sentences (d':M01.95, SD 01.07),
t(284) 04.32, p< .001.
Memory was substantially higher for Facebook posts than for
book sentences. Explanations for this advantage that were
based merely on surface-level differences were ruled out:
The difference was not due to posts containing emoticons,
unique characters, or many or few words; the advantage per-
sisted when all such posts were removed. The posts culled
from Facebook showed remarkable memorability; memory for
book sentences, on the other hand, reflected more typical
memory performance. For example, the memory for sentences
found here seems similar to results reported by Belmore (1982)
using similar recognition tests for sentences with roughly the
same number of targets and lures as in our experiment.
Clearly participants recognized Facebook posts better
than ordinary published sentences. To get a further sense
of the memorability of such posts, we next compared them
to memory for faces. A region of the brain, the fusiform face
area, is dedicated to face processing (e.g., Kanwisher,
McDermott, & Chun, 1997), suggesting that the brain is
specially designed to process and store facial information.
While many factors can influence the memorability of a set
of faces, faces nonetheless can provide some calibration for
the magnitude of Facebooks memorability, measuring
whether memory for Facebook posts is particularly strong
or memory for sentences from books is particularly weak. In
Experiment 1b, accordingly, participants completed a mem-
ory task for faces and for Facebook posts.
Fig. 2 Group receiver-operating characteristic (ROC) data for the
Facebook posts and book sentences from Experiment 1a. The dashed
line represents chance performance
The difference in d's between short (M02.35, SD 01.41) and long
(M02.67, SD 00.98) Facebook posts was marginally significant, t
(198) 01.83, p0.057. The same analysis yielded opposite results for
the book sentences: Memory was significantly better, as measured by
d', for short book sentences (M02.15, SD 01.18) than for long book
sentences (M01.77, SD 00.92), t(198) 02.60, p0.010. Neither
effect, of course, can account for the superior memory for Facebook
posts relative to book sentences.
Mem Cogn
Experiment 1b
Participants Sixteen UCSD undergraduates (age: M0
20.25 years, SD 01.34; 11 female, five male) partici-
pated for course credit.
Materials Four undergraduate assistants used their own
Facebook accounts to find a new sample of 200 posts by
(see the Appendix). Using a new set of Facebook
posts allowed an independent replication of their memora-
bility. For the face memory task, 200 neutral faces (frontal
view only) were selected from the Color FERET database
(, with 100 of each stimulus
type randomly chosen to be targets and 100 to be lures (a
different combination of targets and lures per participant).
Procedure The procedure was identical to that of
Experiment 1a, with two changes: Faces were used instead
of book sentences, and a within-subjects rather than
between-subjects design was used. Task order was counter-
balanced; half of the participants completed the face mem-
ory task first, and half completed the Facebook memory task
first. Again, the presentation time for each target was
3,000 ms, with a 250-ms ISI. Immediately after the study
phase, participants took a self-paced recognition test that
consisted of 100 targets randomly intermixed with 100
lures, shown one at a time, and the participants provided
old/new responses on a 20-point rating scale.
We found no order effects, so the data from the two orders
were combined for analyses. Accuracy was much higher for
Facebook posts than for faces (d':M02.51, SD 00.37, vs.
M00.95, SD 00.67, respectively), t(15) 011.70,
p< .001. Figure 3shows the ROC data, and as in
Experiment 1a, participants easily discriminated targets
from lures when the stimuli were Facebook posts. Facebook
posts are particularly memorable as compared to faces.
Experiment 1b further strengthened the idea that memory
for these microblog posts is remarkable, with Facebook
beating both faces and books. As a frame of reference,
across multiple memory tests for lists of words (Manns,
Hopkins, Reed, Kitchener, & Squire, 2003), hippocampally
damaged amnesic individuals showed an average d' of 0.4,
and controls 1.5, a difference of 1.1. Averaging across our
experiments, books and faces had a d' of 1.3, and Facebook
ad' of 2.5, a difference of 1.2. Thus, Facebooks advantage
over books and faces is on the same scale as the advantage
of controls over amnesics.
While several possible mechanisms for the memory
strength of Facebook posts have been ruled out, a number
of explanations remain. The posts may naturally elicit social
thinking and lead to stronger encoding of the posts, whereas
sentences written by professional authors and unknown
neutral faces may be less likely to naturally elicit such
encoding-enhancing elaboration. The more gossipy nature
of the Facebook posts may have been inherently more
interesting to participants and contributed to this social
elaboration (Schiefele & Krapp, 1996). In addition, the
Facebook posts may be particularly memorable because
they are complete in and of themselves, whereas the book
sentences, chosen randomly and out of context, need not
have been so.
Another possible explanation is that the relatively unfil-
tered and spontaneous production of one persons mind is
just the sort of thing that is readily stored in anothers mind.
The formality and complexity of well-considered and edited
language, while it may have many advantages in accuracy,
efficiency, and even beauty, may not be more readily stored.
That is, information that people generate easily and natural-
ly may be information that is easily and naturally remem-
bered. Such an explanation is not entirely distinct from the
The Facebook posts (from Exp. 1b) were chosen to have a range of
activities, emotions, and writing styles. The additional selection criteria
made no difference to the memorability, which almost exactly matched
that observed in Experiment 1a.
Fig. 3 Group receiver-operating characteristic (ROC) data for the
Facebook posts and faces from Experiment 1b. The dashed line repre-
sents chance performance
Mem Cogn
gossip notion, since reports of the personal doings of other
people may be closer to our natural speech than are more
arcane and abstract reports. Two follow-up experiments
explored these explanations for the superiority of
Facebook posts. In the first, we examined whether sponta-
neous social elaboration is the secret to Facebooks success,
at least in the memorability of its posts, by testing whether
directed social elaboration impacts memory less for
Facebook posts than for other sentences. The second was
designed to compare news sentences to news headlines and
to readerscomments to explore the roles of content and
completeness in memorability.
Experiment 2
Facebook posts may naturally elicit social thinking (e.g.,
that is something my friend Emily would post), while
published sentences from books may be much less likely
to elicit such elaboration. We tested whether such elabora-
tion underlies the Facebook effect by manipulating the level
of processing in an incidental learning task (e.g., Craik &
Lockhart, 1972; Nairne et al., 2008). A shallow-encoding
condition required participants to count the words of each
sentence or post. A deep-encoding condition required par-
ticipants to think of someone whom they knew (personally
or a fictional character) who could have composed each post
or sentence. If people spontaneously elaborate Facebook
posts but not book sentences, the directions to elaborate
should have little memory-enhancing effect on the former
and a more profound effect on the latter. If, on the other
hand, the Facebook advantage is not due to social elabora-
tion, then adding it to each should have essentially equal
Participants Sixty-four UCSD undergraduates participated
for course credit (age: M020.34 years, SD 02.12;
41 female, 23 male). The participants were randomly
assigned to Facebook posts or book sentences, as well as
to either shallow or deep encoding.
Materials The Facebook posts and book sentences were
nearly the same as in Experiment 1a, but to control for
length, we used a subset of the book sentences and added
more, chosen in the same way (to return the total number to
200 sentences), so that the Facebook posts (M011.64, SD
06.77) would not have more words than the book sentences
(M011.21, SD 04.93), t(398)00.72, p0.47.
Procedure The experiment employed an incidental-learning
task with a 2×2 design (shallow vs. deep processing, and
book sentences vs. Facebook posts). Participants in the
shallow-encoding condition counted and entered the number
of words per Facebook post or book sentence. In the deep-
encoding condition, participants rated (on a 5-point scale,
from difficult to easy) the ease with which a Facebook post
or book sentence reminded them of something that someone
they know would write or say (e.g., themselves, a friend, a
family member, or a character in a movie or book). The
instructions were adapted from Nairne et al. (2008). After a
10-min distractor task (a game of Space Invaders), the
participants took a surprise recognition memory test on the
100 targets randomly intermixed with 100 lures.
In the deep-encoding groups, the average ratings of the
ease with which participants could think of a person
whowouldwriteasentence(M03.30, SD 00.42) or
post (M03.20, SD 00.64) were not significantly
different, t(15) 00.54, p0.595. In the shallow-
encoding groups, the numbers of words counted were
not significantly different for book sentences (M0
11.24, SD 00.42) and Facebook posts (M011.52,
SD 00.75); t(30) 01.33, p0.194
Figure 4shows the average d'sbystimulustypes.A2×2
ANOVA revealed a main effect of book sentences versus
Facebook posts, with, as before, Facebook posts being re-
membered much better, F(1, 60) 032.90, p<.001.There
was also the predicted, and large, main effect of encoding
type, with deep encoding resulting in better memorability, F
(1, 60) 0189.26, p< .001. There was no interaction between
stimulus type and encoding type, F(1, 60) 00.75, p0.390,
suggesting that adding the encoding instructions helped the
Facebook posts just as much as it helped the book sentences.
Fig. 4 Memory strength for Facebook posts and book sentences when
participants were instructed to do shallow or deep processing during
encoding in Experiment 2. The error bars represent standard errors of
the means
Mem Cogn
If social elaboration were responsible for the memorability
of Facebook posts, one would expect that using socially
based deep encoding would equalize the d's for book sen-
tences and Facebook posts. However, the memory benefits
of Facebook posts and of social encoding were additive,
suggesting that the memorability of Facebook posts in our
experiment was not simply due to their engendering natural
social elaboration during encoding. Furthermore, the ratings
of ease of social elaboration did not suggest that the
Facebook posts enjoyed any obvious natural advantage
there. In the next experiment, we explored whether an items
content or completeness of ideas might account for the
Facebook effect.
Experiment 3
To test the hypothesis that Facebook posts might be
advantaged because they are coherent and complete ideas,
we compared the memorability of sentences drawn from
CNN articles to the memorability of the headlines of those
articles, which are written to stand alone. To test whether the
Facebook advantage might be due to their gossipy nature
(e.g., general sharing of details about aspects of others
lives; Dunbar, 2004), we selected articles drawn either from
news or from entertainment. Finally, to test the notion that
the unfiltered, largely unconsidered postings of strangers are
what are especially memorable, we also compared reader
comments drawn from the comment sections at the end of
each news or entertainment article to both the headlines and
article sentences.
Participants One-hundred-eighty UCSD undergraduates
participated in exchange for course credit (age: M0
20.12 years, SD 02.50; 138 female, 42 male).
Materials The stimuli consisted of text drawn from two
categories: CNNs Breaking News and Entertainment
News sections. From each of those categories, we drew
three subcategories of stimuli: headlines, sentences, and
comments. All were gathered from CNN Twitter feeds
( and
CNNshowbiz, respectively) dating from August 12, 2011,
through September 15, 2011. For each story, the tweets
linked to the online article, from which we copied the
headline, a sentence chosen at random from the body of
the article, and a randomly chosen reader comment (in the
comments section at the bottom of each article). The ex-
cluded stimuli were single-word items, items more than 25
words long, articles that contained no reader comments, and
comments on comments. We gathered 200 stimuli of each of
the six types. The stimuli were presented, and responses
recorded, with the E-Prime software.
Procedure The participants were instructed that they would
be memorizing stimuli gathered from many sources and
would be given a memory test afterward. One hundred
stimuli were chosen as targets, with 16 or 17 of each type
randomly selected for each participant. No participant saw
more than one item (headline, sentence, or comment) from a
given article. One hundred lures were chosen in the same
way. All other procedures were the same as in Experiment 1.
Due to an experimental error, some duplicate stimuli were
included. All duplicates were removed prior to analysis,
resulting in the loss of two targets or lures for each of 43
subjects, and four for each of six subjects.
A repeated measures ANOVA revealed significant main effects
of text type (headline vs. sentence from article vs. comment)
and category (breaking news vs. entertainment news) on d',F
(2, 358) 0164.27, p< .001, and F(1, 179) 0320.36, p<.001,
respectively (as is shown in Fig. 5). The interaction between
type of text and type of category was significant, F(2, 358) 0
14.94, p< .001. Testing the specific hypothesis that complete
thoughts might beremembered better, we did find that, overall,
the d' for headlines (M02.02, SD 00.82) was higher than that
for random sentences from the articles (M01.59, SD 00.75),
p< .001 (with Bonferroni corrections). Consistent with the
idea that gossipy reports might be more memorable than news
stories of a more impersonal nature, the random sentences
drawn from entertainment news (M01.85, SD 00.72) were
more memorable than those drawn from breaking news articles
(M01.32, SD 00.68), p< .001, and this held for the other
Fig. 5 Average d' values by category for Experiment 3. The error bars
represent standard errors of the means
Mem Cogn
two types of textheadlines and commentsas well. Finally,
overall, comments at the ends of the articles (M02.27, SD 0
0.79) were not only more memorable than random sentences
from within the articles (M01.59, SD 00.75), p< .001, but
also more memorable than the headlines of those articles (M0
2.02, SD 00.82), p<.001.
We also conducted analyses to determine whether sentence
length could account for the memorability of the comments and
entertainment news. A 2 (category)×3 (text type) between-
group ANOVA was performed on the word counts for all
stimuli. The interaction was not significant, F(2, 1182) 00.57,
p> .05. However, we did find a significant main effect for
category, with higher word counts for breaking news (M0
11.97, SD 05.07) than for entertainment news (M011.06,
SD04.84), F(1, 1182) 013.14, p< .001, as well as a significant
main effect for text type (headline, M07.79, SD 01.93, vs.
sentence, M014.51, SD 04.48, vs. comment, M0
12.17, SD 05.21), F(2, 1182) 0270.26, p< .001, with head-
lines having the lowest word count scores overall, and sentences
from articles having the highest. In other words, word length is
unlikely to be an explanation for the memorability differences,
because the best-remembered stimuli were intermediate in length.
One might think that the greater memorability of the less
formal writing might result from the use of words that are more
commonly encountered in daily life. The memory literature,
however, suggests that low-frequency words (e.g., acrobat)are
remembered better than high-frequency words (e.g., house)on
recognition memory tests (e.g., Glanzer & Bowles, 1976).
Nonetheless, we examined whether word frequency differen-
ces might account for the differences in memorability. Using
the Corpus of Contemporary American English (http://corpus., we compared the rates of low-frequency words
in headlines, comments, and sentences. Low-frequency words
were here defined as those not falling within the top 3,000
words in the corpus. A 2 (category)×3 (text type) between-
group ANOVA was performed on the percentages of words
categorized as low-frequency for all stimuli. The means are
showninTable1. A main effect of category emerged, with
entertainment news using more low-frequency words than did
breaking news, F(1, 1182) 021.53, p< .001. We also found a
main effect of text type, F(2, 1182) 0174.91, p< .001, with
headlines having the highest number of low-frequency words.
The Category × Text Type interaction was not significant, F(2,
1182) 01.60, p0.202. While we did find word frequency
differences, they cannot account for the observed advantage of
the comments, which actually, as one might expect, had rela-
tively few memorable low-frequency words, being very simi-
lar on that dimension to the poorly remembered sentences.
The comments, similar to the Facebook posts in the earlier
experiments, were remembered exceptionally well, especial-
ly relative to the breaking news headlines and sentences
from the breaking news and entertainment articles. Their
completeness of ideas (as also found in headlines) could
contribute to, but not fully explain, the memorability of
microblogs. Likewise, the more gossipy nature of
Facebook posts (as also captured in entertainment news)
could contribute to, but also not fully account for, the
memorability of microblogs. It seems likely that both of
these characteristics partially contribute to the memorability
of microblogs. That is, the natural emanations of the human
mind (as expressed in microblogs) are gossipy and have an
element of completeness to them.
General discussion
In this article, we introduced and investigated a new phe-
nomenonthe incredible memorability of microblogsand
explored several potential mechanisms for this effect. The
results from the first experiment suggested that memory for
Facebook posts is remarkably strong, significantly stronger
than that observed either for sentences drawn from pub-
lished books or for faces. The second experiment showed
that this effect was not due to the Facebook posts naturally
producing deep social encoding; when people were asked to
do just such deep social encoding, it enhanced memorability
just as much for the Facebook posts as for the book senten-
ces. If the advantage of the posts were due to people, or at
least some reasonable fraction of them, already doing such
social encoding, telling them to do so would have had a
relatively small effect, not the large effect that was demon-
strated. In the final experiment, we tested three factors that
could contribute to the superiority of the posts and found
some evidence for each. Text that is designed to be complete
is indeed remembered better, as was shown by the superior-
ity, in memorability, of headlines over sentences drawn from
the bodies of CNN articles. More gossipy text also seems
Table 1 Average proportions
(with standard deviations) of
low-frequency words per text
type in Experiment 3
Text Type Breaking News Entertainment News Both News Types
Comments .16 (.13) .21 (.15) .18 (.14)
Headlines .34 (.18) .40 (.19) .37 (.19)
Sentences .19 (.12) .21 (.13) .20 (.13)
All text types .23 (.16) .27 (.18) .25 (.18)
Mem Cogn
advantaged, with text drawn from entertainment news
beating text drawn from breaking news. Finally, it also
seems that sentences written casually by lay people,
without professional, or perhaps any, editing, are espe-
cially readily remembered, as evidenced by the memora-
bility of the comments posted at the ends of entertainment
and news articles.
Related to this idea that casually generated language may
be remembered better, Keenan, MacWhinney, and Mayhew
(1977) examined memory for conversational sentences
uttered by people who participants either did or did not know,
and that had high or low interactive content (i.e., sentences
whose meaning relied, or did not rely, on knowledge of the
specific speakers intentions with regard to the particular
listener), using taped lunchroom conversations. The authors
concluded that conversational sentences were remembered
better when people knew the speaker and when the sentences
were high in interactional content. The memory strength of the
Facebook posts and article comments isnot exactly parallel, as
participants were unlikely to know any of the authors, and so
could not tie the utterances to other details of their originators.
However, both the posts and commentsand, to some extent,
the entertainment stories and headlinesdo have a conversa-
tional, spontaneous tone (microblogging is, after all, part way
to virtual chatting), and thus may not be entirely unrelated to
hearing personal details from people whom one knows.
Further research would be needed to determine whether this
phenomenon applies to all social media (e.g., tweets or text
messages), and even whether it applies to notes that one writes
oneself, such as diary entries.
Many may consider the Facebook postings and article
comments to be vacuous, narcissistic, or vapid, but they are
thoughts that their writers considered worth sharing. A
philosophical treatise by Immanuel Kant may be more pro-
found, and more edifying to remember, than the average
Facebook post or article comment, but his writings may not
be tuned so precisely to what our minds effortlessly encode.
These especially memorable Facebook posts and reader
comments, generated by ordinary people, may be far closer
than professionally crafted sentences to tapping into the
basic language capacities of our minds. Perhaps the very
sentences that are so effortlessly generated are, for that
reason, the same ones that are readily remembered. Some
sentencesand, most likely, those without careful editing,
polishing, and perfectingare naturally more mind-ready.
The advantage of entertainment over news, as well as the
advantages of Facebook posts over book sentences and of
comments over the headlines and text of articles, may reflect
such a status. Perhaps these effortlessly occurring proclama-
tions help foster social belongingness that may extend to
online communities. As a result, this type of shared infor-
mation does have a privileged status and is remembered
more readily (Nairne & Pandeirada, 2010).
It seems that, with the growth of blogging, text messag-
ing, and the like, written language has moved closer to
natural speech, with less editing and contemplation than
was needed not only when the writing was done by monks
with goose-feather quills or by Gutenberg with moveable
type, but even when it is done by authors sitting patiently at
their own keyboards. In Japan, several top-selling novels
were written in the form of a series of cellphone text mes-
sages (
20japan.html). In television, likewise, realityprogram-
ming has been on the increase, moving away from careful
scripting and plotting to something close to what humans
naturally put out, and so perhaps just as naturally take in.
In education, spoken lectures have long been viewed as a
useful adjunct to written texts, even when the latter have
been more polished, thoughtful, and complete. Consistent
with our findings, the nature of the communication may
make the information more memorable, with the professor
generating natural speech. Perhaps, though, textbooks writ-
ten as tweets would render the faculty obsolete.
Author note We thank J. T. Wixted for his comments on this work,
as well as Travis Seale-Carlisle, Kim Huynh, Johanna McElfresh,
Michelle Niku, Katelyn Steele, Lisa Teachanarong, Brenda Wu, and
Allison Yee for data collection.
Appendix: Sample stimuli
Facebook Posts
i am 7,689 days old...
The library is a place to study, not to talk on your phone
My math professor told me that I was one of his brightest
Love clean sheets :)
Bc sometimes it makes me wonder
Sentences From Books
How did he end up in this family?
Underneath the mass of facial hair beamed a large smile.
Even honor had its limits.
Cody raised his .40 Sig Sauer in a shooters grip.
My throat was burning from screaming so loudly.
CNN Breaking News Headlines
Sixth person dies after stage collapse at Indiana State Fair
EU panel calls for embargo on Syrian oil as reports of
deaths mount
Justice Department charges 91 in $295 million Medicare
fraud scheme
Mem Cogn
CNN Breaking News Sentences
Americans respond to decisiveness.
At least 29 deaths were reported from a defiant outpouring
of mass demonstrations Friday.
He was arrested Thursday and was taken before federal
investigators for interrogation.
CNN Breaking News Comments
I am an unemployed teacher in the deep south.
Attacking schoolchildren and funerals. Yep, thatsthe
brave Taliban, alright.
I told you so, but never listen going again to the wrong
CNN Entertainment Headlines
Housewivesstar Michaele Salahi assures deputy shes
not kidnapped
Netflix now enforcing streaming limit
Phish to host benefit for Vermont flood victims
CNN Entertainment Sentences
Ryan ONeal attended the hearing Wednesday, but did
not address the court.
The actor attributes his burst of heroism to feeling limber.
We believe at one point, he even breaks out the running
CNN Entertainment Comments
Is this lady really a model? Wow she looks awful!
No talent hack, I should feed him to the lizards.
We will never forget that day and how it changed our
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Mem Cogn
... As has been observed in other contexts (Walker et al., 2013), participants demonstrated a robust bias toward recording positive events over negative and neutral events. If people use social media in a way that is similar to how participants used the app in Konrad et al.'s study, then it would seem that they are at little risk of disrupting memory processes that facilitate positive recollection. ...
... The online transmission of information is inherently social, with users commenting on stories and sharing them on social media websites. This social aspect may cause information shared online to be particularly memorable (Mickes et al., 2013;Reysen & Adair, 2008). Mickes et al. (2013), for example, found that participants remembered social media posts more accurately than comparable sentences from books, an effect they attributed in part to the social, gossipy nature of social media posts. ...
... This social aspect may cause information shared online to be particularly memorable (Mickes et al., 2013;Reysen & Adair, 2008). Mickes et al. (2013), for example, found that participants remembered social media posts more accurately than comparable sentences from books, an effect they attributed in part to the social, gossipy nature of social media posts. Memorable information can also be mistaken for true information. ...
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Digital technologies have changed the everyday use of human memory. When information is saved or made readily available online, there is less need to encode or maintain access to that information within the biological structures of memory. People increasingly depend on the Internet and various digital devices to learn and remember, but the implications and consequences of this dependence remain largely unknown. The present chapter provides an overview of research to date on memory in the digital age. It focuses in particular on issues related to transactive memory, cognitive offloading, photo taking, social media use, and learning in the classroom.
... When applied within the context of obtaining information from a media source, several factors determine how misinformation presented by the media can affect false memory, including media types and media credibility (Fenn et al., 2014), emotions prompted by the information (Porter et al., 2010), and language (Mickes et al., 2013). With regard to media credibility, a previous study found that the lower the credibility of the media, the lower the possibility that misinformation will lead to false memory (Zhu, Chen, Loftus, Lin, & Dong, 2010). ...
... Media information taken from the Internet can be considered credible when it lists its information sources. By contrast, media information is not considered credible when its statements are inaccurate, contain gossip content, and have no clear source (Mickes et al., 2013). Previous studies on the credibility of social media and news portals as a source of information in relation to false memory have generated conflicting results. ...
... Fenn et al. (2014) sought the influence of Twitter on false memory and found that false information displayed through Twitter had low credibility, thus decreasing the occurrence of false memory. On the other hand, research conducted by Mickes et al. (2013) suggested that news (posts) on social media has a gossipy nature and illustrates the production of spontaneous thought, implying that the information is easier to integrate with existing memories and thus increases the prevalence of false memory. The difference in results between these two studies shows that the credibility of social media as a source of information remains inconsistent. ...
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This study examined the influence of credibility and .language in Internet-based media on false memory. A randomized factorial 2 (media credibility) × 2 (language) experimental design was conducted with 106 college students. The two groups of media credibility consisted of social media (LINE) and non-social media (, while media language consisted of formal and informal language. A confidence test was used to measure false memory. A two-factor ANOVA showed that media credibility significantly affects false memory. Participants in the group were more confident in the information received and had greater false memory than the LINE group. However, no significant effect of language was found, and no significant interaction effect between media credibility and language on false memory was found. This study suggests that individuals should be cautious when reading information on non-social media platforms, as individuals tend to place more confidence on the source, leading to greater false memory.
... Nevertheless, Mickes et al. (2013) found that younger adults had a robust memory for social media content. In their study, college-aged participants were presented with faces, book sentences, or Facebook posts. ...
... However, Mickes et al. (2013) did not examine the impact of knowing the source of the items. In their study, all items were presented without any source identifiers (i.e., as typed sentences). ...
... In the present study, we extended Mickes et al.'s (2013) findings by including an older adult sample and by examining source memory. The aging sample allowed us to address questions such as the importance of prior experience with social media, the role of controlled processes (Craik & Byrd, 1982), and the role of schematic/semantic support (Umanath & Marsh, 2014). ...
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Background: Social media content is well-remembered, possibly because of its personal relevance and gossipy nature. It is unclear whether the mnemonic advantage of social media extends to a population less familiar with these platforms and whether knowing the content is from social media sources influences memory. This study examined how the presentation of news-like content in social media affected both item and source memory across two age groups. Younger adults (n = 42) and older adults (n = 32) studied tweets and news headlines that appeared in the format of Twitter posts or CNN headlines - these items were designed to be either congruent (e.g., tweets formatted as Twitter posts) or incongruent (e.g., tweets formatted as CNN headlines). Results: For item memory, both age groups correctly recognized tweets more than headlines. Source identification was more accurate when format and content were congruent than incongruent. Signal detection analyses indicated that the source advantage for congruent items was largely driven by a bias to select the format that matched the content's original source and that this tendency was stronger in older adults. Conclusions: These results replicate previous literature on the mnemonic advantage of social media content. Although both younger and older adults remembered the content of social media better than the content of news sources, older adults were more sensitive than younger adults to congruency effects in source memory. These findings suggest that older adults rely more on their prior knowledge of conventional language and style in traditional and social media.
... When consuming true, personal information via social media, the relevant evidence suggests that social media enhances recognition of the information. For example, in two experiments, Mickes et al. (2013) found that when information came from a Facebook post (i.e., crafted specifically for Facebook, although not presented as coming from Facebook), individuals had better recognition of this information than human faces or when the information came from a book. In a third experiment, the researchers compared recognition for breaking news and entertainment news in terms of comments about the news, headlines, and sentences from an online article. ...
... Second, the type of information matters. When individuals consume and produce personal information, the mnemonic consequences appear to mirror those associated with conversations: enhanced recall of consumed and produced memories (e.g., Mickes et al., 2013;Wang et al., 2016) and induced forgetting of related but unshared memories (C.L. Wong and C.B. Stone (unpublished data)). Alternatively, when the information is public in nature, recall is diminished (e.g., Jiang et al., 2016;Sparrow et al., 2011). ...
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Social media has become one of the most powerful and ubiquitous means by which individuals curate, share, and communicate information with their friends, family, and the world at large. Indeed, 90% of the American adolescents are active social media users, as well as 65% of American adults (Perrin, 2015; see also Duggan & Brenner, 2013). Despite this, psychologists are only beginning to understand the mnemonic consequences associated with social media use. In this article, we will distill this nascent literature by focusing on two primary factors: the type of information (personal vs. public) and the role (producer vs. consumer) individuals play when engaging with social media. In particular, we will highlight research examining induced forgetting for personal information as well as false memories and truthiness for public information. We will end by providing some tentative conclusions and a discussion of areas in need of additional research that will provide a more holistic understanding of the mnemonic consequences associated with social media use.
... In addition to sharing information (e.g., what is in the news), individuals post their moment-to-moment whereabouts and trivial ephemera. Compared with traditional blogging, microblogging is a faster, more convenient, and more palatable way of communicating with others (Auxier and Anderson 2021; Dean 2021), and information shared in microblogs is particularly memorable to the virtual audience (Mickes et al 2013). With the growing trend towards mobile web browsing, personal status updates in microblogs have become an extremely popular form for individuals to share their everyday lived experiences online. ...
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I propose a triangular theory of self to characterise the sense of selfhood in the era of social media. According to the theory, the self in the social media era comprises the represented self that is located in the private mind of the person, the registered self that is presented on social media platforms, and the inferred self that is constructed by the virtual audience. The three components of the self interact in dynamic ways to constitute a sense of selfhood and identity specific to the social media era. Autobiographical memory plays a critical role in the development and maintenance of these components. The triangular theory of self introduces new ways to understand and study memory and self in a digitally mediated world.
... Frequent exchange of information online with others or in groups may further result in selective remembering and forgetting, memory contamination, and false memory (Murphy et al. 2019). On the other hand, information received on social networks such as Facebook is often gossipy, casually generated, and about complete stand-alone ideas, and as a result it is tuned to the human mind and particularly memorable (Mickes et al. 2013). Importantly, the mnemonic consequences of the Internet may depend on whether the target information is of a personal or nonpersonal nature (Stone & Wang 2019). ...
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Human memory, as a product of the mind and brain, is inherently private and personal. Yet, arising from the interaction between the organism and its ecology in the course of phylogeny and ontogeny, human memory is also profoundly collective and cultural. In this review, I discuss the cultural foundation of human memory. I start by briefly reflecting on the conception of memory against a historical and cultural background. I then detail a model of a culturally saturated mnemonic system in which cultural elements constitute and condition various processes of remembering, focusing on memory representation, perceptual encoding, memory function, memory reconstruction, memory expression, and memory socialization. Then I discuss research on working memory, episodic memory, and autobiographical memory as examples that further demonstrate how cultural elements shape the processes and consequences of remembering and lay the foundation for human memory. I conclude by outlining some important future directions in memory research. Expected final online publication date for the Annual Review of Psychology, Volume 72 is January 4, 2021. Please see for revised estimates.
... The popularity of social media makes it increasingly important to understand how engaging with this type of media shapes cognition. Previous research suggests that memory for social media content is high among the general population: Memory for Facebook microblogs is significantly higher than memory for sentences from books, news headlines, and even human faces (Mickes et al., 2013). The popularity of health-and dieting-related content on Instagram in particular emphasizes the importance of understanding how the act of viewing and interacting with these images impacts the viewer. ...
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Background: Social media is an increasingly popular outlet for leisure and social interaction. On many social media platforms, the user experience involves commenting on or responding to user-generated content, such as images of cats, food, and people. In two experiments, we examined how the act of commenting on social media images impacts subsequent memory of those images, using Instagram posts as a test case. This project was inspired by recent findings of laboratory studies of conversation which found that describing a picture for a conversational partner boosts recognition memory for those images. Here we aimed to understand how this finding translates to the more ecologically valid realm of social media interactions. A second motivation for the study was the popularity of food- and dieting-related content on Instagram and prior findings that use of Instagram in particular is associated with disordered eating behaviors. Results: Across two experiments, we observed that commenting on Instagram posts consistently boosted subsequent recognition and that correct recognition increased with comment length. Stable individual differences in recognition memory were observed, and "unhealthy" food images such as chocolates were particularly well remembered; however, these memory findings did not relate to self-reported eating behavior. Conclusions: Taken together, our findings show that the way in which we engage with social media content shapes subsequent memory of it, raising new questions about how our online lives persist in memory over time, potentially shaping future behavior.
... Online technologies have altered the way we conceive, deploy, and measure learning experiences significantly (Mickes et al., 2013). Students can access and interact with numerous learning resources and co-learners around the globe. ...
Online social learning is a prevalent pedagogical tool, enabling learners across all ages and cultures to learn together. Educators, policy-makers, and international organizations such as the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) stress the need to assess collaborative learning systematically. However, the systematic assessment of large online groups’ collaboration is still in its infancy. In this chapter, we suggest perceiving social learning through the lens of interaction networks between learners and content. Based on well-accepted learning theories, we demonstrate the harnessing of digital traces of online discussions to the assessment of social learning, at both the individual and the group levels. Practically, our contribution is to suggest a network analysis point of view for the assessment of the performance and design of learning communities. Our proposed methodology can be used by instructors to open-up the black box of collaborative learning, to be able to equip learners with twenty-first-century skill-set.
... People's appetite for social information has led some to suggest that smartphones induce hypernatural social monitoring (Veissière & Stendel, 2018) and others to observe that information on social media crowds out other kinds of information in memory (Mickes et al., 2013). Where people do not have strong ideological convictions otherwise, social information can lead to herding and undermine collective wisdom (Asch, 1955;Lorenz, Rauhut, Schweitzer, & Helbing, 2011;Raafat, Chater, & Frith, 2009). ...
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There are well-understood psychological limits on our capacity to process information. As information proliferation-the consumption and sharing of information-increases through social media and other communications technology, these limits create an attentional bottleneck, favoring information that is more likely to be searched for, attended to, comprehended, encoded, and later reproduced. In information-rich environments, this bottleneck influences the evolution of information via four forces of cognitive selection, selecting for information that is belief-consistent, negative, social, and predictive. Selection for belief-consistent information leads balanced information to support increasingly polarized views. Selection for negative information amplifies information about downside risks and crowds out potential benefits. Selection for social information drives herding, impairs objective assessments, and reduces exploration for solutions to hard problems. Selection for predictive patterns drives overfitting, the replication crisis, and risk seeking. This article summarizes the negative implications of these forces of cognitive selection and presents eight warnings that represent severe pitfalls for the naive "informavore," accelerating extremism, hysteria, herding, and the proliferation of misinformation.
In order to explain how ignorance is diffused in online communities, which are sophisticated cognitive niches, in this chapter I aim at discussing their cognitive and epistemic features and at presenting them as virtual cognitive niches. Specifically, I will describe virtual cognitive niches as digitally-encoded collaborative distributions of diverse types of information into an environment, performed by human agents, to aid thinking and reasoning about two target domains, both in the real-world and in the virtual reality. Moreover, I will argue that they enable the users of online communities to build “imagined communities” (Anderson 1987) and to distribute particular sets of affordances—specifically what Nagy and Neff (2015) call “imagined affordances”, which are the combination of users’ perceptions, attitudes and expectations over the functionality of a particular technology.
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Over the past two decades, an abundance of evidence has shown that individuals typically rely on semantic summary knowledge when making trait judgments about self and others (for reviews, see Klein, 2004; Klein, Robertson, Gangi, & Loftus, 2008). But why form trait summaries if one can consult the original episodes on which the summary was based? Conversely, why retain episodes after having abstracted a summary representation from them? Are there functional reasons to have trait information represented in two different, independently retrievable databases? Evolution does not produce new phenotypic systems that are complex and functionally organized by chance. Such systems acquire their functional organization because they solved some evolutionarily recurrent problems for the organism. In this article we explore some of the functional properties of episodic memory. Specifically, in a series of studies we demonstrate that maintaining a database of episodic memories enables its owner to reevaluate an individual's past behavior in light of new information, sometimes drastically changing one's impression in the process. We conclude that some of the most important functions of episodic memory have to do with its role in human social interaction.
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Conversation is a uniquely human phenomenon. Analyses of freely forming conversations indicate that approximately two thirds of conversation time is devoted to social topics, most of which can be given the generic label gossip. This article first explores the origins of gossip as a mechanism for bonding social groups, tracing these origins back to social grooming among primates. It then asks why social gossip in this sense should form so important a component of human interaction and presents evidence to suggest that, aside from servicing social networks, a key function may be related explicitly to controlling free riders. Finally, the author reviews briefly the role of social cognition in facilitating conversations of this kind. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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This paper briefly reviews the evidence for multistore theories of memory and points out some difficulties with the approach. An alternative framework for human memory research is then outlined in terms of depth or levels of processing. Some current data and arguments are reexamined in the light of this alternative framework and implications for further research considered.
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Memory researchers traditionally ignore function in favor of largely structural analyses. For example, it is well known that forming a visual image improves retention, and various proximate mechanisms have been proposed to account for the advantage (e.g., elaboration of the memory trace), but next to nothing is known about why memory evolved such sensitivities. Why did nature craft a memory system that is sensitive to imagery or the processing of meaning? Functional analyses are critical to progress in memory research for two main reasons: First, as in applied research, functional analyses provide the necessary criteria for measuring progress; second, there are good reasons to believe that modern cognitive processes continue to bear the imprint of ancestral selection pressures (i.e., cognitive systems are functionally designed). We review empirical evidence supporting the idea that memory evolved to enhance reproductive fitness; as a consequence, to maximize retention in basic and applied settings it is useful to develop encoding techniques that are congruent with the natural design of memory systems.
The effects of sentence imageability were examined in a test of continuous recognition memory following meaningful orienting tasks which emphasized verbal or imagery encoding. The results showed that distractors changed in syntactic form were more accurately identified for abstract than for concrete sentences, while memory for meaning was equally accurate for both sentence types. The orienting task manipulation did not affect this pattern of results. These data extend previous reports (Begg and Paivio 1969) by demonstrating qualitative differences in memory for concrete and abstract sentences when full comprehension of the stimulus material is required. The results are consistent with the dual coding hypothesis (Paivio 1971) but not with propositional models of memory (Anderson and Bower 1973).
Carries out a general decision-theory analysis of the word-frequency effect in recognition memory. On the basis of the analysis and data from a forced-choice experiment with 48 undergraduates, 2 distinct causes of the frequency effect are defined. A more specific theory based on the ideas of encoding and sampling is then presented and evaluated. Several implications of the theory are considered, including implications for the resolution of the recognition-recall frequency paradox. (30 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Detection Theory is an introduction to one of the most important tools for analysis of data where choices must be made and performance is not perfect. Originally developed for evaluation of electronic detection, detection theory was adopted by psychologists as a way to understand sensory decision making, then embraced by students of human memory. It has since been utilized in areas as diverse as animal behavior and X-ray diagnosis. This book covers the basic principles of detection theory, with separate initial chapters on measuring detection and evaluating decision criteria. Some other features include: complete tools for application, including flowcharts, tables, pointers, and software;. student-friendly language;. complete coverage of content area, including both one-dimensional and multidimensional models;. separate, systematic coverage of sensitivity and response bias measurement;. integrated treatment of threshold and nonparametric approaches;. an organized, tutorial level introduction to multidimensional detection theory;. popular discrimination paradigms presented as applications of multidimensional detection theory; and. a new chapter on ideal observers and an updated chapter on adaptive threshold measurement. This up-to-date summary of signal detection theory is both a self-contained reference work for users and a readable text for graduate students and other researchers learning the material either in courses or on their own. © 2005 by Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc. All rights reserved.
Sentence processing in the context of natural, purposeful communication is said to differ from sentence processing in laboratory experiments in that pragmatic information is involved. Included in pragmatic information are the speaker's intentions, beliefs, and attitude toward the listener; such information is referred to as the interactional content of an utterance. Recognition memory for statements made during a luncheon discussion group was tested in an incidental learning paradigm following a retention interval of 30 hours. Statements which were high in interactional content yielded excellent memory for surface form, as well as meaning; statements low in interactional content showed no memory for surface form, and less memory for content. Three control studies demonstrate that this difference in memory for high and low interactional content statements cannot be due to (a) differences in the textual properties of the sentences; (b) differences in the quality of the distractors; or (c) reconstruction based on knowledge of the speaker's stylistic habits.
This study investigated the relations between topic interest, cognitive characteristics, variables of the reading process, and free recall of expository text. Eighty male university students were presented with a text on “Psychology of Communication.” Prior to reading the text, general intelligence, prior knowledge, and topic interest were assessed. The results revealed that topic interest was significantly related to recall of idea units, elaborations, and main ideas. In addition, interest was significantly related to the sequence of recalled main ideas. The relations between interest and the various indicators of recall were independent of prior knowledge and intelligence. Topic interest, but neither prior knowledge nor intelligence, was significantly related to variables of the reading process (e.g., arousal). However, no evidence was found that these variables mediate substantial parts of the effect of topic interest on recall.